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CHRISTINA  OF  DENMARK 
DUCHESS  OF  MILAN  AND  LORRAINE 

1522— 1590 


CHRISTINA  OF  DENMARK 

DUCHESS  OF  MILAN  AND 

LORRAINE 

1522-1590 


BY  JULIA  CARTWRIGHT 
(MRS.    ADY) 

AUTHOR    OF    "ISABELLA    d'ESTE,"    "  BALDASSARRE    CASTIGLIONE, 
"THE    PAINTERS   OF    FLORENCE,"    ETC. 


"  Dieu,  qu'il  la  fait  bon  regarder, 
La  gracieuse,  bonne  et  belle  ! 
Pour  les  grans  biens  qui  sont  en  elle, 
Chacun  est  prest  de  la  louer. 

Qui  se  pourrait  d'elle  lasser  ? 
Toujours  sa  beaute  renouvelle. 
Dieu,  qu'il  la  fait  bon  regarder, 
La  gracieuse,  bonne  et  belle  ! 

Par  de^a,  ne  dela  la  mer, 
Ne  sqay  Dame  ne  Damoiselle  ' 
Qui  soit  en  tons  biens  parfais  telle  ; 
C'est  un  songe  que  d'y  penser, 

Dieu,  qu'il  la  fait  bon  regarder  !" 

Charles  d'Okleaks 


NEW  YORK 

E.  P.  BUTTON  AND  COMPANY 

1913 


11 

C5 


PREFACE 

Christina  of  Denmark  is  known  to  the  world  by 
Holbein's  famous  portrait  in  the  National  Gallery. 
The  great  Court  painter,  who  was  sent  to  Brussels 
by  Henry  VHI.  to  take  the  likeness  of  the  Emperor's 
niece,  did  his  work  well.  With  unerring  skill  he  has 
rendered  the  "  singular  good  countenance,"  the  clear 
brown  eyes  with  their  frank,  honest  gaze,  the  smile 
hovering  about  "  the  faire  red  hps,"  the  slender 
fingers  of  the  nervously  clasped  hands,  which  Bran- 
tome  and  his  royal  mistress,  Catherine  de'  Medici, 
thought  "  the  most  beautiful  hands  in  the  world." 
And  in  a  wonderful  way  he  has  caught  the  subtle 
charm  of  the  young  Duchess's  personality,  and  made 
it  live  on  his  canvas.  What  wonder  that  Henry  fell 
in  love  with  the  picture,  and  vowed  that  he  would  have 
the  Duchess,  if  she  came  to  him  without  a  farthing ! 
But  for  all  these  brave  words  the  masterful  Kine's 
wooing  failed.  The  ghost  of  his  wronged  wife, 
Katharine  of  Aragon,  the  smoke  of  plundered  abbeys, 
and  the  blood  of  martyred  friars,  came  between  him 
and  his  destined  bride,  and  Christina  was  never 
numbered  in  the  roll  of  Henry  VHI.'s  wives.  This 
splendid,  if  perilous,  adventure  was  denied  her.  But 
many  strange  experiences  marked  the  course  of  her 
chequered  life,  and  neither  beauty  nor  virtue  could 
save  her  from  the  shafts  of  envious  Fortune.     Her 


ZHIZI?) 


vi  PREFACE 

troubles  began  from  the  cradle.  When  she  was  little 
more  than  a  year  old,  her  father,  King  Christian  II., 
was  deposed  by  his  subjects,  and  her  mother,  the 
gentle  Isabella  of  Austria,  died  in  exile  of  a  broken 
heart.  She  lost  her  first  husband,  Francesco  Sforza, 
at  the  end  of  eighteen  months.  Her  second  husband, 
Francis  Duke  of  Lorraine,  died  in  1545,  leaving  her  once 
more  a  widow  at  the  age  of  twenty- three .  H  er  only  son 
was  torn  from  her  arms  while  still  a  boy  by  a  foreign 
invader,  Henry  II.,  and  she  herself  was  driven  into 
exile.  Seven  years  later  she  was  deprived  of  the 
regency  of  the  Netherlands,  just  when  the  coveted 
prize  seemed  within  her  grasp,  and  the  last  days  of 
her  existence  were  embittered  by  the  greed  and 
injustice  of  her  cousin,  Philip  II. 

Yet,  in  spite  of  hard  blows  and  cruel  losses,  Christina's 
life  was  not  all  unhappy.  The  blue  bird — the  symbol 
of  perpetual  happiness  in  the  faery  lore  of  her  own 
Lorraine — may  have  eluded  her  grasp,  but  she  filled 
a  great  position  nobly,  and  tasted  some  of  the  deepest 
and  truest  of  human  joys.  Men  and  women  of  all 
descriptions  adored  her,  and  she  had  a  genius  for 
friendship  which  survived  the  charms  of  youth  and 
endured  to  her  dying  day.  A  woman  of  strong 
affections  and  resolute  will,  she  inherited  a  consider- 
able share  of  the  aptitude  for  government  that  dis- 
tinguished the  women  of  the  Habsburg  race.  Her 
relationship  with  Charles  V.  and  residence  at  the 
Court  of  Brussels  brought  her  into  close  connection 
with  political  events  during  the  long  struggle  with 
France,  and  it  was  in  a  great  measure  due  to  her 
exertions  that  the  peace  which  ended  this  Sixty  Years' 
War  was  finally  concluded  at  Cateau-Cambresis  in 
1559. 


PREFACE  vii 

Holbein's  Duchess,  it  is  evident,  was  a  striking 
figure,  and  her  Ufe  deserves  more  attention  than  it 
has  hitherto  received.  Brantome  honoured  her  with 
a  place  in  his  gallery  of  fair  ladies,  and  the  sketch 
which  he  has  drawn,  although  inaccurate  in  many- 
details,  remains  true  in  its  main  outhnes.  But  with 
this  exception  Christina's  history  has  never  yet  been 
written.  The  chief  sources  from  which  her  biography 
is  drawn  are  the  State  Archives  of  Milan  and  Brussels, 
supplemented  by  documents  in  the  Record  Office, 
the  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  the  Biblioteca  Zelada 
near  Pavia,  and  the  extremely  interesting  collection 
of  Guise  letters  in  the  Balcarres  Manuscripts,  which  has 
been  preserved  in  the  Advocates'  Library  at  Edin- 
burgh. A  considerable  amount  of  information,  as 
will  be  seen  from  the  Bibliography  at  the  end  of  this 
volume,  has  been  collected  from  contemporary 
memoirs,  from  the  histories  of  Bucholtz  and  Henne, 
and  the  voluminous  correspondence  of  Cardinal 
Granvelle  and  Philip  II.,  as  well  as  from  Tudor, 
Spanish,  and  Venetian  State  Papers. 

In  conclusion,  I  have  to  acknowledge  the  kind 
help  which  I  have  received  in  my  researches  from 
Monsignor  Rodolfo  Maiocchi,  Rector  of  the  Borromeo 
College  at  Pavia,  from  Signor  O.  F.  Tencajoli,  and 
from  the  keepers  of  Enghsh  and  foreign  archives, 
among  whom  I  must  especially  name  Signor  Achille 
Giussani,  of  the  Archivio  di  Stato  at  Milan,  Monsieur 
Gaillard,  Director  of  the  Brussels  Archives,  and  Mr. 
Hubert  Hall.  My  sincere  thanks  are  due  to  Count 
Antonio  Cavagna  Sangiuliani  for  giving  me  permission 
to  make  use  of  manuscripts  in  his  library  at  Zelada; 
to  Monsieur  Leon  Cardon  for  leave  to  reproduce  four 
of  the  Habsburg  portraits  in  his  fine  collection  at 


viii  PREFACE 

Brussels;  and  to  Mr.  Henry  Oppenheimer  for  allowing 
me  to  publish  his  beautiful  and  unique  medal  of 
the  Duchess  of  Milan.  I  must  also  thank  Sir  Kenneth 
Mackenzie  and  the  Trustees  of  the  Advocates'  Library 
for  permission  to  print  a  selection  from  the  Balcarres 
Manuscripts,  and  Mr.  Campbell  Dodgson  and  Mr.  G.  F. 
Hill  for  the  kindness  with  which  they  have  placed 
the  treasures  of  the  British  Museum  at  my  disposal. 
Lastly,  a  debt  of  gratitude,  which  I  can  never  suffi- 
ciently express,  is  due  to  Dr.  Hagb erg- Wright  and  the 
staff  of  the  London  Library  for  the  invaluable  help 
which  they  have  given  me  in  this,  as  in  all  my  other 

works. 

JULIA   CARTWRIGHT. 

OCKHAM, 

Midsummer  Day,  1913. 


CONTENTS 


BOOK  I 

OF  Christina  :  1507 — 15 14 


PAGE 

Isabella  of  Austria,  Queen  of  Denmark,  the  Mother 


BOOK  II 

Christian    II.,     King    of    Denmark,    the    Father    of 

Christina:  1513— 1523       -  -  -  -  -      17 


BOOK  III 
Kings  in  Exile:  1523— 1531     -  -  -  -  -      36 

BOOK  IV 
Christina,  Duchess  of  Milan  :  1533 — 1535  -  -      71 

BOOK  V 

The  Widow  of  Milan:  1535— 1538    -  -  -  -     iii 

BOOK  VI 

The  Courtship  of  Henry  VIII. :  1537— 1539  -  -     144 

BOOK  VII 
Cleves,  Orange,  and  Lorraine:  1539—1541  ■  207 

BOOK  VIII 

Christina,  Duchess  of  Lorraine  :  1541 — 1545       -  -    256 


X  CONTENTS 

BOOK  IX 

Christina,  Regent  of  Lorraine:  1545 — 1552         -  -    298 


PAGK 


BOOK  X 

The  French  Invasion:  1551— 1553    -  -  -  -    354 

BOOK  XI 

Christina  at  Brussels:  1553— 1559  -  -  -382 

BOOK  XII 
The  Peace  of  Cateau-Cambresis  :  1557—1559        -  -    419 

BOOK  XIII 
The  Return  to  Lorraine:  1559— 1578        -  -  -    450 

BOOK  XIV 

The  Lady  of  Tortona  :  1578— 1590   -  -  -  -    496 

Appendix:   A  Selection  of  Unpublished  Documents  -  516 

Bibliography  -  -  -  -  -  -  528 

Genealogical  Tables  -  -  -  -  -  -  533 

Index       -  ...  .  .  .  -  541 


LIST   OF    ILLUSTRATIONS 


TO  FACE  PAGE 

Christina  of  Denmark,  Duchess  of  Milan    Frontispiece 
By  Holbein  (National  Gallery). 

Charles  V.  ------         4 

By  B.  VAN  Orley  (Cardon  Collection,  Brussels). 

Eleanor  of  Austria         -  -  -  -  -         6 

By  B.  VAN  Orley  (Cardon  Collection,  Brussels). 

Isabella  of  Austria,  Queen  of  Denmark        -  -       12 

By  B.  VAN  Orley. 

Christian  II.,  King  of  Denmark  -  -  -       3° 

London  Library. 

The  Children  of  Christian  II.,  King  of  Denmark  -       54 
By  Jean  Mabdse  (Hampton  Court  Palace). 

Francesco  Sforza,  Duke  of  Milan       -  -  -       92 

British  Museum. 

Christina,  Duchess  of  Milan    -  -  -  -       92 

Oppenheimer  Collection,  London. 

Frederic,  Count  Palatine  -  -  -  -     106 

Ascribed  to  A.  DCrer  (Darmstadt). 

Mary,  Queen  of  Hungary  -  -  -  -     188 

By  B.  VAN  Orley  (Cardon  Collection,  Brussels). 

Grande  Porterie,  Palais  Ducal,  Nancy  -  -     260 

Charles  V.  -----  -     322 

By  Titian  (Munich). 


xii  LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 

TO  FACE  PAGE 

H6tel-de-Ville,  Brussels  ....     332 

S.  GuDULE,  Brussels        -  -  -  .  .     332 

Palais  Ducal,  Nancy       -----     364 

Philip  II.  and  Mary        -----     412 

By  Jacopo  da  Trezzo  (British  Museum). 

Antoine  Perrenot,  Cardinal  Granvelle         -  -    412 

By  Leone  Leoni  (British  Museum). 

Margaret,  Duchess  of  Parma    -  •  -  -     412 

By  Pastorino  (British  Museum). 

William,  Prince  of  Orange       ...  -     456 

By  Adriaan  Key  (Darmstadt). 

Mary,  Queen  of  Scots    -----     466 
By  Francois  Clodet  (Bibliotheque  Nationale,  Paris). 

Charles  III.,  Duke  of  Lorraine  -  -  -     472 

British  Museum. 

The  Three  Duchesses     -  -  -  -  -     508 

Prado,  Madrid. 


CHRISTINA    OF    DENMARK 


BOOK  I 

ISABELLA  OF  AUSTRL^,  QUEEN  OF  DENMARK, 
THE  MOTHER  OF  CHRISTINA 

1507— 1514 

I. 

The  19th  of  July,  1507,  was  a  memorable  day  in  the 
history  of  Malines.  A  solemn  requiem  Mass  was  sung 
that  morning  in  the  ancient  church  of  S.  Rombaut 
for  the  soul  of  Phihp,  King  of  Castille  and  Archduke 
of  Austria,  and,  by  right  of  his  mother,  Duke  of 
Burgundy  and  Count  of  Flanders  and  Brabant. 
The  news  of  this  young  monarch's  sudden  death  at 
Burgos  had  spread  consternation  throughout  the 
Netherlands,  where  the  handsome,  free-handed  Prince 
was  very  popular  with  the  subjects  who  enjoyed  peace 
and  prosperity  under  his  rule.  *'  Never,"  wrote  a 
contemporary  chronicler,  "  was  there  such  lamenta- 
tion made  for  any  King,  Duke,  or  Count,  as  for  our 
good  King  Philip.  There  was  no  church  or  monastery 
in  the  whole  land  where  solemn  Masses  were  not  said 
for  the  repose  of  his  soul,  and  the  mourning  was 
greatest  in  the  city  of  Antwerp,  where  all  the  people 
assembled  for  the  yearly  Fair  wept  over  this  noble 
young  Prince  who  had  died  at  the  age  of  twenty- 
eight."  ^  The  King's  corpse  was  laid  in  the  dark 
'  L.  Gachard,  "  Voyages  des  Souverains  des  Pays-Bas."  i.  455. 


2  ISABELLA  OF  AUSTRIA  [Bk.  I 

vaults  of  Miraflores,  where  his  widow,  the  unhappy 
Queen  J  nana,  kept  watch  by  her  husband's  grave 
night  and  day  ;  while,  in  obedience  to  his  last  wishes, 
his  heart  was  brought  to  the  Netherlands  and  buried 
in  his  mother's  tomb  at  Bruges.  Now  the  States- 
General  and  nobles  were  summoned  by  Margaret  of 
Austria,  the  newly-proclaimed  Governess  of  the 
Netherlands,  to  attend  her  brother's  funeral  at 
Malines. 

From  the  gates  of  the  Keyserhof,  through  the 
narrow  streets  of  the  old  Flemish  city,  the  long  pro- 
cession wound  its  way  :  Knights  of  the  Golden  Fleece, 
nobles,  deputies.  Bishops  and  clergy,  merchants, 
artisans,  and  beggars,  all  clad  in  deep  mourning. 
Twelve  heralds,  followed  by  a  crowd  of  gentlemen 
with  lighted  torches,  bore  the  armour  and  banners  of 
the  dead  King  to  the  portals  of  S.  Rombaut.  There 
an  immense  catafalque,  draped  with  cloth  of  gold 
and  blazing  with  wax  lights,  had  been  erected  in  the 
centre  of  the  nave.  Three  golden  crowns,  symbols  of 
the  three  realms  over  which  Philip  held  sway,  hung 
from  the  vault,  and  the  glittering  array  of  gold  and 
silver  images  on  the  high-altar  stood  out  against  the 
sable  draperies  on  the  walls.  A  funeral  oration  was 
pronounced  by  the  late  King's  confessor,  the  Bishop 
of  Arras  chanted  the  requiem  Mass,  and  when  the 
last  blessing  had  been  given,  Golden  Fleece  threw  his 
staff  on  the  floor,  crying:  "  The  King  is  dead  !""  At 
the  sound  of  these  thrice-repeated  words  the  heralds 
lowered  their  banners  to  the  ground,  and  there  was  a 
moment   of  profound    silence,   only   broken   by   the 

1  "Bulletins  de  la  Commission  Royale  d'Histoire,"  2'enie  s^rie, 
V.  113-119.  Jchan  Le  Maire,  "  Les  Funeraux  de  Feu  Don 
Philippe." 


July,  1507]    MARGARET  OF  AUSTRIA  3 

sound  of  weeping.  Then  Golden  Fleece  cried  in  a 
ringing  voice:  "Charles,  Archduke  of  Austria  !"  and 
all  eyes  were  turned  to  the  fair,  slender  boy,  who, 
robed  in  a  long  black  mantle,  knelt  alone  before  the 
altar.  "  My  lord  lives  !  long  may  he  live  !"  cried 
the  King- at- Arms ;  and  a  great  shout  went  up  on 
all  sides:  ''  Long  live  Charles,  Archduke  of  Austria 
and  Prince  of  Castille  !"  A  sword  blessed  by  the 
Bishop  of  Arras  was  placed  in  the  boy's  hands, 
and  the  heralds  of  Burgundy,  Flanders,  Holland,  and 
Friesland,  raising  their  fallen  pennons,  each  in  turn 
proclaimed  the  titles  of  the  youthful  Prince,  who  was 
to  be  known  to  the  world  as  Charles  V. 

No  one  wept  more  bitterly  for  King  Philip  than  his 
only  sister,  Margaret,  the  widowed  Duchess  of  Savoy, 
as  she  knelt  in  her  oratory  close  to  the  great  church. 
Although  only  twenty-seven,  she  had  known  many 
sorrows.  After  being  wedded  to  the  Dauphin  at  two 
years  old,  and  educated  at  the  French  Court  till  she 
reached  the  age  of  thirteen,  she  was  rejected  by 
Charles  VIII.  in  favour  of  Anne  of  Brittany,  and  sent 
back  to  her  father,  the  Emperor  MaximiUan.  Three 
years  afterwards  she  went  to  Spain  as  the  bride  of 
Don  Juan,  the  heir  to  the  crowns  of  Castille  and 
Aragon,  only  to  lose  her  husband  and  infant  son 
within  a  few  months  of  each  other.  In  1501  she 
became  the  wife  of  Duke  Phihbert  of  Savoy,  with 
whom  she  spent  the  three  happiest  years  of  her  life. 
But  in  September,  1504,  the  young  Duke  died  of 
pleurisy,  the  result  of  a  chill  which  he  caught  out 
hunting,  and  his  heart-broken  widow  returned  once 
more  to  her  father's  Court. 

On  the  death  of  Philip  in  the  following  year, 
Maximilian  prevailed  upon  his  daughter  to  undertake 


4  ISABELLA  OF  AUSTRIA  [Bk.i* 

the  government  of  the  Netherlands,  and  in  April, 
1507,  Margaret  was  proclaimed  Regent,  and  took  up 
her  abode  at  Malines.  She  was  a  singularly  able  and 
gifted  woman,  and  her  personal  charms  and  rich 
dowry  soon  attracted  new  suitors.  Before  she  became 
Regent  she  had  received  proposals  of  marriage  from 
Henry  VII.  of  England,  which  Maximilian  urged  her 
to  accept,  saying  that  she  might  divide  the  year 
between  England  and  the  Netherlands.  Louis  XII., 
who  in  his  boyhood  had  played  with  the  Archduchess 
at  Amboise,  would  also  gladly  have  made  her  his 
second  wife,  but,  as  he  remarked:  "  Madame  Mar- 
guerite's father  has  arranged  marriages  for  her  three 
times  over,  and  each  time  she  has  fared  badly." 
Margaret  herself  was  quite  decided  on  the  subject,  and 
declared  that  she  would  never  marry  again.  Hence- 
forth she  devoted  herself  exclusively  to  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  Netherlands  and  the  guardianship  of 
her  brother's  young  family.  Of  the  six  children 
which  J  nana  of  Castille  had  borne  him,  two  remained 
in  Spain,  the  younger  boy  Ferdinand  and  the  infant 
Katherine,  who  did  not  see  the  light  until  months 
after  her  father's  death.  But  the  elder  boy,  Charles, 
and  his  three  sisters,  grew  up  under  their  aunt's  eye 
in  the  picturesque  old  palace  at  Malines,  which  is 
still  known  as  the  Keyserhof,  or  Cour  de  I'Empereur. 
The  eldest  girl,  Eleanor,  afterwards  Queen  of  Portugal 
and  France,  was  two  years  older  than  her  brother; 
the  second,  Isabella,  the  future  Queen  of  Denmark, 
born  on  the  15th  of  August,  isoi,  was  nearly  six;  and 
Mary,  the  Queen  of  Hungary,  who  was  to  play  so 
great  a  part  in  the  history  of  the  Netherlands,  had 
only  just  completed  her  first  year.  Margaret,  whose 
own  child  hardly  survived  its  birth,  lavished  all  a 


CHARLES  V.  (1515) 
By  Bernard  van  Orley  (Cardon  Collection) 


Tojacep.  4 


Feb.,i509]    MAXIMILIAN'S  grandchildren    5 

mother's  affection  on  her  youthful  nephew  and 
nieces.  If  the  boy  was  naturally  the  chief  object  of 
her  care,  the  little  girls  held  a  place  very  near  to  her 
heart.  This  was  especially  the  case  with  "  Madame 
Isabeau,"  her  godchild,  who  was  born  when  Margaret 
was  living  at  Malines  before  her  second  marriage.  A 
gentle  and  charming  child,  Isabella  won  the  hearts 
of  all,  and  became  fondly  attached  to  the  brother 
who  was  so  nearly  her  own  age. 

Margaret's  letters  to  the  Emperor  abound  in  allusions 
to  these  children,  whose  welfare  was  a  matter  of  deep 
interest  to  their  grandfather.  In  the  midst  of  the 
most  anxious  affairs  of  State,  when  he  was  presiding 
over  turbulent  Diets  or  warring  beyond  the  Alps, 
Maximilian  was  always  eager  for  news  of  ''  our  very 
dear  and  well-beloved  children."  The  arrangements 
of  their  household,  the  choice  of  their  tutors  and 
companions,  their  childish  maladies  and  amusements, 
were  all  fully  reported  to  him.  One  unlucky  day, 
when  the  royal  children  had  just  recovered  from 
measles,  Madame  Isabeau  caught  the  smallpox,  and 
gave  it  to  Madame  Marie.  Then  Madame  Leonore 
complained  of  her  head,  and  since  Margaret  had  been 
told  that  the  malady  was  very  contagious,  and  especi- 
ally dangerous  in  winter,  she  felt  it  advisable  to  keep 
her  nephew  at  Brussels  out  of  reach  of  infection.  But 
this  precaution  proved  fruitless,  for  presently  the  boy 
sickened  and  became  dangerously  ill.  Great  was  the 
alarm  which  his  condition  excited,  and  it  was  only 
at  the  end  of  three  weeks  that  Margaret  was  able  to 
inform  the  Emperor,  who  was  in  Italy  fighting  against 
the  Venetians,  that  his  grandson  was  out  of  danger.^ 

^  E.  Le  Glay,  "  Correspondance  de  I'Empereur  Maximilien  I. 
et  de  Marguerite  d'Autriche,"  i.  203. 

2 


6  ISABELLA  OF  AUSTRL\  [Bk.  i 

The  education  of  Charles  and  his  sisters  was  the 
subject  of  their  guardian's  most  anxious  consideration. 
A  lady  of  Navarre,  Dame  Anne  de  Beaumont,  took 
charge  of  the  little  girls  from  their  infancy,  and 
watched  over  them  with  a  tenderness  which  earned 
their  hfelong  gratitude.  The  old  King  of  Aragon 
rewarded  this  lady  with  the  Order  of  S.  lago,  while 
Margaret  begged  that  she  might  be  allowed  to  spend 
her  old  age  in  one  of  the  Archduke's  houses  at  Ghent, 
seeing  that  she  had  served  "  Mesdames  mes  nieces  "  so 
long  and  so  well,  and  had  been  but  poorly  paid  for 
her  trouble.  Among  their  teachers  was  Louis  Vives, 
the  learned  friend  of  Erasmus,  who  afterwards  be- 
came tutor  to  their  cousin,  the  Princess  Mary  of 
England,  and  took  Sir  Thomas  More's  daughters  as 
his  models.  Vives  taught  his  pupils  Greek  and  Latin, 
and  made  them  study  the  Gospels,  and  St.  Paul's 
Epistles,  as  well  as  some  parts  of  the  Old  Testament. 
French  romances,  then  so  much  in  vogue,  were  ban- 
ished from  their  schoolroom,  and  the  only  tales 
which  they  were  allowed  to  read  were  those  of  Joseph 
and  his  brethren,  of  the  Roman  matron  Lucretia, 
and  the  well-known  story  of  Griselda.  Madame 
Leonore  was  fond  of  reading  at  a  very  early  age, 
but  Madame  Isabeau  was  more  occupied  with  her 
dolls,  and  is  represented  holding  one  in  her  arms 
in  the  triptych  of  Charles  and  his  sisters  at  Vienna. 
All  the  children  were  very  fond  of  music,  in  which 
they  were  daily  instructed  by  the  Archduchess's 
organist,  and  there  is  a  charming  portrait  of  Eleanor 
playing  on  the  clavichord  in  Monsieur  Cardon's  collec- 
tion at  Brussels.  When,  in  1508,  the  Spanish  Legate, 
Cardinal  Carvajal,  visited  Malines,  Charles  and  his 
sisters  were  confirmed  by  him  in  the  palace  chapel, 


ELEANOR  OF  AUSTRIA,  QUEEN  OF  PORTUGAL  AND  FRANCE 
By  Bernard  van  Orley  (Cardon  Collection) 


To  face  p.  6 


May,  1509]  A  SFORZA  DUKE  7 

and  the  Archduke  addressed  a  letter  of  thanks  to 
Pope  JuHus  II.  in  his  childish  round  hand. 

Margaret  was  careful  to  provide  her  young  charges 
with  suitable  companions.  A  niece  of  Madame  de 
Beaumont  and  a  Spanish  girl  of  noble  birth  were 
brought  up  with  the  Archduchesses,  while  the  sons 
of  the  Marquis  of  Brandenburg  and  Duke  of  Saxe- 
Lauenburg  were  among  Charles's  playmates.  Another 
youth  whom  the  Emperor  sent  to  be  educated  at 
Malines  in  1509  was  his  godson,  Maximilian  Sforza, 
the  eldest  son  of  the  unfortunate  Duke  Lodovico  and 
Beatrice  d' Este.  While  his  younger  brother,  Fran- 
cesco, afterwards  the  husband  of  Christina  of  Den- 
mark, remained  at  Innsbruck  with  his  cousin,  the 
Empress  Bianca,  Maximilian  grew  up  with  Charles, 
and  throughout  his  life  never  ceased  to  regard 
Margaret  as  a  second  mother.  The  young  Duke  of 
Milan's  name  often  figures  in  the  Archduchess's  corre- 
spondence with  her  father.  One  day  Maximilian 
tells  her  to  borrow  3,000  livres  from  the  Fuggers,  and 
give  them  to  the  Duke,  who  has  not  enough  to  buy 
his  own  clothes,  let  alone  those  of  his  servants.^ 
At  another  time  w^e  find  Margaret  appeaUng  to  her 
father  to  settle  the  disputes  of  precedence  which 
have  arisen  between  the  Dukes  of  Milan  and  Saxe- 
Lauenburg,  upon  which  Maximilian  replied  that  they 
were  too  young  to  think  of  such  matters,  and  that 
for  the  present  they  had  better  take  the  place  of 
honour  on  alternate  days. 

It  was  a  free  and  joyous  life  which  these  young 

Princes  and  Princesses  led  at  the  .Court  of  Malines. 

If  they  were  kept  strictly  to  their  lessons,  they  also 

had    plenty    of   amusements.     They    played    games, 

1  Le  Glay,  i.  393. 


8  ISABELLA  OF  AUSTRIA  [Bk.  i 

shot  with  bows  and  arrows,  and  looked  on  at  stag- 
hunts  from  the  balcony  of  the  Swan,  an  old  hostelry 
in  the  market-place.  Charles  had  a  httle  chariot, 
drawn  by  two  ponies,  in  which  he  often  drove  his 
sisters  through  the  town  and  out  into  the  open 
country.  Above  all  they  enjoyed  the  visits  which 
they  paid  to  the  Castle  of  Vueren,  near  Brussels, 
where  Charles  often  went  by  his  grandfather's  orders 
to  enjoy  fresh  air  and  take  hunting  expeditions. 
The  old  Emperor  was  delighted  to  hear  of  his 
grandson's  taste  for  sport,  and  wrote  from  Augs- 
burg that,  if  the  Archduke  had  not  been  fond  of 
hunting,  people  would  have  suspected  him  of  being 
a  bastard.^ 

When,  in  151 2,  Maximilian  came  to  Brussels,  and 
Charles  was  sent  to  meet  him,  he  begged  Margaret  to 
bring  the  three  Princesses ,  without  delay,  to  "  amuse 
themselves  in  the  park  at  Vueren,"  and  sent  the 
haunch  of  a  stag  which  he  had  killed  that  day  as  a 
present  to  his  "  dear  httle  daughters."  At  the 
children's  urgent  entreaty,  the  Emperor  himself  rode 
out  to  join  them  at  supper,  and  invited  them  to  a 
l)anquet  in  the  palace  at  Brussels  on  Midsummer 
Day.  When  the  Enghsh  Ambassador,  Sir  Edward 
Poynings,  came  to  pay  the  Emperor  his  respects,  he 
found  His  Majesty  in  riding-boots,  standing  at  the 
palace  gates,  with  the  Lady  Regent,  the  Lord  Prince 
and  his  sisters,  looking  on  at  a  great  bonfire  in  the 
square.  The  Ambassador  and  his  colleague,  Spinelli, 
were  both  invited  to  return  to  the  palace  for  supper, 
and  had  a  long  conversation  with  the  Lady  Margaret, 
in  whom  they  found  the  same  perfect  friend  as  ever, 
"  while  the  Prince  and  his  sisters  danced  gaily  with 
^  Le  Glay,  i.  241. 


June,  1512]     ''  FELIX  AUSTRIA  NUBE  ''  9 

the   other   young    folk    till    between    nine   and    ten 
o'clock."  1 

But  this  merry  party  was  soon  to  break  up.  Before 
the  end  of  the  year  Maximilian  Sforza  crossed  the 
Brenner,  and  entered  Milan  amidst  the  acclamations 
of  his  father's  old  subjects,  and  eighteen  months  later 
two  of  the  young  Archduchesses  were  wedded  to 
foreign  Kings. 

II. 

While  her  nieces  were  still  children  Margaret  was 
busy  with  plans  for  their  marriage.  Her  views  for 
them  were  ambitious  and  frankty  expressed.  "  All 
your  granddaughters,"  she  wrote  to  her  father, 
"  should  marry  Kings."  The  old  Emperor  himself 
was  an  inveterate  matchmaker,  and  the  House  of 
Austria  had  been  proverbially  fortunate  in  its  alli- 
ances. Tu  felix  Austria  nube  had  passed  into  a 
common  saying.  By  his  marriage  with  Mary  of  Bur- 
gundy, Maximilian  entered  on  the  vast  inheritance  of 
Charles  the  Bold,  and  his  grandson  was  heir  to  the 
throne  of  Spain  by  right  of  his  mother  Juana.  In 
1509  proposals  for  two  of  the  Archduchesses  came 
from  Portugal,  and  Margaret  urged  her  father  to 
accept  these  offers,  remarking  shrewdly  that  King 
Emanuel  was  a  wealthy  monarch,  and  that  there 
were  few  marriageable  Princes  in  Europe.  If  both 
Madame  Leonore  and  Madame  Marie  were  betrothed 
to  the  two  Portuguese  Princes,  there  would  still 
be  two  of  her  nieces  to  contract  other  alliances. 
But  Maximilian's  thoughts  were  too  much  occupied 
with  his  war  against  Venice  to  consider  these  pro- 
posals seriously,  and  the  matter  was  allowed  to 
^  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Henry  VIII.,  i.  369. 


lo  ISABELLA  OF  AUSTRIA  [Bk.  I 

drop.^  Meanwhile  Madame  Isabeau's  hand  was  in  great 
request.  In  March,  1510,  Maximihan  received  offers 
of  marriage  for  his  second  granddaughter  from  the 
King  of  Navarre's  son,  Henri  d  Albret,  but  this 
project  was  nipped  in  the  bud  by  the  jealousy  of 
Isabella's  other  grandfather,  Ferdinand  of  Aragon, 
and  Francis  I.'s  sister,  Margaret,  Duchess  of  Alengon, 
became  Queen  of  Navarre  in  her  stead.  A  new  and 
strange  husband  for  the  nine-year-old  Princess  was 
now  proposed  by  the  Regent  herself.  This  was  none 
other  than  Charles  of  Egmont,  Duke  of  Guelders,  the 
turbulent  neighbour  who  had  been  a  thorn  in  Mar- 
garet's side  ever  since  she  became  Governess  of  the 
Netherlands.  It  is  difficult  to  believe  that  Margaret 
ever  really  intended  to  give  her  beloved  niece  to  the 
man  whom  she  openly  denounced  as  '*  a  brigand  and 
a  felon,"  but  it  was  necessary  to  cajole  Guelders  for 
the  moment,  and  conferences  were  held  in  which 
every  detail  of  the  marriage  treaty  was  discussed, 
and  the  dowry  and  fortune  of  the  bride  and  the 
portions  of  her  sons  and  daughters  were  all  minutely 
arranged.  But  when  the  deputies  of  Guelders  asked 
that  Madame  Isabeau  should  be  given  up  to  the  Duke 
at  once  to  be  educated  at  his  Court,  the  Regent  met 
their  demands  with  a  flat  refusal.  The  negotiations 
were  broken  off,  and  war  began  again  .^  Another 
matrimonial  project,  which  had  been  discussed  ever 
since  King  Philip's  lifetime,  was  the  union  of  the 
Archduchess  Eleanor  with  the  young  Duke  Antoine 
of  Lorraine.  Maximilian  seems  to  have  been  really 
eager  for  this  marriage,  which  he  regarded  as  a  means 
of  detaching  a  neighbouring  Prince  from  the  French 
alHance,  but  was  so  dilatory  in  the  matter  that 
1  Le  Glay,  i.  165.  2  l^  Glay,  i.  281,  399-44.1- 


May,  1514]  MARRIAGE-MAKING  11 

Margaret  wrote  him  a  sharp  letter,  asking  him  if  he 
ever  meant  to  marry  his  granddaughters.  Upon  this 
the  affronted  Emperor  rebuked  her  for  these  undutiful 
remarks,  and  asked  peevishly  "  if  she  held  him  for 
a  Frenchman  who  changed  his  mind  every  day."^ 
But  in  spite  of  these  protestations  he  took  no  further 
steps  in  the  matter,  and  in  1 5 1 5  Duke  Antoine 
married  Renee  de  Bourbon,  a  Princess  of  the  blood 
royal  of  France. 

The  marriage  of  Louis  XII.  to  Henry  VIII. 's  hand- 
some sister  Mary  was  a  more  serious  blow.  Six  years 
before  the  English  Princess  had  been  wedded  by  proxy 
to  the  Archduke  Charles,  and  Margaret,  whose  heart 
was  set  on  this  alliance,  vainly  pressed  her  father  to 
conclude  the  treaty.  Meanwhile,  in  January,  15 14, 
Anne  of  Brittany  died,  and  the  widowed  King  sent 
offers  of  marriage,  first  to  Margaret  herself,  and  then 
to  her  niece  Eleanor.^  A  few  months  later  news 
reached  Brussels  that  Louis  had  made  a  treaty  with 
Henry,  and  was  about  to  wed  the  Princess  Mary. 
So  the  Archduke  lost  his  promised  bride,  and  his 
sister  was  once  more  cheated  of  a  husband.  The 
Lady  Regent  was  deeply  hurt,  but  found  some  con- 
solation for  her  wounded  feelings  in  the  double 
marriage  that  was  arranged  in  the  course  of  the  same 
year  between  the  Archduke  Ferdinand  and  Anna, 
daughter  of  Ladislaus,  King  of  Hungary,  and  between 
this  monarch's  son  Louis  and  the  Archduchess  Mary. 
In  May,  15 14,  the  little  Princess  was  sent  to  be 
educated  with  her  future  sister-in-law  at  Vienna, 
where  the  wedding  was  celebrated  a  year  afterwards.^ 

1  Le  Glay,  ii.  205. 

2  H.  Ulmann,  "  Kaiser  Maximilian,"  ii.  484,  498. 

^  Le  Glay,  ii.  252  ;  A.  Henne,  "  Histoire  du  Regne  de  Charles  V.," 
i.96. 


12  ISABELLA  OF  AUSTRIA  [Bk.  i 

At  the  same  time  marriage  proposals  for  another  of 
his  granddaughters  reached  MaximiUan  from  a  new 
and  unexpected  quarter.  The  young  King  of  Den- 
mark, Christian  II.,  on  succeeding  to  the  throne, 
dechned  the  French  marriage  which  had  been  arranged 
for  him  by  his  father,  and  conceived  the  ambitious 
design  of  allying  himself  with  the  Imperial  Family. 
In  March,  15 14,  two  Danish  Ambassadors,  the  Bishop 
of  Schleswig  and  the  Court  -  Marshal  Magnus  Gioe, 
were  introduced  into  MaximiHan's  presence  by 
Christian's  uncle,  the  Elector  of  Saxony,  and  asked 
for  the  Archduchess  Eleanor's  hand  on  behalf  of  their 
royal  master.  The  prospect  of  an  alKance  with 
Denmark  met  with  the  Emperor's  approval,  and 
could  not  fail  to  be  popular  in  the  Low  Countries  as 
a  means  of  opening  the  Baltic  to  the  merchants  of 
Bruges  and  Amsterdam.  Accordingly  the  envoys 
met  with  a  friendly  reception,  and  were  told  that, 
although  the  elder  Archduchess  was  already  promised 
to  the  Duke  of  Lorraine,  the  Emperor  would  gladly 
give  King  Christian  the  hand  of  her  sister  Isabella. 
The  contract  was  signed  at  Linz  on  the  29th  of  April, 
1 5 14,  and  the  dowry  of  the  Princess  was  fixed  at 
250,000  florins,  an  enormous  sum  for  those  times. 
Only  three-fifths  of  his  sister's  fortune,  however,  was 
to  be  paid  by  Charles,  and  the  remainder  by  her 
grandfather,  the  King  of  Aragon.^ 

From  Linz  the  Ambassadors  travelled  by  slow 
stages  to  Brussels,  where  they  were  received  with 
great  honour.  But  Margaret  was  scarcely  prepared 
for  the  proposal  which  they  made,  that  the  wedding 
might  take  place  on  the  following  day,  when  King 
Christian  was  to  be  crowned  at  Copenhagen.  It  was, 
1  Le  Glay,  ii.  383. 


ISABELLA  OF  AUSTRLA,  QUEEN  OF  DENMARK 
By  Bernard  van  Orley  (Caidon  Collection) 


Tofiuef'.  12 


June,  1514]         A  ROYAL  WEDDING  13 

however,  impossible  to  refuse  such  a  request,  and  on 
Trinity  Sunday,  the  nth  of  June,  the  marriage  was 
solemnized  with  due  splendour.  At  ten  o'clock  a 
brilliant  assembly  met  in  the  great  hall  of  the  palace, 
which  had  been  hung  for  the  occasion  with  the  famous 
tapestries  of  the  Golden  Fleece,  and  Magnus  Gioe, 
who  represented  the  King,  appeared,  supported  by 
the  Duke  of  Saxe-Lauenburg  and  the  Marquis  of 
Brandenburg.  Presently  a  flourish  of  trumpets  an- 
nounced the  bride's  coming,  and  Charles  led  in  his 
sister,  a  tall,  slender  maiden  of  thirteen,  robed  in 
white,  with  a  crown  of  pearls  and  rubies  on  her  fair 
locks.  "  Madame  Isabeau,"  as  Margaret  wrote  with 
motherly  pride  to  her  father,  "  was  certainly  good  to 
see."  ^  They  took  their  places  under  a  baldacchino 
near  the  altar,  followed  by  the  Regent,  who  led  her 
niece  Eleanor  by  the  hand.  The  Archbishop  of 
Cambray,  clad  in  rich  vestments  of  purple  and  gold, 
performed  the  nuptial  rites,  and  the  Danish  Ambassa- 
dor placed  a  costly  ring,  bearing  three  gold  crowns 
set  round  with  large  sapphires  and  the  motto  Ave 
Maria  gratia  plena,  on  the  finger  of  the  bride,  who 
plighted  her  faith  in  the  following  words : 

'*  Je,  Isabelle  d'Autriche  et  de  Bourgogne,  donne 
ma  foi  a  tres  hautt  et  tres  puissant  Prince  et  Seigneur, 
Christierne  roy  de  Danemarck,  et  a  toy  Magnus  Gioe, 
son  vrai  et  leal  procureur,  et  je  le  prens  par  toy  en 
epoux  et  mari  legitime."  ^ 

Then  the  Mass  of  the  Holy  Ghost  was  chanted,  the 
Spanish  Ambassador  being  seated  at  the  Archduke's 
side,  and  the  others  according  to  their  rank,  all  but 
the  English  Envoy,  who  refused  to  be  present  owing 

1  Le  Glay,  ii.  256. 

2  J.  Altmeyer,  "  Isabelle  d'Autriche,"  53. 


14  ISABELLA  OF  AUSTRIA  [Bk.  i 

to  a  dispute  as  to  precedence.  Afterwards  the  guests 
were  entertained  by  the  Regent  at  a  banquet,  followed 
by  a  tournament  and  a  state  ball,  which  was  kept  up 
far  into  the  night.  Finally  all  the  chief  personages 
present  escorted  the  bride  with  lighted  torches  to  her 
chamber,  and  Magnus  Gioe,  in  full  armour,  lay  down 
on  the  nuptial  bed  at  her  side  in  the  presence  of  this 
august  company.  Then,  rising  to  his  feet,  he  made 
a  deep  obeisance  to  the  young  Queen  and  retired. 
During  the  next  three  days  a  succession  of  jousts  and 
banquets  took  place,  and  on  the  Feast  of  Corpus 
Christi  a  pubUc  reception  was  held  in  the  palace,  at 
which  the  bride  appeared  wearing  the  ring  of  the 
three  kingdoms  and  a  jewelled  necklace  sent  her  by 
King  Christian.  Unfortunately,  the  Archduke  danced 
so  vigorously  on  the  night  of  the  wedding  that  this 
unwonted  exertion  brought  on  a  sharp  attack  of 
fever. 

**  Monseigneur,*'  wrote  his  aunt  to  the  Emperor, 
**  fulfilled  all  his  duties  to  perfection,  and  showed 
himself  so  good  a  brother  that  he  overtaxed  his 
strength,  and  fell  ill  the  day  after  the  wedding. 
Not,"  she  hastened  to  add, "  that  his  sickness  is  in  any 
way  serious,  but  that  the  slightest  ailment  in  a 
Prince  of  his  condition  is  apt  to  make  one  anxious."^ 

On  the  4th  of  July  the  Danish  Ambassadors  took 
their  leave,  but  Isabella  remained  in  her  home  for 
another  year.  She  and  Eleanor  shared  in  the  fetes 
which  celebrated  the  Archduke's  coming  of  age,  and 
were  present  at  his  Joyeuse  Entree  into  Brussels. 
But  in  the  midst  of  these  festivities  the  Danish  fleet, 
with  the  Archbishop  of  Drondtheim  on  board,  arrived 
at  Veeren  in  Zeeland,  and  on  the  i6th  of  July,  15 15, 
^  Le  Glay,  ii.  257. 


AUG.,  I5I5]  EVIL  OMENS  15 

the  poor  young  Queen  took  leave  of  her  family  with 
bitter  tears,  and  sailed  for  Copenhagen.  On  the  day 
of  Isabella's  christening,  fourteen  years  before,  the 
ceremony  had  been  marred  by  a  terrific  thunderstorm, 
and  now  the  same  ill-luck  attended  her  wedding 
journey.  A  violent  tempest  scattered  the  Danish 
fleet  off  the  shores  of  Jutland,  and  the  vessel  which 
bore  the  Queen  narrowly  escaped  shipwreck.  When 
at  length  she  had  landed  safely  at  Helsingfors,  she 
wrote  a  touching  little  letter  to  the  Regent : 

*'  Madame,  my  Aunt  and  good  Mother, 

"  I  must  tell  you  that  w^e  landed  here  last 
Saturday,  after  having  been  in  great  peril  and  distress 
at  sea  for  the  last  ten  days.  But  God  kept  me  from 
harm,  for  which  I  am  very  thankful.  Next  Thursday 
we  start  for  Copenhagen,  which  is  a  day's  journey 
from  here.  I  have  been  rather  ill,  and  feel  weak  still, 
but  hope  soon  to  be  well.  Madame,  if  I  could  choose 
for  myself  I  should  be  with  you  now  ;  for  to  be  parted 
from  you  is  the  most  grievous  thing  in  the  world  to 
me,  and  the  more  so  as  I  do  not  know  w^hen  there  is 
any  hope  of  seeing  you  again.  So  I  can  only  beg  you, 
my  dearest  aunt  and  mother,  to  keep  me  in  your 
heart,  and  tell  me  if  there  is  anything  that  you  wish 
me  to  do,  and  you  shall  ahvays  be  obeyed,  God  helping 
me.  That  He  may  give  you  a  long  and  happy  life  is 
the  prayer  of  your  humble  and  dutiful  niece 

"   ISABEAU.^ 
"  August  7,  1515." 

Two  days  later  Isabella  continued  her  journey  to 
Hvidore,  the  royal  country-house  near  Copenhagen. 
There  she  was  received  by  King  Christian,  who  rode 
at  her  side,  a  splendid  figure  in  gold  brocade  and 
shining  armour,  when  on  the  following  day  she  made 
her  state  entry  into  the  capital  in  torrents  of  rain. 
On  the  12th  of  August  the  wedding  was  celebrated 
1  Altmeyer,  "  Isabelle  d'Autriche,"  43. 


i6  ISABELLA  OF  AUSTRIA  [Bk.  I 

in  the  great  hall  of  the  ancient  castle,  which  had  been 
rebuilt  by  King  Christian's  father,  and  was  followed 
by  the  coronation  of  the  young  Queen.  But  Isabella 
was  so  much  exhausted  by  the  fatigue  which  she  had 
undergone,  that  before  the  conclusion  of  the  ceremony 
she  fell  fainting  into  the  arms  of  her  ladies.  Her 
illness  threw  a  gloom  over  the  wedding  festivities, 
and  seemed  a  forecast  of  the  misfortunes  that  were 
to  darken  the  course  of  her  married  life  and  turn  her 
story  into  a  grim  tragedy. 


BOOK  II 

CHRISTIAN  II.,  KING  OF  DENMARK,  THE 
FATHER  OF  CHRISTINA 

1513— 1523 

I. 

Christian  II.,  King  of  Denmark,  Sweden,  and  Nor 
way,  as  the  proud  title  ran,  was  in  many  respects  a 
remarkable  man.  His  life  and  character  have  been 
the  subject  of  much  controversy.  Some  historians 
have  held  him  up  to  admiration  as  a  patriot  and 
martyr  who  suffered  for  his  love  of  freedom  and 
justice.  Others  have  condemned  him  as  a  cruel  and 
vindictive  tyrant,  whose  crimes  deserved  the  hard 
fate  which  befell  him.  Both  verdicts  are  justified 
in  the  main.  On  the  one  hand,  he  was  an  able  and 
enlightened  ruler,  who  protected  the  liberties  of  his 
poorer  subjects,  encouraged  trade  and  learning,  and 
introduced  many  salutary  reforms.  On  the  other, 
he  was  a  man  of  violent  passions,  crafty  and  un- 
scrupulous in  his  dealings,  cruel  and  bloodthirsty  in 
avenging  wrongs.  His  career  naturally  invites  com- 
parison with  that  of  Lodovico  Sforza,  whose  son 
became  the  husband  of  his  daughter  Christina.  Both 
Princes  were  men  of  great  ability  and  splendid 
dreams.  In  their  zeal  for  the  promotion  of  commerce 
and  agriculture,  in  their  love  of  art  and  letters,  both 
were  in   advance  of  the  age  in   which   they   lived. 

17 


1 8    CHRISTIAN  II.,  KING  OF  DENMARK    [Bk.ii 

Again,  their  vices  and  crimes,  the  cunning  ways  and 
unscrupulous  measures  by  which  they  sought  to 
attain  their  ends,  were  curiously  the  same.  No 
doubt  Christian  II.,  born  and  bred  as  he  was  among 
the  rude  Norsemen,  belonged  to  a  coarser  strain  than 
the  cultured  Duke  of  Milan,  and  is  hardly  to  be  judged 
by  the  same  standard.  But  the  two  Princes  resembled 
each  other  closely,  and  the  fate  which  eventually 
overtook  them  was  practically  the  same.  Both  of 
these  able  and  distinguished  men  lost  their  States  in 
the  prime  of  life,  and  were  doomed  to  end  their  days 
in  captivity.  This  cruel  doom  has  atoned  in  a  great 
measure  for  their  guilt  in  the  eyes  of  posterity,  and 
even  in  their  lifetime  their  hard  fate  aroused  general 
compassion. 

Certainly  no  one  could  have  foreseen  the  dismal 
fate  which  lay  in  store  for  Christian  II.  when  he 
ascended  the  throne.  Seldom  has  a  new  reign  opened 
with  fairer  promise.  His  father,  good  King  Hans, 
died  in  15 13,  lamented  by  all  his  subjects,  and  leaving 
his  successor  a  prosperous  and  united  kingdom. 
Christian  was  thirty- two,  and  had  already  shown  his 
courage  and  ability  in  quelling  a  revolt  in  Norway. 
A  man  of  noble  and  commanding  presence,  with  blue 
eyes  and  long  fair  hair,  he  seemed  a  born  leader  of 
men,  while  his  keen  intelhgence,  genial  manners,  and 
human  interest  in  those  about  him,  early  won  the  affec- 
tion of  his  subjects.  Unfortunately  his  own  passions 
proved  his  worst  enemies.  In  Norway  he  had  fallen 
in  love  with  a  beautiful  girl  named  Dyveke — the  Dove 
— whose  mother,  a  designing  Dutchwoman  named 
Sigebritt  Willems,  kept  a  tavern  at  Bergen.  On  his 
accession  he  brought  Dyveke  and  her  mother  to 
Hvidore,  and  gave  them  a  house  in  the  neighbour- 


Jan..  I5i6]  THE  KING'S  DOVE  19 

hood.     This  ihicit  connection  excited  great  scandal 
at  Court,  and  the  Chancellor,  Archbishop  Walkendorf 
of  Drondtheim,  exhorted  the  King  earnestly  to  put 
away    his    mistress    on    his    marriage.     Even    before 
Isabella  left  Brussels,  the  Archbishop  wrote  glowing 
accounts  of  her  beauty  and  goodness  to  his  master, 
and  told  the  King  of  the  romantic  attachment  which 
she  cherished  for  her  unknown  lord.     After  her  arrival 
at  Copenhagen  he  did  his  utmost  to  insure  her  com- 
fort, and  see  that  she  was  treated  with  proper  respect. 
For  a  time  Christian  seems  to  have  been  genuinely 
in  love  with  his  young  wife,  whose  innocent  charm 
won  all  hearts  in  her  new  home.     In  his  anxiety  to 
please  her,  he  furnished  his  ancestral  castle  anew, 
and  sent  to  Germany  for  musicians,  fearing  that  the 
rude  voices  of  Danish  singers  might  sound  harsh  in 
her   ears.     A  young   Fleming,   Cornelius   Scepperus, 
was  appointed   to  be  his  private  secretary,  and  the 
Fuggers  of  Antwerp  were  invited  to  found  a  bank  at 
Copenhagen.     At  the  same  time  twenty-four  Dutch 
families,  from  Waterland  in  Holland,  were  brought 
over  in  Danish  ships,  and  induced  to  settle  on  the 
island  of  Amager,  opposite  the  capital,  in  order  that 
the  royal  table  might  be  supplied  with  butter  and 
cheese   made   in    the    Dutch    fashion.     This    colony, 
imported  by  Christian  II.,  grew  and  flourished,  and 
to  this  day  their  descendants  occupy  Amager,  wli^ere 
peasant   women    clad    in    the    national    costume   of 
short  woollen  skirts,  blue  caps,  and  red  ribbons,  are 
still  to  be  seen.     Unfortunately,  the  influence  which 
Sigebritt  and  her  daughter  had  acquired  over  the  King 
was  too  strong  to  be  resisted.     Before  long  they  re- 
turned to  Court,  and,  to  the  indignation  of  Isabella's 
servants,   Sigebritt   was    appointed    Mistress   of   her 


20    CHRISTIAN  II.,  KING  OF  DENMARK    [Bk.ii 

household.  Rumours  of  the  sHghts  to  which  the 
young  Queen  was  exposed  soon  reached  the  Nether- 
lands, and  when  Maximilian  informed  Margaret  that 
he  intended  to  marry  her  niece  Eleanor  to  the  King 
of  Poland,  she  replied  with  some  asperity  that  she 
could  only  hope  the  marriage  would  turn  out  better 
than  that  of  her  unhappy  sister.  The  Emperor 
expressed  much  surprise  at  these  words,  saying  that 
he  considered  his  granddaughter  to  be  very  well 
married,  since  the  King  of  Denmark  was  a  monarch 
of  the  proudest  lineage,  and  endowed  with  noble 
manners  and  rare  gifts,  if  his  people  were  still  some- 
what rude  and  barbarous.^  But,  in  spite  of  Maxi- 
mihan's  protests,  the  reports  of  King  Christian's  mis- 
conduct soon  became  too  persistent  to  be  ignored. 
When,  in  October,  1516,  Charles,  who  had  assumed 
the  title  of  King  of  Spain  on  his  grandfather  Ferdi- 
nand's death,  held  his  first  Chapter  of  the  Golden 
Fleece,  the  Knights  with  one  accord  refused  to  admit 
the  King  of  Denmark  to  their  Order,  because  he  was 
accused  of  adultery  and  illtreated  his  wife.^  At 
length  Maximilian  was  moved  to  take  action,  and 
wrote  to  his  grandson  Charles  in  sufficiently  plain 
language,  saying : 

"  The  shameful  life  which  our  brother  and  son-in- 
law,  the  King  of  Denmark,  is  leading  with  a  concubine, 
to  the  great  sorrow  and  vexation  of  his  wife,  our 
daughter  and  your  sister,  is  condemned  by  all  his 
relatives  ;  and  in  order  to  constrain  him  to  abandon 
this  disorderly  way  of  living,  and  be  a  better  husband 
to  our  said  daughter,  we  are  sending  Messire  Sigismund 
Herbesteiner  to  remonstrate  with  him,  and  have 
begged    Duke    Frederic   of  Saxony,   his    uncle,   who 

1  Le  Glay,  ii.  336. 

2  De  Reiffenberg,  "  Histoire  de  I'Ordre  de  la  Toison  d'Or,  "307. 


1513-23]  ELEANOR'S  ROMANCE  21 

arranged  the  marriage,  to  send  one  of  his  servants  on 
the  same  errand.  And  we  desire  you  to  send  one  of 
your  chief  councillors  to  help  carry  out  our  orders, 
and  induce  the  King  to  put  away  his  concubine  and 
behave    in     a     more    reasonable     and      honourable 


But  none  of  these  remonstrances  produced  any 
effect  on  the  misguided  King.  When  Herbesteiner 
reproached  him  with  sacrificing  the  laws  of  God  and 
honour  and  the  Emperor's  friendship  to  a  low-born 
woman,  he  shook  his  fist  in  the  imperial  Envoy's  face, 
and  bade  him  begone  from  his  presence.^  At  the 
same  time  he  showed  his  resentment  in  a  more 
dangerous  way  by  making  a  treaty  with  France  and 
closing  the  Sound  to  Dutch  ships.  He  even  seized 
several  trading  vessels  on  pretence  that  the  Queen's 
dowry  had  not  been  paid,  and  when  Archbishop 
Walkendorf  ventured  to  expostulate  with  him  on 
his  misconduct,  banished  the  prelate  from  Court.^ 

Meanwhile  Isabella  herself  bore  neglect  and  insults 
with  the  same  uncomplaining  sweetness.  But  we  see 
how  much  she  suffered  from  a  private  letter  which 
she  wrote  to  her  sister  Eleanor  about  this  time. 
This  attractive  Princess,  who  at  the  age  of  eighteen 
still  remained  unmarried,  had  fallen  in  love  with  her 
brother's  brilliant  friend,  Frederic,  Count  Palatine, 
the  most  accomplished  knight  at  Court,  and  the  idol 
of  all  the  ladies.  The  mutual  attachment  between 
the  Palatine  and  the  Archduchess  was  the  talk  of  the 
whole  Court,  and  met  with  Margaret's  private  ap- 
proval, although  it  was  kept  a  secret  from  Charles  and 
his  Ministers.     Eleanor  confided  this  romantic  story 

1  Le  Glay,  ii.  337. 

2  L.  Van  Bergh,  "  Correspondance  de  M.  d'Autriche,"  ii.  135. 
^  Ulmann,  ii.  510. 


22  CHRISTIAN  II.,  KING  OF  DENMARK  [Bk.  ii 

to  her  absent  sister,  and  expressed  a  secret  hope 
that  the  popular  Count  Palatine  might  succeed  her 
aunt  as  Regent  when  the  young  King  left  Brussels 
for  Spain.  In  reply  Isabella  sent  Eleanor  the 
warmest  congratulations  on  her  intended  marriage, 
rejoicing  that  her  sister  at  least  would  not  be  forced 
to  leave  home,  and  would  be  united  to  a  husband 
whom  she  really  loved.  The  poor  young  Queen  pro- 
ceeded to  lament  her  own  sad  fate  in  the  following 
strain  : 

It  is  hard  enough  to  marry  a  man  whose  face  you 
have  never  seen,  whom  you  do  not  know  or  love,  and 
worse  still  to  be  required  to  leave  home  and  kindred, 
and  follow  a  stranger  to  the  ends  of  the  earth,  without 
even  being  able  to  speak  his  language."^ 

She  goes  on  to  describe  the  misery  of  her  life,  even 
though  she  bears  the  title  of  Queen.  What  is  she,  in 
fact,  but  a  prisoner  in  a  foreign  land  ?  She  is  never 
allowed  to  go  out  or  appear  in  public,  while  her  lord 
the  King  spends  his  time  in  royal  progresses  and 
hunting-parties,  and  amuses  himself  after  his  fashion, 
apart  from  her.  Far  better  would  it  be  for  Eleanor 
to  follow  her  own  inclination,  and  choose  a  husband 
who  belongs  to  her  own  country  and  speaks  her 
language,  even  if  he  were  not  of  kingly  rank.  Un- 
fortunately, the  pretty  romance  which  excited  Isa- 
bella's sympathy  was  doomed  to  an  untimely  end. 
The  death  of  Mary  of  Castille,  Queen  of  Portugal,  in 
May,  1 517,  left  King  Emanuel  a  widower  for  the 
second  time.  He  had  married  two  of  Charles's  aunts 
in  turn,  and  was  now  over  fifty,  and  a  hunchback 
into    the    bargain.     None    the    less,    the    plan    of   a 

^  Hubcrtus  Leodius  Thomas,  "Spiegel  des  Humors  grosser 
Potentateii,"  79.     E.  Moeller,  "  Eleonore  d'Autriche,"  307. 


1513-23]  A  LOVE-LETTER  23 

marriage  between  him  and  his  niece  Eleanor  was  now 
revived,  and  in  August  these  proposals  reached  the 
young  King  at  the  seaport  of  Middelburg,  where  he 
and  his  sister  were  awaiting  a  favourable  wind  to  set 
sail  for  Spain.  Filled  with  alarm,  Frederic  implored 
Eleanor  to  take  a  bold  step,  confess  her  love  to  Charles, 
and  seek  his  consent  to  her  marriage  with  his  old 
friend.  In  a  letter  signed  with  his  name,  and  still 
preserved  in  the  Archives  of  Simancas,  the  Palatine 
begged  his  love  to  lose  no  time  if  she  would  escape 
from  the  snare  laid  for  them  both  by  "the  Uncle  of 
Portugal." 

"  Ma  mignonne,"  he  wrote,  "  si  vous  voulez,  nous 
pouvez  etre  la  cause  de  mon  bien  ou  de  mon  mal. 
C'est  pourquoi  je  vous  supplie  d'avoir  bon  courage 
pour  vous  et  pour  moi.  Cela  pent  se  faire  si  vous 
voulez.  Car  je  suis  pret,  et  ne  demande  autre  chose, 
sinon  que  je  sois  a  vous,  et  vous  a  moi."^ 

Accordingly,  on  the  Feast  of  the  Assumption 
Eleanor  approached  her  brother  after  hearing  Mass  in 
the  abbey  chapel.  But  while  she  was  gathering  all 
her  courage  to  speak,  Charles  caught  sight  of  the 
Palatine's  letter  in  her  bosom,  and,  snatching  it  from 
his  sister's  hands,  broke  into  furious  reproaches, 
swearing  that  he  would  avenge  this  insult  with  the 
traitor's  blood.  As  Spinelli,  the  English  Envoy, 
remarked,  "  The  letter  was  but  honest,  concerning 
matters  of  love  and  marriage,"^  but  the  young  King 
would  listen  to  no  excuses,  and,  in  spite  of  the  Regent's 
intervention,  Frederic  was  banished  from  Court  in 
disgrace.     A   fortnight   later   Charles   and   his   sister 

1  Moeller,  327.  L.  Mignet,  "  Rivalite  de  Francis  I.  et 
Charles  V.,"  i.  140. 

2  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Henry  VIII.,  ii.2,  1151.  H.  Baum- 
garten,  "  Geschichte  Karl  V.,"  i.  ^8. 


24    CHRISTIAN  II.,  KING  OF  DENMARK    [Bk.ii 

sailed  for  Castille,  and  in  the  following  summer 
Madame  Leonore  became  the  bride  of  "  TOncle  de 
Portugal,"  King  Emanuel. 


II. 

The  death  of  Christian  II.'s  mistress,  Dyveke,  in 
the  summer  of  1 5 1 7  produced  a  change  in  the  situation 
at  Copenhagen.  This  unfortunate  girl,  a  victim  of 
her  ambitious  mother's  designs,  died  very  suddenly 
one  afternoon  after  eating  cherries  in  the  royal 
gardens.  The  King's  suspicions  fell  on  his  steward, 
Torben  Axe,  who  was  brutally  put  to  death  in  spite 
of  his  protestations  of  innocence.  But  the  Queen's 
position  was  distinctly  improved.  Christian  now 
treated  his  wife  with  marked  kindness,  and  appointed 
her  Regent  when,  early  in  the  following  year,  he  went 
to  Sweden  to  put  down  a  rising  of  the  nobles. 
Sigebritt  Willems's  influence,  however,  still  remained 
paramount,  and,  in  a  letter  to  the  Queen  from  Sweden, 
Christian  begged  her  to  consult  the  Dutchwoman  in 
any  difficulty,  and  ended  by  wishing  her  and  "  Mother 
Sigebritt  "  a  thousand  good-nights.  Stranger  still  to 
relate,  when,  on  the  21st  of  February,  Isabella  gave 
birth  to  a  son,  the  infant  Prince  was  entrusted  to 
Sigebritt's  care. 

This  happy  event,  combined  with  Isabella's  un- 
failing affection  for  her  wayward  lord,  led  to  improved 
relations  between  Christian  and  his  wife's  family 
After  the  death  of  Maximilian,  Charles  became  anxious 
to  secure  his  brother-in-law's  support  in  the  imperial 
election,  and  in  February,  15 19,  a  treaty  was  con- 
cluded   between    the    two     monarchs    at    Brussels. ^ 

1  Henne.  ii.  249. 


I5I3-23J  BIRTH  OF  PRINCES  25 

The  Danish  Envoys,  Anton  de  Metz  and  Hermann 
Willems,  Sigebritt's  brother,  received  rich  presents 
from  Margaret,  who  was  once  more  acting  as  Regent 
of  the  Netherlands,  and  she  even  sent  a  silver-gilt 
cup  to  the  hated  Dutchwoman  herself.^  A  month 
later  the  King  of  Denmark  was  elected  Knight  of  the 
Golden  Fleece  at  a  Chapter  of  the  Order  held  at 
Barcelona,  and  in  a  letter  which  Charles  addressed  to 
him  he  expressed  his  pleasure  at  hearing  good  accounts 
of  his  sister  and  little  nephew,  and  promised  to  pay 
the  arrears  of  Isabella's  dowry  as  soon  as  possible.^ 

On  the  28th  of  June,  1 5 19,  Charles  was  elected  King 
of  the  Romans,  and  the  formal  announcement  of  his 
election  was  brought  to  Barcelona  by  Eleanor's 
rejected  suitor,  the  Palatine  Frederic,  whom  he  re- 
ceived with  open  arms.  A  few  days  after  this 
auspicious  event  the  Queen  of  Denmark,  on  the  4th  of 
July,  1 5 19,  gave  birth  to  twin  sons,  who  received  the 
names  of  Phihp  and  Maximihan.  Both,  however, 
died  within  a  week  of  their  baptism,  upon  which 
Sigebritt  is  said  to  have  remarked  that  this  was  a 
good  thing,  since  Denmark  was  too  small  a  realm  to 
support  so  many  Princes. 

With  the  help  of  Dutch  ships  and  gold,  Christian 
succeeded  in  subduing  the  Swedish  rebels,  and  was 
crowned  with  great  solemnity  in  the  Cathedral  of 
Upsala  on  the  4th  of  November,  1520.  But  the 
rejoicings  on  this  occasion  were  marred  by  the  execu- 
tion of  ninety  Swedish  nobles  and  two  Bishops,  who 
were  treacherously  put  to  death  by  the  King's  orders. 
This  act,  which  earned  for  Christian  the  title  of  the 

1  Archives  du  Royaume  :  Briixelles  Registre  des  Reveniis  et 
Depenses  de  Charles  V.,  ii.  72. 
-   J.  Altmeyer,  46. 


26    CHRISTIAN  II.,  KING  OF  DENMARK    [Bk.  ll 

Nero  of  the  North,  is  said  to  have  been  instigated  by 
Sigebritt  and  her  nephew  Slagbok,  a  Westphahan 
barber,  who  had  been  raised  from  this  low  estate  to 
be  Archbishop  of  Lunden.  The  insolent  conduct  of 
these  evil  counsellors  naturally  increased  the  King's 
unpopularity  in  all  parts  of  the  kingdom.  Yet  at 
the  same  time  Christian  II.  showed  himself  to  be  an 
excellent  and  enlightened  ruler.  He  administered 
justice  strictly,  and  introduced  many  salutary  re- 
forms. 

The  common  practice  of  buying  and  selHng  serfs  was 
prohibited.  Burgomasters  and  Town  Councils  were 
appointed  to  carry  out  the  laws,  and  a  system  of 
tolls  and  customs  was  established.  Schools  and  hos- 
pitals were  founded,  inns  were  opened  in  every  town 
and  village  for  the  convenience  of  travellers,  piracy 
and  brigandage  were  sternly  repressed.  An  Act  was 
passed  ordering  that  all  cargoes  recovered  from 
wrecks  were  to  be  placed  in  the  nearest  church,  and, 
if  not  claimed  by  the  end  of  the  year,  divided  between 
the  Crown  and  the  Church.  When  the  Bishops 
complained  of  the  loss  thus  inflicted  on  them,  the 
King  told  them  to  go  home  and  learn  the  Eighth 
Commandment.  Still  greater  was  the  opposition 
aroused  when  he  attempted  to  reform  clerical  abuses. 
Early  in  life  Christian  showed  strong  leanings  towards 
the  doctrines  of  Luther,  and  on  his  return  from 
Sweden  he  asked  his  uncle,  the  Elector  of  Saxony, 
to  send  him  a  Lutheran  preacher  from  Wittenberg. 
Although  these  efforts  at  proselytizing  met  with  little 
success,  the  King  openly  professed  his  sympathy  with 
the  new  Gospel.  He  had  the  Bible  translated  into 
Danish,  bade  the  Bishops  dismiss  their  vast  house- 
holds, issued   edicts   allowing  priests  to  marry,  and 


1513-23]  BIRTH  OF  DOROTHEA  27 

ordered  the  begging  friars  to  stay  at  home  and  earn 
their  bread  by  honest  labour.^ 

All  these  reforms  could  not  be  effected  without 
vigorous  opposition,  and  the  discontent  among  the 
nobles  and  clergy  became  every  day  more  active.  In 
the  spring  of  1521  a  young  Swedish  noble,  Gustavus 
Wasa,  raised  the  standard  of  revolt  in  Dalecarlia,  and 
led  his  peasant  bands  against  Stockholm.  Upon  this 
Christian  decided  to  pay  a  visit  to  the  Low  Countries 
to  meet  the  new  Emperor,  who  was  coming  to  be 
crowned  at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  and  seek  his  help  against 
the  citizens  of  Llibeck  and  the  Swedish  rebels.  The 
government  was  once  more  placed  in  the  hands  of 
Isabella.  A  few  months  before  this,  on  the  loth  of 
November,  1520,  while  Christian  was  absent  in 
Sweden,  the  Queen  had  given  birth  to  a  daughter, 
named  Dorothea  after  the  King's  grandmother,  the 
able  and  ambitious  Princess  of  Brandenburg,  who 
married  two  Kings  of  Denmark  in  succession.  Now 
she  followed  her  husband  with  wistful  thoughts  as  he 
started  on  his  journey,  attended  only  by  his  Chamber- 
lain, Anton  de  Metz,  and  three  servants,  and  rode  all 
the  way  to  her  old  home  in  the  Netherlands. 

On  the  20th  of  June  nine  Danish  ships  sailed  into  the 
port  of  Antwerp ,  and  a  few  days  afterwards  Christian  1 1 . 
rode  into  the  town.  His  fine  presence  and  the  courage 
which  he  had  shown  in  riding  through  Germany  with 
this  small  escort  excited  general  admiration. 

"  I  noted,"  wrote  Albert  Diirer  in  his  Journal, 
"  how  much  the  people  of  Antwerp  marvelled  at  the 
sight  of  this  manly  and  handsome  Prince,  who  had 
come  hither  through  his  enemies'  country,  with  these 
few  attendants." 2 

^  F.  Dahlmann,  "  Geschichte  von  Danemark,"  iii.  359. 
2  M.  Conway,  "  Literary  Reniains  of  Albert  Dnrer,"  124. 


28    CHRISTIAN- II.,  KING  OF  DENMARK    [Bk.ii 

The  Nuremberg  master  had  been  spending  the 
winter  in  the  Low  Countries,  paying  his  respects  to 
the  Regent  at  Mahnes,  and  conversing  with  Erasmus 
of  Rotterdam  and  Lucas  van  Leyden.  He  was 
starting  on  his  journey  home,  when,  on  the  Feast 
of  the  Visitation,  he  was  sent  for  by  the  King  of 
Denmark,  who  received  him  very  graciously,  and 
asked  him  to  dine  at  his  table  and  to  take  his  portrait. 
So  great  was  the  interest  which  Christian  showed  in 
the  painter's  work,  that  Durer  gave  him  a  fine  set 
of  his  prints,  which  are  still  preserved  in  the  museum 
at  Copenhagen,  and  accepted  an  invitation  to  accom- 
pany him  to  Brussels  the  next  day.  Thus  Albert 
Diirer  was  a  witness  of  the  meeting  between  Christian 
and  his  brother-in-law  Charles  V.,  who  had  just  arrived 
from  his  coronation  at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  and  had  been 
received  with  great  rejoicing  by  his  subjects.  At 
five  that  summer  evening  Charles  rode  out  from 
Brussels  at  the  head  of  a  brilliant  cavalcade,  and 
met  his  royal  brother-in-law  in  a  meadow,  where 
they  embraced  each  other  and  conversed  with  the 
help  of  an  interpreter.  Christian  speaking  in  German, 
and  Charles  in  French.  They  entered  Brussels  after 
sunset,  and  found  the  streets  hung  with  tapestries 
and  lighted  with  innumerable  torches  and  bonfires. 
The  Emperor  escorted  Christian  to  the  Count  of 
Nassau's  palace  on  the  top  of  the  hill,  which  Diirer 
describes  as  the  finest  house  that  he  had  ever  seen. 
The  next  morning  Charles  brought  his  guest  to  the 
palace  gates,  where  the  Regent  and  Germaine  de 
Foix,  King  Ferdinand's  widow,  were  awaiting  them, 
and  for  the  first  time  Margaret  came  face  to  face 
with  her  niece's  husband.  Christian  kissed  the  two 
ladies  in  French  fashion,  and  after  dinner  the  two 


1513-23]    KING  CHRISTIAN  AT  BRUSSELS        29 

Princes  spent  the  evening  dancing  with  the  Court 
ladies. 

"  Now,"  wrote  the  Venetian  Ambassador,  Gaspare 
Contarini,  "  at  two  hours  after  dark,  they  are  still 
dancing,  for  young  monarchs  such  as  these  are  not 
easily  tired." ^ 

The  impression  which  the  Danish  King  made  on  the 
learned  Itahan  was  very  favourable.  He  describes 
him  as  a  fine-looking  Prince,  with  an  earnest,  ani- 
mated expression,  long  locks,  and  a  beard  curled  after 
the  Italian  fashion.  In  his  black  satin  doublet, 
Spanish  cloak,  and  jewelled  cap,  he  looked  every 
inch  a  King.  On  the  Sunday  after  his  arrival 
Christian  entertained  the  Emperor,  the  Lady  Mar- 
garet, and  the  Queen-Dowager  of  Spain,  at  dinner. 
Albert  Diirer  was  present  on  this  occasion,  and  was 
afterwards  employed  to  paint  a  portrait  of  the  King 
in  oils,  for  which  Christian  gave  him  thirty  florins, 
an  act  of  liberality  which  contrasted  favourably  with 
Margaret's  parsimony.  "  The  Lady  Margaret  in  par- 
ticular," remarks  the  painter  in  his  Journal,  "  gave 
me  nothing  for  what  I  made  and  presented  to  her." 
Another  personage  in  whose  society  the  King  took 
pleasure  was  Erasmus,  who  discussed  the  reform  of 
the  Church  with  him,  and  was  much  struck  by  the 
monarch's  enlightened  opinions.  On  the  12th  of  July 
Christian  accompanied  his  brother-in-law  to  Antwerp, 
to  lay  the  foundations  of  the  new  choir  of  Our  Lady's 
Church,  and  went  on  to  Ghent,  where  he  paid  formal 
homage  for  the  duchy  of  Holstein,  and  was  confirmed 
in  his  rights  over  the  Hanse  towns,  but  could  not 
persuade  Charles  to  join  him  in  making  war  on  the 
friendly    citizens    of   Ltibeck.     At    Ghent    the    King 

^  Venetian  State  Papers,  iii.  139. 


30    CHRISTIAN  II.,  KING  OF  DENMARK    [Bk.ii 

sent  for  the  English  Ambassador,  Sir  Robert  Wingfield, 
with  whom  he  had  a  long  and  friendly  conversation, 
expressing  great  anxiety  to  meet  King  Henry  VIII. 
In  reply,  Wingfield  told  him  that  he  would  soon  have 
the  opportunity  of  seeing  the  English  monarch's 
powerful  Minister,  Cardinal  Wolsey,  to  whom  he 
could  speak  as  frankly  as  to  the  King  himself.^ 
Accordingly,  on  the  5th  of  August  Christian  accom- 
panied Charles  and  Margaret  to  the  Prinzenhof  at 
Bruges,  where  Wolsey  joined  them  a  week  later. 
The  regal  state  of  the  English  Cardinal  formed  a 
striking  contrast  to  the  King's  simplicity.  He  arrived 
with  a  train  of  over  a  thousand  followers,  clad  in 
red  satin,  and  twenty  English  nobles,  wearing  gold 
chains,  walked  at  his  horse's  side.  On  Sunday  he 
rode  to  Mass  with  the  Emperor,  and  dined  with  Charles 
and  Margaret,  "  praising  the  delicate  and  sumptuous 
manner  "  in  which  he  was  entertained.  When  the 
King  of  Denmark  sent  to  ask  him  to  come  to  his 
lodgings,  the  Cardinal  demurred,  saying  that,  as  he 
represented  His  Majesty  of  England,  the  King  must 
be  the  first  to  visit  him,  but  that  if  Christian  preferred 
he  would  meet  him  in  the  palace  garden.  Christian, 
however,  waived  ceremony,  and  called  on  Wolsey  the 
next  morning.  The  interview  was  a  very  friendly 
one.  Christian  expressed  his  anxiety  to  enter  into  a 
close  alHance  with  England,  and  begged  King  Henry 
to  be  a  good  uncle  to  his  young  kinsman,  James  V.  of 
Scotland.  Wolsey  on  his  part  was  much  impressed 
by  the  King's  good  sense  and  peaceable  intentions. 

"  Surely,  Sir,"  he  wrote  to  his  royal  master,  "  the 
King  of  Denmark,  though  in  appearance  he  should 
be  judged  to  be  a  rash  man,  yet  he  is  right  wise,  sober, 

^  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Henry  VIII.,  iii.  2,  555,  561,  582. 


CHRISTIAN  II.,  KING  OF  DENMARK 


To  face  p.  30 


1513-^3]  REVOLT  IN  DENMARK  31 

and  discreet,  minding  the  establishing  of  good  peace 
betwixt  Christian  Princes,  wherein  he  right  substanti- 
ally declared  his  mind  to  me  at  good  length."^ 

But  the  next  day  the  King  sent  the  Cardinal  word 
that  he  had  received  such  bad  news  from  his  own 
country  that  he  must  return  without  delay.  He 
actually  left  Bruges  that  day,  and  was  escorted  to  the 
city  gates  by  the  Papal  Nuncio  Caracciolo  and  Con- 
tarini,  who  took  leave  of  the  King,  and  returned  to 
dine  with  Erasmus  and  his  English  friend,  Messer 
Toma  Moro.^  Unfortunately,  Christian's  visit  to 
the  Low  Countries  produced  no  good  result,  and  there 
was  some  justification  for  the  Imperial  Chancellor's 
cynical  remark:  "It  would  have  been  better  to  keep 
the  King  here,  w^h ere  he  can  do  no  harm,  than  to  let 
him  go  home  to  make  fresh  mischief."^  He  left 
Bruges  dissatisfied  with  the  Emperor,  and  on  reaching 
Copenhagen  his  first  act  was  to  dismiss  the  Queen's 
confessor,  Mansueri.  When  the  Emperor  begged 
him  to  leave  his  sister  free  in  matters  of  conscience, 
he  broke  into  a  passionate  fit  of  rage,  tore  the  Golden 
Fleece  from  his  neck,  and  trampled  it  underfoot, 
cursing  his  meddlesome  brother-in-law.  What  was 
worse,  he  seized  several  Dutch  ships  in  the  Sound, 
and  drew  upon  himself  the  serious  displeasure  of  the 
Regent  and  her  Council. 

Meanwhile  Gustavus  Wasa  had  laid  siege  to  Stock- 
holm, and  there  was  a  rising  in  Jutland.  A  Papal 
Legate  arrived  at  Copenhagen  to  inquire  into  the 
judicial  murder  of  the  Swedish  Bishops  and  demand 
the  punishment  of  Slagbok.     The  unfortunate  Arch- 

1  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Henry  VIII.,  iii.  2,  614. 

2  Venetian  State  Papers,  iii.  162. 

^  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Henry  VIII.,  iii.  2,  576. 


32    CHRISTIAN  II.,  KING  OF  DENMARK    [Bk.ii 

bishop  was  made  a  scapegoat,  and  put  to  death  in 
January,  1522.  Stones  were  thrown  at  Sigebritt 
when  she  drove  out  in  the  royal  carriage,  and  one  day 
she  was  thrown  into  a  pond  by  some  peasants,  and 
only  rescued  with  difficulty.  Even  Christian  began 
to  realize  the  danger  of  the  situation,  and  wrote  to 
Isabella  from  Jutland,  begging  her  to  "  bid  Mother 
Sigebritt  hold  her  tongue,  and  not  set  foot  outside 
the  castle,  if  she  wished  him  to  return  home  alive." 
In  another  letter,  written  on  the  4th  of  February, 
1522,  from  the  Convent  of  Dalin,  the  King  congratu- 
lates his  wife  on  her  safe  deliverance,  and  the  birth 
of  *'  a  marvellously  handsome  child. "^  This  is  the 
only  intimation  we  have  of  the  birth  of  Isabella's 
second  daughter,  Christina.  The  exact  date  is  not 
to  be  found  in  the  Danish  archives,  and  has  hitherto 
eluded  all  research.  The  child  who  saw  the  light  in 
these  troubled  times  received  the  name  of  Christina 
from  her  grandmother,  the  Queen-Dowager  of  Den- 
mark, a  Princess  of  Saxon  birth,  who  still  resided  at 
King  Hans's  favourite  palace  of  Odensee.  All  we  know 
of  Queen  Christina  is  that,  on  the  2nd  of  April,  15 15, 
two  years  after  her  husband's  death,  she  addressed 
an  urgent  prayer  to  King  Henry  VIII.,  begging  him 
to  send  her  a  relic  of  St.  Thomas  of  Canterbury .^ 
We  are  not  told  if  a  phial  containing  a  drop  of  the 
saint's  blood  was  sent  to  Denmark  in  response  to 
this  entreaty,  but  the  request  is  of  interest  as  a  proof 
of  the  English  martyr's  widespread  renown. 

A  few  weeks  after  the  birth  of  her  little  daughter 
Isabella  wrote  a  touching  appeal  to  her  aunt,  im- 
ploring the  Regent's  help  against  the  Danish  rebels  : 

1  Altmcycr,  23.     Rccdtz  Manuscripts,  xiii.  28. 
-  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Henry  VIII.,  ii.  191. 


1513-23]         CHRISTIAN  II.  DEPOSED  33 

**  We  have  sad  news  from  my  lord  in  Jutland. 
The  nobles  there  have  rebelled  against  him,  and  seek 
to  deprive  him  and  our  children  of  their  crown  and 
their  lives.  So  we  entreat  you  to  come  to  our  help, 
that  we  may  chastise  these  rebels."^ 

Anton  de  Metz  was  sent  to  Brussels  on  the  same 
errand,  but  could  obtain  small  hopes  of  assistance. 
The  Regent's  Council  complained  that  King  Christian 
had  damaged  the  trade  of  the  Low  Countries  and  ill- 
treated  their  sailors,  and  the  temper  of  the  Court  was 
reflected  in  Sir  Robert  Wingfield's  despatches  to 
England. 

"  The  Easterlings,"  remarked  the  Ambassador, 
"  handle  the  King  of  Denmark  roughly,  and  his  own 
people  are  said  to  have  killed  the  Woman  of  Holland, 
who  was  mother  to  his  Dove,  as  the  King's  mistress 
was  called,  whereby  it  appeareth  that  ill  life  and  like 
governance  often  cometh  to  a  bad  end."^ 

King  Christian's  affairs,  as  Wingfield  truly  said, 
were  in  an  evil  plight.  In  June  Stockholm  sur- 
rendered to  Gustavus  Wasa,  and  the  citizens  of  Liibeck 
sent  a  fleet  to  burn  Helsingfors  and  threaten  Copen- 
hagen, To  add  to  the  unfortunate  King's  difficulties, 
his  uncle  Frederic,  Duke  of  Holstein,  who  had  always 
nursed  a  grievance  against  his  elder  brother,  the  late 
King  Hans,  now  took  up  a  hostile  attitude,  and 
made  common  cause  with  the  rebels.  On  the  20th  of 
January,  1523,  the  nobles  of  Jutland  met  at  Viborg, 
deposed  Christian  II.  formally,  and  elected  his  uncle 
Frederic  to  be  King  in  his  stead.  In  vain  Christian 
endeavoured  to  raise  fresh  forces,  and  sent  desperate 
appeals  to  his  kinsfolk  in  the  Low  Countries  and 
Germany,  and  to  his  alhes  in  England  and  Scotland. 

^  Altmeyer,  "  Isabella  d'Autriche,"  23. 

2  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Henry  VIII.,  iii.  2,  1086. 


34    CHRISTIAN  II.,  KING  OF  DENMARK    [Bk.ii 

Margaret  replied  curtly  that  the  Emperor  himself 
needed  all  the  men  and  ammunition  that  could  be 
obtained  in  those  parts.  The  young  King  of  Scot- 
land's Chancellor,  the  Archbishop  of  Glasgow,  sent 
a  sympathetic  message,  regretting  that  the  enmity  of 
England  prevented  him  from  helping  King  Christian 
against  his  rebel  subjects.  When  the  Dean  of 
Roskild  appeared  in  London  with  a  letter  from  the 
Danish  monarch,  begging  King  Henry  to  induce 
Margaret  to  help  him  against  the  Easterhngs,  Wolsey 
sent  a  splendid  barge  to  conduct  the  Ambassador  to 
Greenwich,  but  gave  him  little  encouragement  beyond 
fair  words.  "  So  I  hope,"  wrote  Sir  Robert  Wingfield, 
who,  in  spite  of  Christian's  civihties  at  Ghent,  had  little 
pity  for  him,  "  that  this  wicked  King  will  fail."^ 

The  unhappy  monarch  was  at  his  wits'  end.  Yet 
many  of  his  subjects  were  still  loyal.  The  bulk  of  the 
middle  and  lower  classes,  the  burghers,  artisans,  and 
country-folk,  looked  on  him  as  their  best  friend;  and 
when  he  appeared  at  the  fair  of  Ringsted,  a  thousand 
strong  arms  were  raised,  and  a  thousand  lusty  voices 
swore  fealty  to  Christian,  the  peasants'  King.  Copen- 
hagen was  strongly  fortified,  and  as  long  as  he  stayed 
there  he  was  safe  from  his  foes.  But  an  unaccount- 
able panic  seized  him.  Whether,  as  in  the  case  of 
Lodovico  Sforza,  whom  he  resembled  in  so  many 
ways,  remorse  for  past  crimes  enfeebled  his  will,  or 
whether  his  nerves  gave  way,  he  could  not  summon 
up  courage  to  meet  his  foes,  and  decided  to  fly.  A 
fleet  of  twenty  ships  was  equipped,  fully  supplied 
with  arms  and  ammunition,  and  laden  with  the  crown 

1  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Henry  VIII.,  iii.  2,  1189.  Alt- 
meyer,  "  Relations  Commerciales  du  Danemark  et  des  Pays- 
bas,"  105. 


1513-23]    FLIGHT  OF  THE  ROYAL  FAMILY      35 

jewels,  archives,  and  treasures.  The  Queen  and  her 
young  children — the  five-year-old  Prince  John,  the 
two  little  Princesses,  Dorothea  and  Christina  (a  babe 
of  fifteen  months) — went  on  board  the  finest  vessel  of 
the  fleet,  the  Great  Mary,  and  Mother  Sigebritt  was 
hidden  in  a  chest  to  save  her  from  the  fury  of  the 
people,  who  regarded  her  as  the  chief  cause  of  the 
King's  unpopularity.  But  the  greatest  compassion 
was  felt  for  Isabella  and  her  innocent  babes;  and 
even  the  usurper  Frederic  wrote  to  beg  the  Queen 
to  remain  in  Denmark,  assuring  her  that  she  and  her 
children  would  be  perfectly  safe.  On  the  14th  of 
April  the  fleet  set  sail.  An  immense  crowd  as- 
sembled on  the  ramparts  to  see  the  last  of  the  royal 
family.  The  King  made  a  farewell  speech,  exhorting 
the  garrison  to  remain  loyal  to  his  cause,  and  promis- 
ing to  return  in  three  months  with  reinforcements. 
Then  the  ships  weighed  anchor,  and  neither  Isabella 
nor  her  children  ever  saw  the  shores  of  Denmark 
again. 


BOOK  III 

KINGS  IN  EXILE 
1523— 1531 

I. 

The  troubles  of  the  Danish  royal  family  were  not 
over  when  they  left  Copenhagen.  A  violent  storm 
scattered  the  fleet  in  the  North  Sea,  and  drove  several 
of  the  ships  on  the  Norwegian  coast,  where  many  of 
them  were  lost  with  all  their  cargo.  The  remaining 
eleven  or  twelve  ships  entered  the  harbour  of  Veeren, 
in  Walcheren,  on  the  ist  of  May.  Here  the  King  and 
Queen  were  kindly  received  by  Adolf  of  Burgundy, 
the  Admiral  of  the  Dutch  fleet,  who  kept  them  for  a 
week  in  his  own  house,  and  then  escorted  them  to  the 
Regent's  Court  at  Malines.  Margaret  welcomed  her 
niece  with  all  her  old  affection,  and  took  her  and  the 
royal  children  into  her  own  house.  But  she  met  the 
King's  prayer  for  help  coldly,  saying  that  it  was 
beyond  her  power  to  give  him  either  men  or  money. 
The  moment,  it  is  true,  was  singularly  unpropitious. 
Not  only  were  all  the  Emperor's  resources  needed  to 
carry  on  his  deadly  struggle  with  France,  but  nearer 
home  the  Regent  was  engaged  in  a  fierce  conflict 
with  her  old  enemy,  Charles  of  Guelders,  for  the 
possession  of  Friesland.  As  Adolf  of  Burgundy  wrote 
to  Wolsey:  "  We  need  help  so  much  ourselves  that 

36 


1523-31]  VISIT  TO  LONDON  37 

we  are  hardly  in  condition  to  help  others."  ^  Christian 
soon  reahzed  this,  and  determined  to  apply  to 
Henry  VIII.,  relying  on  his  former  assurances  of 
brotherly  affection,  and  feeling  confident  of  Wolsey's 
support.  The  scheme  met  with  Margaret's  approval, 
and,  since  Isabella  had  only  brought  one  Dutch  maid 
and  the  children's  nurses  from  Copenhagen,  the 
Regent  lent  her  several  ladies,  in  order  that  she 
might  appear  in  due  state  at  the  English  Court  .^ 

On  the  5th  of  June  the  King  and  Queen  left  Malines 
with  a  suite  of  eighty  persons  and  fifty  horses,  and, 
after  w^aiting  some  time  at  Calais  to  hear  the  latest 
news  from  Denmark,  crossed  the  Channel,  and  reached 
Greenwich  on  the  19th.  Wolse}^  had  already  told 
the  Imperial  Ambassador,  De  Praet,  that  the  King 
of  Denmark  would  receive  little  encouragement  from 
his  master,  and  had  expressed  a  hope  that  he  would 
not  give  them  the  trouble  of  coming  to  England. 
He  met  the  royal  travellers,  however,  at  the  riverside, 
and  conducted  them  to  the  palace,  where  they  dined 
in  the  great  hall  with  the  King  on  the  following  day, 
Henry  leading  Christian  by  the  hand,  and  Queen 
Katherine  following  with  Isabella  and  her  sister-in- 
law,  Mary,  Duchess  of  Suffolk,  the  widow  of 
Louis  XII.,  who  was  still  known  as  la  Reine  blanche. 
From  Greenwich  the  King  and  Queen  of  Denmark 
moved  to  Bath  Place,  where  they  were  lodged  at 
Henry's  expense.  Katherine  welcomed  her  great-niece 
with  motherly  affection,  but  both  Henry  and  Wolsey 
told  Christian  plainly  that  he  had  made  a  fatal  mis- 
take in  deserting  his  loyal  subjects,  and  advised  him  to 
return  at  once  and  encourage  them  by  his  presence 

^  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  iii.  2,  1270. 

2  Altmeyer,  "  Relations  Commerciales,"  108. 

4 


38  KINGS  IN  EXILE  [Bk.  Ill 

All  the  English  monarch  would  do  was  to  send  Envoys 
to  Denmark  to  urge  the  usurper  Frederic  and  his 
supporters  to  return  to  their  allegiance. 

"  For,"  as  Henry  himself  wrote  to  the  Emperor, 
"  this  perfidity  of  the  King's  subjects  is  a  most  fatal 
example,  if  for  the  most  trifling  cause  a  Prince  is  to 
be  called  in  question,  and  expelled  and  put  from  his 
crown."  ^ 

The  futility  of  these  measures  was  evident  to 
De  Praet,  who  wrote  to  Charles  at  Toledo,  saying 
that  unless  he  took  up  the  exiled  monarch's  cause  for 
his  sister's  sake  he  would  never  recover  his  kingdom. 
Copenhagen  was  now  besieged  by  land  and  sea,  and 
if  the  garrison  were  not  relieved  by  Michaelmas  they 
would  be  forced  to  surrender,  and  Christian's  last 
hope  would  be  gone.  The  King  himself,  De  Praet 
owned,  seemed  little  changed,  and  he  advised  the 
Emperor  to  insist  on  Sigebritt's  removal  before  giving 
him  any  help. 

**  Your  Majesty,"  wrote  the  Ambassador,  ''  ought 
first  of  all  to  have  the  Woman  of  Holland  sought  out 
and  punished,  an  act  which  in  my  small  opinion  would 
acquire  great  merit  in  the  eyes  of  both  God  and  man."^ 

At  Isabella's  request,  both  Margaret  and  King  Henry 
had  spoken  strongly  to  Christian  on  this  subject,  but 
he  still  persisted  in  his  infatuation,  and  it  was  not 
till  after  he  had  left  the  Netherlands,  and  his  wife  and 
aunt  were  dead,  that  this  miserable  woman  was 
arrested  in  Ghent  and  burnt  as  a  witch  .^ 

As  for  the  Queen,  no  words  could  express  De  Praet's 
admiration  for  her  angelic  goodness.     "  It  is  indeed 

1  State  Papers,  Record  Office,  vi.  139,  155-158.  Calendar  of 
State  Papers,  iii.  2,  1293,  1329. 

2  J.  Altmcyer,  "  Relations,"  etc.,  108. 

^  D.  Schafer,  "  Geschichte  von  Danemark,  iv.  26. 


1523-31]  A  NOBLE  WIFE  39 

grievous,"  he  wrote,  "  to  see  this  poor  lady  in  so 
melancholy  a  plight,  and  I  cannot  marvel  too  much 
at  her  virtues  and  heroic  patience."  Henry  was 
equally  moved,  and  wrote  to  Charles  in  the  warmest 
terms  of  his  sister's  noble  quahties,  but  did  not 
disguise  his  contempt  for  her  husband.^ 

There  was,  clearly,  nothing  more  to  be  gained  by 
remaining  in  England,  and  on  the  5th  of  July  the  King 
and  Queen  returned  to  the  Low  Countries.  Isabella 
joined  her  children  at  Malines,  and  Christian  went  to 
Antwerp  to  equip  ships  for  the  relief  of  Copenhagen. 
But  he  soon  quarrelled  with  Margaret,  and  left  sud- 
denly for  Germany.  In  September  he  appeared  at 
Berlin,  having  ridden  from  Brussels  attended  by  only 
two  servants,  and  succeeded  in  raising  a  force  of 
25,000  men,  with  the  help  of  his  brother-in-law,  the 
Marquis  of  Brandenburg,  and  Duke  Henry  of  Bruns- 
wick. But  when  the  troops  assembled  on  the  banks 
of  the  Elbe,  King  Christian  was  unable  to  fulfil  his 
promises  or  provide  the  money  demanded  by  the 
leaders,  and  he  was  glad  to  escape  with  his  life  from 
the  angry  hordes  of  soldiers  clamouring  for  pay. 
By  the  end  of  the  year  Copenhagen  capitulated,  and 
in  the  following  August  the  usurper  Frederic  was 
elected  King  by  the  General  Assembly,  and  solemnly 
crowned  in  the  Frauenkirche  .^  The  crimes  of  the  un- 
happy Christian  recoiled  on  his  own  head,  and  in  the 
Act  of  Deprivation  by  which  he  was  formally  deposed, 
it  was  expressly  stated  that  his  neglect  of  his  noble 
and  virtuous  wife,  and  infatuation  for  the  adventuress 
Sigebritt  and  her  daughter,  had  estranged  the  hearts 
of  his  people.     But  through  all  these  troubles  Isabella 

^  State  Papers,  Record  Of&ce,  viii.  141,  156. 

2  Altmeyer,  "  Relations,"  etc.,  112;  Schafer,  iv.  44,  48. 


40  KINGS  IN  EXILE  [Bk.  iii 

clung  to  him  with  unchanging  faithfulness.  She 
followed  him  first  to  Berlin,  then  to  Saxony,  where 
he  sought  his  uncle's  help.  In  March  she  went  to 
Nuremberg  on  a  visit  to  her  brother,  King  Ferdinand, 
and  pleaded  her  husband  and  children's  cause  before 
the  Diet  in  so  eloquent  a  manner  that  the  assembled 
Princes  were  moved  to  tears. 

"  Everyone  here,"  wrote  Hannart,  the  minister 
whom  Charles  V.  had  sent  to  his  sister's  help,  "  is 
full  of  compassion  for  the  Queen,  but  no  one  places 
the  least  trust  in  the  King.  If  it  were  not  for  her 
sake,  not  a  single  man  would  saddle  a  horse  on  his 
behalf." 

Hannart,  in  fact,  confessed  that  he  had  done  his 
utmost  to  keep  Christian  away  from  Nuremberg, 
feeling  sure  that  his  presence  would  do  more  harm 
than  good.  Even  Isabella's  entreaties  were  of  no 
avail.  She  begged  her  brother  in  vain  for  the  loan  of 
20,000  florins  to  satisfy  the  Duke  of  Brunswick,  whose 
angry  threats  filled  her  with  alarm. 

"  I  am  always  afraid  some  harm  may  happen  to 
you  when  I  am  away,"  she  wrote  to  her  husband. 
"  I  long  to  join  you,  and  would  rather  suffer  at  your 
side  than  live  in  comfort  away  from  you."^ 

But  Christian,  as  Hannart  remarked  in  a  letter  to 
the  Regent  Margaret,  had  few  friends.  Even  his 
servants  did  not  attempt  to  deny  the  charges  that 
were  brought  against  him,  and  the  Queen  alone,  like 
the  loyal  wife  that  she  was,  sought  to  explain  and 
excuse  his  conduct. 

To  add  to  Isabella's  troubles,  her  brother  Ferdinand 
was  seriously  annoyed  at  the  leanings  to  the  Lutheran 
faith  which  she  now  displayed.     Christian's  Protestant 

^  Mtmeyer,  "  Isabelle  d'Autriche,"  30. 


1523-31]  MARTIN  LUTHER  41 

tendencies  had  been  greatly  strengthened  by  his  resi- 
dence in  Saxony  during  the  winter  of  1523.  He 
heard  Luther  preach  at  Wittenberg,  and  spent  much 
time  in  his  company,  dining  frequently  with  him  and 
Spalatin,  the  Court  chaplain,  and  making  friends  with 
the  painter  Lucas  Cranach.  The  fine  portrait  of  King 
Christian  by  this  artist  forms  the  frontispiece  of  a 
Danish  version  of  the  New  Testament  published  by 
Hans  Mikkelsen,  the  Burgomaster  of  Malmoe,  who 
shared  his  royal  master's  exile.  When  the  Marquis 
Joachim  of  Brandenburg  remonstrated  with  his 
brother-in-law  for  his  intimacy  with  the  heretic  Luther, 
Christian  repHed  that  he  would  rather  lose  all  three  of 
his  kingdoms  than  forsake  this  truly  Apostolic  man.^ 
Isabella's  naturally  religious  nature  was  deeply  im- 
pressed by  these  new  influences,  and  both  she  and 
her  sister-in-law,  EHzabeth  of  Brandenburg,  secretly 
embraced  the  reformed  doctrine.  At  Nuremberg 
she  attended  the  sermons  of  the  Lutheran  doctor 
Osiander,  and  received  Communion  in  both  kinds 
from  his  hands  on  Maundy  Thursday,  to  the  great 
indignation  of  King  Ferdinand,  who  told  her  he  could 
not  own  a  heretic  as  his  sister.  Isabella  replied  gently 
that  if  he  cast  her  off  God  would  take  care  of  her. 
Luther  on  his  part  was  moved  by  the  apparent 
sincerity  of  his  royal  convert. 

"  Strange  indeed  are  the  ways  of  God  !"  he  wrote 
to  Spalatin.  ''  His  grace  penetrates  into  the  most 
unlikely  places,  and  may  even  bring  this  rare  wild 
game,  a  King  and  Queen,  safely  into  the  heavenly 
net. "2 

^  "  Relations,"  etc.,  126;  C.  Forstemann,  "  Neues  Urkunden- 
buch  z.  Geschichte  d.  Reformation,"  i.  269. 

2  J.  Kostlin,  "  Leben  Luthers,"  i.  66;  C.  Forstemann,  i. 
169. 


42  KINGS  IN  EXILE  [Bk.  iii 

While  Luther  addressed  a  strong  remonstrance  to 
the  newly-elected  King  of  Denmark  and  the  citizens 
of  Liibeck,  Christian's  Chancellor,  Cornelius  Scepperus, 
drew  up  an  eloquent  memorial  to  Pope  Clement  VII. 
on  the  exiled  King's  behalf,  and  travelled  to  Spain  to 
seek  the  Emperor's  help.  By  Hannart's  exertions  a 
Congress  was  held  at  Hamburg  in  April,  which  was 
attended  by  representatives  of  the  Emperor,  the 
Regent  of  the  Netherlands,  the  Imperial  Electors  and 
Princes,  as  well  as  by  deputies  from  Denmark, 
England,  Poland,  and  Liibeck.  Isabella  accompanied 
her  husband  on  this  occasion,  at  Hannart's  request. 

"  I  hear  on  all  sides,"  he  wrote  to  Charles,  "  that 
the  people  of  Denmark  would  gladly  welcome  the 
return  of  the  Queen  and  her  children  if  the  King 
would  not  meddle  with  public  affairs,  and  a  good 
Governor  appointed  by  Your  Majesty  should  act  as 
Regent  until  the  young  Prince  is  of  age."^ 

But  when,  by  way  of  compromise,  some  members 
of  the  Congress  proposed  that  Frederic  should  retain 
the  throne,  and  recognize  Prince  John  as  his  successor. 
Christian  rejected  this  offer  angrily,  and  negotiations 
were  soon  broken  off.  Both  Charles  and  Margaret 
now  gave  up  all  hope  of  effecting  Christian's  restora- 
tion, and  concluded  a  treaty  in  the  following  August 
with  King  Frederic,  by  which  his  title  was  recognized, 
and  the  Baltic  was  once  more  opened  to  the  merchants 
of  the  Low  Countries. 

11. 

The    exiled   monarch,    now    compelled    to    realize 
the  hopelessness   of  his  cause,  returned  sorrowfully 
with  his  wife  to  the  Low  Countries,  and  Isabella  had 
^  K.  Lanz,  "  Correspondenz  Karls  V.,"  i.  io8. 


1523-31]    THE  CHILDREN  OF  DENMARK  43 

at  least  the  joy  of  embracing  her  children  once  more. 
During  this  long  absence  the  faithful  servants  who  had 
followed  their  King  and  Queen  into  exile  had  kept 
her  well  supplied  with  news  of  their  health  and 
progress. 

"  Prince  John,"  wrote  Nicolas  Petri,  Canon  of 
Lunden,  "  learns  quickly,  and  begins  to  speak  French. 
He  is  alread}^  a  great  favourite  with  the  Lady  Mar- 
garet. His  sisters,  the  Princesses,  are  very  well,  and 
are  both  very  pretty  children.  The  youngest,  Madame 
Christine,  has  just  been  weaned.  Madame  Marguerite 
says  that  she  will  soon  be  receiving  proposals  of 
marriage  for  the  elder  one.  These  are  good  omens, 
for  which  God  be  praised.  It  is  a  real  pleasure  to  be 
with  these  children,  they  are  so  good  and  charming. 
If  only  Your  Grace  could  see  them,  you  would  soon 
forget  all  your  troubles."^ 

But  not  all  Margaret's  affection  for  Isabella  and 
her  children  could  reconcile  her  to  the  King's  presence. 
Christian  was,  it  must  be  confessed,  a  troublesome 
guest.  His  restless  brain  was  always  busy  with  new 
plots  and  intrigues.  At  first  he  announced  his  inten- 
tion of  taking  Isabella  to  visit  the  Emperor  in  Spain, 
but,  after  spending  some  weeks  in  Zeeland  fitting  out 
ships,  he  suddenly  changed  his  mind,  and  took  Isabella, 
whose  health  had  suffered  from  all  the  hardships  and 
anxiety  that  she  had  undergone,  to  drink  the  waters 
at  Aix-la-Chapelle.  On  his  return  he  wished  to  settle 
at  Ghent,  but  the  Regent  and  her  Council,  fearing 
that  his  presence  would  excite  sedition  in  this  city, 
suggested  that  the  Castle  of  Gemappes  should  be 
offered  him  instead.  Charles  replied  that  if  the  King 
lived  at  Gemappes  he  would  certainly  spoil  his 
hunting,  and  thought  that  Lille  or  Bruges  would  be 

^  Altmeyer,  "  Isabelle  d'Autriche,"  26. 


44  KINGS  IN  EXILE  [Bk.  Ill 

a  better  place.  In  the  end  Lierre,  a  pleasant  city 
halfway  between  Malines  and  Antwerp,  was  chosen 
for  the  exiled  Princes'  home.  Towards  the  end  of 
1524  Christian  and  his  family  took  up  their  abode  in 
the  old  castle  which  still  goes  by  the  name  of  Het  Hof 
van  Danemarken,  or  Cour  de  Danemarck.  A  guard  of 
fifty  halberdiers  and  a  considerable  household  was 
assigned  to  them  by  the  Emperor's  order.  A  monthly 
allowance  of  500  crowns  was  granted  to  the  King, 
while  the  Queen  received  a  yearly  sum  of  2,000  crowns 
pour  employer  en  ses  menus  plaisirs.  But  Christian's 
reckless  and  disorderly  conduct  soon  landed  him  in 
fresh  difficulties.  Isabella  cut  up  her  husband's  old 
robes  to  make  clothes  for  her  little  girls,  and  was 
reduced  to  such  penury  that  she  was  compelled  to 
pledge,  not  only  her  jewels,  but  the  children's  toys. 
Meanwhile  Margaret's  letters  to  her  imperial  nephew 
were  filled  with  complaints  of  the  Danish  King's 
extravagance.  She  declared  that  he  was  spending 
800  crowns  a  month,  and  perpetually  asking  for  more. 
When  she  sent  her  maitre  d'hotel,  Monsieur  de 
Souvastre,  to  set  his  affairs  in  order,  he  was  con- 
fronted with  a  long  list  of  unpaid  bills  from  doctors, 
apothecaries,  saddlers,  masons,  carpenters,  tailors, 
and  poulterers.  But  accounts  of  the  straits  to  which 
the  Queen  and  her  children  were  reduced  had  evi- 
dently reached  Spain,  and  Charles  felt  it  necessary  to 
remind  his  aunt  gently  that,  after  all,  Isabella  was 
his  own  sister,  and  that  many  pensioners  whom  he 
had  never  seen  received  many  thousands  of  crowns  a 
year  from  his  purse. ^ 

Another    cause    of    perpetual    irritation    was    the 

^  Lanz,  i.  145,  150,  195;   Archives  du  Royaume  :   Revenus  et 
Depenses  de  Charles  V.,  1520-1530,  Reg.  1709;  Schafer,  iv.  89. 


1523-31]  A  ZEALOUS  LUTHERAN  45 

favour  shown  by  the  King  to  the  Lutherans,  whom  the 
Regent  was  trying  to  drive  out  of  Flanders.  The 
Court  of  Lierre  became  the  refuge  of  all  who  pro- 
fessed the  new  doctrine.  Margaret  insisted  on  the 
banishment  of  several  of  the  King's  servants,  including 
the  chaplain,  Hans  Monboe,  and  Prince  John's  tutor, 
Nicolas  Petri,  and  sent  others  to  prison.  But  these 
high-handed  acts  only  strengthened  Christian's  zeal 
in  the  cause  of  reform.  "  The  word  of  God,"  he  wrote 
to  his  friend  Spalatin,  "waxes  powerful  in  the  Nether- 
lands, and  thrives  on  the  blood  of  the  martyrs."^ 
The  letters  which  he  addressed  to  his  old  subjects 
were  couched  in  the  same  strain.  He  confessed  his 
past  sins,  and  prayed  that  he  might  be  restored  to 
his  kingdom,  like  David  of  old,  declaring  that  his 
sole  wish  was  to  live  for  Christ  and  do  good  to  his 
enemies.  At  the  same  time  he  hired  freebooters  to 
ravage  the  coast  of  Denmark,  and  provoked  King 
Frederic  to  close  the  Sound,  an  act  which  aroused 
widespread  discontent  in  the  Low  Countries.  In 
August,  1525,  he  sent  a  herald  to  England,  begging 
King  Henry  and  his  good  friend  the  Cardinal  to 
intercede  with  the  Regent,  and  induce  her  to  lend 
him  men  and  money  for  a  fresh  expedition.  But 
Margaret  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  all  entreaties,  and 
when  Isabella's  physician  recommended  her  to  try 
the  waters  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  again,  she  declined  to 
sanction  this  journey  on  the  score  of  expense.  She 
sent  her  own  doctor,  however,  to  Lierre,  and  at  his 
suggestion  the  invalid  was  moved  for  change  of  air 
to  Swynaerde,  the  Abbot  of  St.  Peter's  country-house 
near  Ghent.  But  Isabella's  ills  were  beyond  the 
reach  of  human  skill,  and  she  soon  became  too  weak 
^  J.  H.  Schlegel,  "  Geschichte  der  Kdnige  v.  Danemark,"  123. 


46  KINGS  IN  EXILE  [Bk.  ill 

to  leave  her  room.  On  the  12th  of  December 
Christian  sent  for  his  old  chaplain  from  Wittenberg, 
begging  him  to  return  without  delay. 

"  Dear  Brother  in  Christ,"  he  wrote, 

*'  Here  we  forget  Christ,  and  have  no  one  to 
preach  the  word  of  God.  I  implore  you  to  come  and 
give  us  the  comfort  of  the  Gospel.  Greet  our  brothers 
and  sisters." 

Upon  receiving  this  summons,  Monboe  and  Hans 
Mikkelsen  hastened  to  Ghent,  at  the  peril  of  their 
lives,  and  administered  spiritual  consolation  to  the 
dying  Queen.  On  the  19th  of  January  she  received 
the  last  Sacraments  from  the  priest  of  Swynaerde,  and 
saw  Monsieur  de  Souvastre,  by  whom  she  sent  her 
aunt  affectionate  messages,  commending  her  poor 
children  to  Margaret's  care.  A  few  hours  afterwards 
she  passed  quietly  away.  Both  Catholics  and  Luther- 
ans bore  witness  to  her  angelic  patience,  and  a  letter 
which  Christian  addressed  to  Luther,  ten  days  later, 
gives  a  touching  account  of  his  wife's  last  moments : 

"As  her  weakness  increased,  Frau  Margaret  sent 
her  servant,  Philippe  de  Souvastre,  and  other  excellent 
persons,  to  admonish  her  after  the  fashion  of  the 
Fopish  Anti-Christ's  faith  and  the  religion  of  his  sect. 
But  Almighty  God  in  His  mercy  deprived  my  wife 
of  her  powers  of  speech,  so  that  she  made  no  reply, 
and  they  gave  up  speaking,  and  only  anointed  her 
with  oil.  But  before  this  she  had  received  the  Blessed 
Sacrament  in  the  most  devout  manner,  with  ardent 
longing,  firm  faith,  and  stedfast  courage ;  and  when 
one  of  our  preachers  exhorted  her,  in  the  words  of 
the  Gospel,  to  stand  fast  in  the  faith,  she  confessed 
her  firm  trust  in  God,  and  paid  no  heed  to  the  super- 
stitious mutterings  of  the  others.  After  this  she 
became  speechless,  but  gave  many  signs  of  true  faith 
to  the  end,  and  took  her  last  farewell  of  this  world 
on   the    19th   of  January.     May   God   Almighty   be 


1523-31]  DEATH  OF  ISABELLA  47 

gracious  to  her  soul,  and  grant  her  eternal  rest  !  We 
are  strong  in  the  sure  and  certain  hope  that  she  has 
entered  into  eternal  bhss,  unto  which  God  bring  us 
all  !"i 

On  the  4th  of  February  the  dead  Queen,  who  had 
not  yet  completed  her  twenty-fifth  year,  was  buried 
with  great  pomp  in  the  cloisters  of  the  Abbey  of 
St.  Peter  at  Ghent,  where  a  stately  marble  tomb  was 
raised  over  her  ashes.  The  painter  Mabuse  was  em- 
ployed to  design  the  monument,  as  we  learn  from  a 
letter  which  the  King  addressed  to  the  Abbot  of 
St.  Peter's  in  1528,  complaining  of  his  delay  in  com- 
pleting the  work.  A  Latin  inscription  by  Cornelius 
Scepperus,  giving  Isabella's  titles  in  full,  and  recording 
her  virtues  and  the  sufferings  which  she  had  endured 
during  her  short  life,  was  placed  on  the  monument, 
which  is  described  by  an  English  traveller  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  PhiHp  Skippon.^  Unfortunately, 
the  tomb  was  rifled  by  the  mob  at  the  time  of 
the  French  Revolution,  but  the  ashes  of  the  Queen 
were  carefully  preserved  by  a  pious  Cure,  and  after- 
wards restored  to  their  former  resting-place. 

Isabella's  early  death  was  deeply  lamented,  not 
only  in  the  Low  Countries,  where  she  was  so  beloved, 
but  in  her  husband's  kingdoms.  Funeral  services  were 
held  throughout  the  land,  and  all  men  wept  for  the 
good  Princess  "  who  had  been  the  mother  of  her 
people."  On  all  sides  testimonies  to  her  worth  were 
paid.  Henry  of  England  wrote  to  King  Christian 
that  the  late  Queen  had  been  as  dear  to  him  as  a 
sister,  and  Luther  paid  an  eloquent  tribute  to  her 
memory  in  his  treatise  on  Holy  Women : 

1  Schlegel,  124-126. 

2  Churchill,  "  Travels,"  vi.  348. 


48  KINGS  IN  EXILE  [Bk.  iii 

"  Of  such  Kings'  daughters  there  was  indeed  one, 
of  the  noblest  birth,  Isabella,  Queen  of  Denmark,  a 
Princess  of  the  royal  house  of  Spain.  She  embraced 
the  Gospel  with  great  ardour,  and  confessed  the  faith 
openly.  And  because  of  this  she  died  in  want  and 
misery.  For  had  she  consented  to  renounce  her  faith, 
she  would  have  received  far  more  help  and  much 
greater  kindness  in  this  life."^ 


Ill, 

The  news  of  the  Queen  of  Denmark's  death  reached 
her  brother,  the  Emperor,  on  the  eve  of  his  marriage 
to  Isabella  of  Portugal.  Guillaume  des  Barres,  the 
bearer  of  Margaret's  letters,  found  him  at  a  village 
in  Andalusia,  on  his  way  to  Seville,  where  the  wedding 
was  to  take  place  on  the  following  day,  and  had  a  long 
interview  with  his  imperial  master  before  he  left  his 
bed  on  the  9th  of  March.  Charles  spoke  with  deep  feel- 
ing of  his  sister,  and  inquired  anxiously  if  the  Regent 
had  been  able  to  obtain  possession  of  her  children — 
"  a  thing,"  wrote  Des  Barres,  "  which  His  Majesty 
desires  greatly,  because  of  the  King's  heretical  lean- 
ings."^ 

Margaret  had  certainly  not  been  remiss  in  this 
matter.  But  Christian  was  more  intractable  than 
ever.  He  took  his  children  to  Ghent  immediately 
after  their  mother's  death,  and  refused  to  give  them 
up  until  the  Regent  had  paid  all  his  debts,  including 
7,000  florins  for  the  funeral  expenses,  and  2,000  more 
which  he  owed  to  the  landlord  of  the  Falcon  at  Lierre 
for  Rhine- wine  and  fodder.  His  language  became 
every  day  more  violent.  He  threatened  to  cut  off 
the  Governor  of  Antwerp's  head,  and  appealed  to  his 

^  Altmcyer,  "  Isabclle,"  35;  "  Relations,"  160. 
2  Altmeyer,  "  Relations,"  etc.,  166. 


1523-31]        MARGARET  INTERVENES  49 

comrades  of  the  Golden  Fleece  for  the  redress  of  his 
supposed  grievances.  At  length  Margaret,  seeing  that 
none  of  her  Court  officials  and  Councillors  could  bring 
him  to  reason,  rode  to  Lierre  herself  on  the  2nd  of 
March,  and  made  a  last  attempt  to  obtain  possession 
of  the  children  par  voye  aimable.  The  King,  she 
found,  had  already  packed  up  his  furniture  and  plate, 
even  the  chalice  which  was  used  in  the  royal  chapel, 
and  was  about  to  start  for  Germany. 

After  prolonged  discussion,  the  Regent  succeeded 
in  persuading  Christian  to  leave  his  children  with  her, 
on  condition  that  she  paid  his  debts  in  Lierre,  and 
provided  for  the  late  Queen's  funeral  expenses — "  a 
thing  which  must  be  done,"  she  wrote  to  Charles, 
"  out  of  sheer  decency."  But  she  quite  refused  the 
King's  demand  for  an  increased  allowance,  saying 
that  he  could  not  require  more  money  than  he  had 
received  in  his  wife's  lifetime.  Christian  then  left  the 
Netherlands  for  Saxony,  saying  that  he  intended  to 
raise  a  fresh  army  and  invade  Denmark.  "  He  is 
confident  of  recovering  his  kingdoms,"  wrote  Margaret 
to  the  Emperor,  "  but  my  own  impression  is  that  his 
exploits  will  be  confined  to  plundering  and  injuring 
your  subjects."  This  prophecy  was  literally  fulfilled, 
and  during  the  next  four  years  the  peaceful  folk  in 
Friesland  w^ere  harassed  by  turbulent  freebooters  in 
the  King  of  Denmark's  pay,  while  pirates  ravaged 
the  coasts  of  the  North  Sea,  and  led  the  Hanse  cities 
to  make  severe  reprisals  on  the  Dutch  ships. 

Margaret's  chief  object,  however,  was  attained. 
On  the  5th  of  March  she  returned  to  Malines  with 
the  Prince  of  Denmark  and  his  little  sisters.  "  Hence- 
forth, Monseigneur,"  she  wrote  to  Charles,  "  3^ou  will 
have  to  be  both  father  and  mother  to  these  poor 


50  KINGS  IN  EXILE  [Bk.  ill 

children,  and  must  treat  them  as  your  own."^  The 
Regent  herself  nobly  fulfilled  the  sacred  trust  com- 
mitted to  her  by  the  dying  Queen.  From  this  time 
until  her  own  death,  four  and  a  half  years  later, 
Isabella's  children  were  the  objects  of  her  unceasing 
care,  and  lacked  nothing  that  money  could  provide 
or  love  suggest.  They  lived  under  her  own  roof  in 
the  Palace  of  Malines,  that  city  of  wide  streets  and 
canals,  with  the  fine  market-place  and  imposing 
cathedral,  which  many  called  the  finest  town  in 
Flanders.  Margaret's  first  care  was  to  arrange  the 
royal  children's  household.  Prince  John  was  placed 
in  the  charge  of  a  governess.  Mademoiselle  Rolande 
de  Serclaes,  who  superintended  his  meals  and  taught 
him  **  Christian  religion  and  good  manners,"  while 
he  had  for  his  tutor  Cornelius  Agrippa,  the  dis- 
tinguished scholar  and  defender  of  women's  rights, 
who  dedicated  his  book,  "On  the  Pre-excellence  of 
Women,"  to  the  Regent.  In  Lent  the  Prince  and  his 
sisters  received  regular  instruction  in  the  palace 
chapel,  and  one  year  Friar  Jehan  de  Salis  received 
thirty-six  livres  for  preaching  a  course  of  Lent  sermons 
before  the  Prince  and  Princesses  of  Denmark.  Mar- 
garet herself  kept  a  watchful  eye  on  the  children.  A 
hundred  entries  in  her  household  accounts  show  how 
carefully  she  chose  their  nurses  and  companions,  their 
clothes  and  playthings.  One  of  her  first  gifts  to  the 
Prince  was  a  handsome  pony,  richly  harnessed  with 
black  and  gold  trappings.  Another  was  a  dwarf 
page,  who  became  his  constant  playfellow,  and  in 
his  turn  received  good  Ypres  cloth  and  damask  for 
his  own  wear.  Italian  merchants  from  Antwerp 
often  came  to  lay  their  wares  before  the  Regent. 
^  Lanz,  i.  195. 


1523-31]        THE  PALACE  OF  MALINES  51 

We  find  her  choosing  black  velvet  and  white  satin 
for  Prince  John's  doublet,  and  pearl  buttons  and  gold 
fringe  to  trim  his  sleeves,  and  ordering  the  goldsmith, 
Master  Leonard  of  Augsburg,  to  supply  an  antique 
silver  dagger  and  an  image  of  Hercules  for  the  Prince's 
cap.  Or  else  a  merchant  is  desired  to  send  her  two 
pairs  of  cuffs  of  exquisitely  fine  "  toile  de  Cambray," 
embroidered  with  gold  thread,  for  the  young  Prin- 
cesses' wear,^  and  twenty  gold  balls  for  the  fringe  of 
their  bed.  Amid  all  the  anxious  cares  of  State  which 
filled  her  time,  this  great  lady  seldom  allowed  a  day 
to  pass  without  seeing  her  nephew  and  nieces.  Their 
innocent  prattle  and  merry  laughter  cheered  her 
lonely  hours,  while  the  Prince  and  his  sisters  found 
plenty  to  amuse  them  in  their  great-aunt's  rooms. 
The  halls  were  hung  with  costly  Arras  tapestries  of 
David  kilHng  Goliath,  stories  of  Alexander  and 
Esther,  hunting  scenes  and  Greek  fables,  or  adorned 
with  paintings  by  the  best  masters.  Van  Eyck's 
**  Merchant  of  Lucca,  Arnolfini  with  his  Wife,"  and 
"  Virgin  of  the  Fountain,"  Rogier  Van  der  Weyden's 
and  Memling's  Madonnas,  Jerome  Bosch's  **  St. 
Anthony,"  Jacopo  de'  Barbari's  "  Crucifixion,"  were 
all  here,  as  well  as  Michel  van  Coxien's  little  Virgin 
with  the  sleeping  Child  in  her  arms,  which  Margaret 
called  her  mignonne.^  The  library  contained  a  com- 
plete collection  of  family  portraits,  chiefly  the  work 
of  the  Court  painter,  Bernard  van  Orley  or  Jehan 
Mabuse. 

Among  these  were  pictures  of  Margaret's  parents, 
Maximihan   and  Mary  of   Burgundy;   of  her  second 

^  Archives  du  Royaume,  Bruxelles.    Registre  desDepenses,etc., 
Nos.  1799,  1800,  1803. 
^  L.  de  Laborde,  "  Inventaire";  Henne,  iv.  387-390. 


52  KINGS  IN  EXILE  [Bk.  iii 

husband,  Monsieur  de  Savoie,  a  brilliant  cavalier 
clad  in  a  crimson  mantle  sown  with  daisies  in  allu- 
sion to  his  wife's  name;  and  of  her  brother,  King 
Philip,  with  his  children,  the  young  Archduke  Charles 
and  the  future  Queens  of  France  and  Denmark. 
Prince  John  and  his  sisters  would  recognize  the  por- 
traits of  their  own  father  and  mother,  King  Christian 
and  his  gentle  wife,  which  hung  over  the  mantel- 
piece, together  with  those  of  their  great-grandparents, 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  the  Kings  of  France  and 
England,  and  the  Grand  Turk.  But  better  in  the 
children's  eyes  than  all  the  pictures  and  bronzes,  the 
marble  busts  and  ivories,  the  silver  mirrors  and 
chandeliers,  better  even  than  the  Chinese  dragons 
and  stuffed  birds-of-Paradise  from  the  New  World, 
were  the  live  pets  with  which  their  aunt  loved  to  be 
surrounded.  The  famous  green  parrot  which  once 
belonged  to  Mary  of  Burgundy  had  lately  died,  to 
her  great  sorrow.  Margaret  herself  had  written  its 
epitaph,  and  the  Court  poet,  Jehan  Le  Maire,  had 
sung  the  bird's  descent  into  the  Elysian  fields,  and  its 
converse  with  Charon  and  Mercury,  in  his  elegy  of 
"  L'Amant  Vert."  But  in  its  stead  she  had  cages 
full  of  parakeets  and  singing  birds,  which  were  care- 
fully tended  by  her  ladies,  and  fed  with  white  loaves 
newly  baked  every  morning.  There  was  an  Italian 
greyhound  in  a  white  fur  tippet,  and  a  number  of 
toy-dogs  in  baskets  lined  with  swansdown,  and  a 
marmoset  that  she  had  bought  from  a  French  pedlar, 
which  afforded  the  Court  ladies  as  much  amusement 
as  the  royal  children.  Nor  were  other  diversions 
wanting.  Margaret  was  very  fond  of  music,  and  not 
only  kept  a  troop  of  viol  and  tambourine  players,  but 
often  sent  for  the  town  band  of  Ghent  and  Brussels, 


1523-31]  MABUSE'S  PICTURE  53 

or  the  Prince  of  Orange's  fife  and  organ  players,  to 
beguile  her  evenings.  Sometimes  the  children  of 
S.  Rombaut  and  the  choir-boys  of  Notre  Dame  du 
Sablon  in  Brussels  would  sing  chorales  during  dinner, 
or  strolling  players  and  German  marionettes,  Italian 
jugglers,  or  Poles  and  Hungarians  with  tame  bears, 
would  be  allowed  to  perform  in  her  presence.  On  one 
occasion  a  famous  lute-player  from  the  Court  of 
Whitehall  was  sent  over  by  King  Henry,  and  received 
seven  gold  crowns  for  his  pains.  Another  time  three 
Savoyards  were  rewarded  with  a  handful  of  gold 
pieces  for  the  tricks  with  which  they  had  amused  the 
Court  after  supper.  And  every  May  Day  the  archers 
of  the  guard  marched  in  procession  to  plant  hawthorn- 
bushes  covered  with  blossom  under  the  palace 
windows.^ 

In  these  pleasant  surroundings  the  children  of  Den- 
mark grew  up  under  the  same  roof  as  their  mother 
and  aunts  before  them,  leading  the  same  joyous  and 
natural  life.  No  wonder  that  through  all  her  troubled 
life  Christina  looked  back  fondly  to  these  early  times, 
and  never  forgot  the  happy  days  which  she  had  spent 
at  Malines.  There  is  a  charming  picture,  now  at 
Hampton  Court,  of  the  three  children,  painted  by 
Mabuse  soon  after  their  mother's  death,  and  sent 
to  King  Henry  VIII., whose  favour  Christian  II.  was 
once  more  trying  to  obtain.^ 

1  Henne,  iv.  387-391. 

2  This  painting  is  mentioned  in  one  of  Henry  VIII. 's  catalogues 
as  "  A  table  with  the  pictures  of  the  three  children  of  the  King  of 
Denmark,  with  a  curtain  of  white  and  yeUow  sarcenet."  In 
Charles  I.'s  inventory  it  is  described  as  "  A  Whitehall  piece, 
curiously  painted  by  Mabusius,  wherein  two  men  children  and 
one  woman  child  are  playing  with  some  oranges  in  their  hands 
by  a  green  table,  little  half-figures  upon  a  board  in  a  wooden 

5 


54  KINGS  IN  EXILE  [Bk.  m 

The  three  children  are  standing  at  a  table  covered 
with  a  gre«n  cloth,  on  which  apples  and  cherries  are 
laid.  Prince  John,  a  manly  boy  with  a  thoughtful, 
attractive  face,  wearing  a  black  velvet  suit  and  cap 
and  a  gold  chain  round  his  neck,  is  in  the  centre 
between  his  sisters.  On  his  right,  Dorothea,  a  pretty 
child  with  brown  eyes  and  golden  curls  frizzled  all 
over  her  head,  reaches  out  her  hand  towards  the 
fruit,  while  on  his  left  the  little  Christina  grasps  an 
apple  firmly  in  one  hand,  and  lays  the  other  con- 
fidingly on  her  brother's  arm.  Both  little  girls  are 
dressed  in  black  velvet  with  white  ermine  sleeves, 
probably  made  out  of  their  father's  old  robes.  But 
while  Dorothea's  curly  head  is  uncovered,  Christina 
wears  a  tight-fitting  hood  edged  with  pearls,  drawn 
closely  over  her  baby  face.  Her  tiny  features  are 
full  of  character,  and  the  large  brown  eyes,  with  their 
earnest  gaze,  and  small  fingers  clasping  the  apple, 
already  reveal  the  courage  and  resolution  for  which 
she  was  to  be  distinguished  in  days  to  come. 

At  this  early  period  of  their  lives  it  was,  naturally 
enough.  Prince  John  who  chiefly  occupied  his  guar- 
dian's thoughts.  A  boy  of  rare  promise,  studious, 
intelligent,  and  affectionate,  he  had  inherited  much 
of  his  mother's  charm,  and  soon  became  a  great 
favourite    at    Court.     Margaret    was    never    tired    of 

frame."  At  the  sale  of  the  King's  effects  it  was  called  a  Mabuse, 
and  valued  at  ^lo.  In  1743  the  same  picture  hung  in  Queen 
Caroline's  closet  at  Kensington  Palace,  and  was  described  by 
Vertue  as  "  Prince  Arthur  and  his  sisters,  children  of  Henry  VII." 
Five  years  later  it  was  removed  to  Windsor  and  engraved  under 
this  name.  Sir  George  Scharf  was  the  first  to  correct  this  obvious 
error  and  restore  the  original  title  (see  "  Archaeologia,"  xxxix.  245). 
Old  copies  of  the  picture,  mostly  dating  from  the  seventeenth 
century,  are  to  be  seen  at  Wilton,  Longford,  Corsham,  and  other 
places. 


z     S 


1523-31]  A  PROMISING  PRINCE  55 

describing  his  talents  and  progress  to  the  Emperor, 
who  took  keen  interest  in  his  young  nephew,  and 
was  particularly  glad  to  hear  how  fond  he  was  of 
riding. 

*'  Madame  my  good  Aunt/'  he  wrote, 

''  I  hear  with  great  pleasure  of  the  kindness 
shown  by  M.  de  Bregilles,  the  Master  of  your  House- 
hold, to  my  nephew,  the  Prince  of  Denmark,  and 
am  very  grateful  to  him  for  teaching  the  boy  to  ride 
and  mounting  him  so  well.  And  you  will  please  tell 
Bregilles  that  I  beg  him  to  go  on  from  good  to  better, 
and  train  the  boy  in  all  honest  and  manly  exercises, 
as  well  as  in  noble  and  virtuous  conduct,  for  you 
know  that  he  is  likely  to  follow  whatever  example  is 
set  before  him  in  his  youth.  And  I  have  no  doubt 
that,  not  only  in  this  case,  but  in  all  others,  you  will 
not  cease  to  watch  over  him. 

"  Your  good  nephew, 

''  Charles."^ 

When  in  July,  1528,  Margaret's  servant  Montfort 
was  sent  on  an  important  mission  to  Spain,  the 
Emperor's  first  anxiety  was  to  hear  full  accounts  of 
Prince  John  and  his  sisters  from  the  Envoy's  lips. 
He  expressed  great  satisfaction  with  all  Montfort  told 
him,  saying  that  he  entertained  the  highest  hopes  of 
his  nephew,  and  would  far  rather  support  his  claim 
to  Denmark  than  help  his  father  to  recover  the  throne 
— "  the  more  so,"  he  added, ''  since  we  hear  that  King 
Christian,  to  our  sorrow,  still  adheres  to  the  false 
doctrine  of  Luther." 

IV. 

King  Christian,  as  the  Emperor  hinted,  was  still  a 
thorn  in  the  Regent's  side.  Although,  since  his  wife's 
death,  most  of  his  time  had  been  spent  in  Germany, 

^  Altmeyer,  "  Isabella  d'Autriche,"  52. 


56  KINGS  IN  EXILE  [Bk.  ill 

he  remained  a  perpetual  source  of  annoyance.  In 
July,  1528,  he  induced  his  sister  Elizabeth  to  leave 
her  husband,  Joachim  of  Brandenburg,  and  escape 
with  him  to  Saxony.  All  Germany  rang  with  this 
new  scandal,  and  while  the  Marquis  appealed  to 
Margaret,  begging  her  to  stop  Christian's  allowance 
as  the  only  means  of  bringing  him  to  his  senses, 
EUzabeth,  who  had  secretly  embraced  the  reformed 
faith,  implored  the  Emperor's  protection  against  her 
husband,  and  refused  to  return  to  Berlin.  At  the 
same  time  the  King  did  his  utmost  to  stir  up  dis- 
content round  Lierre,  and  raised  bands  of  freebooters 
in  Holland,  whose  lawless  depredations  were  a  con- 
stant source  of  vexation  to  Charles's  loyal  subjects. 
When  the  Regent  protested,  he  replied  that  he  had 
nothing  to  do  with  these  levies,  and  that  his  intentions 
were  absolutely  innocent,  assurances  which,  Margaret 
remarked,  would  not  deceive  a  child.  Under  these 
circumstances,  relations  between  the  two  became 
daily  more  strained.  **  Margaret  loves  me  not,  and 
has  never  loved  me,"  wrote  Christian  to  his  Lutheran 
friends,  while  the  Regent  turned  to  Charles  in  her 
despair,  saying:  "  Monseigneur,  if  the  King  of  Den- 
mark comes  here,  I  simply  do  not  know  what  I  am 
to  do  with  him  !"^ 

Suddenly  a  new  turn  in  the  tide  altered  the  whole 
aspect  of  affairs.  On  the  3rd  of  August,  1529,  the 
Peace  of  Cambray  was  finally  concluded.  The  long 
war,  which  had  drained  the  Emperor's  resources, 
was  at  an  end,  and  his  hands  were  once  more  free. 
Christian  lost  no  time  in  taking  advantage  of  this 
opportunity  to  secure  his  powerful  kinsman's  help. 
He  addressed  urgent  petitions  to  the  Emperor  and 

^  Lanz,  i.  283;  Henne.  iv,  337. 


1523-31]  DEATH  OF  MARGARET  57 

King  Ferdinand,  and  sent  an  Envoy  to  plead  his 
cause  at  Bologna,  where  on  the  24th  of  February, 
1530,  Charles  V.  received  the  imperial  crown  from 
the  hands  of  Pope  Clement  VII.  But  the  only  con- 
dition on  which  the  exiled  monarch  could  be  admitted 
into  the  new  confederation  was  his  return  to  the 
Catholic  Church.  For  this,  too,  Christian  seems  to  have 
been  prepared.  On  the  2nd  of  February  he  signed 
an  agreement  at  Lierre,  in  which  he  promised  to  obey 
the  Emperor's  wishes,  and  to  hold  fast  the  Catholic 
faith,  if  he  should  be  restored  to  the  throne  of  Den- 
mark. When  Charles  crossed  the  Brenner,  Christian 
hastened  to  meet  him  at  Innsbruck,  and,  throwing 
himself  at  the  foot  of  Cardinal  Campeggio,  craved  the 
Holy  Father's  pardon  for  his  past  errors,  and  received 
absolution.  But,  in  spite  of  this  public  recantation, 
the  King  still  secretly  preferred  the  reformed  faith, 
and  continued  to  correspond  with  his  Lutheran  friends. 
On  the  25th  of  June  he  arrived  at  Malines  with  letters 
of  credit  for  24,000  florins,  which  he  had  received 
from  the  Emperor  as  the  price  of  his  submission. 
But  the  Council  refused  to  give  him  a  farthing  without 
the  Regent's  consent,  and  Margaret  declined  to  see 
him,  pleading  illness  as  her  excuse.  Although  only 
fifty  years  of  age,  she  had  long  been  in  failing  health, 
and  only  awaited  the  Emperor's  coming  to  lay  down  her 
arduous  office  and  retire  to  a  convent  at  Bruges.  An 
unforeseen  accident  hastened  her  end.  She  hurt  her 
foot  by  treading  on  the  broken  pieces  of  a  crystal 
goblet,  blood-poisoning  came  on,  and  she  died  in  her 
sleep  on  the  30th  of  November,  without  ever  seeing 
her  nephew  again.  The  touching  letter  in  which  she 
bade  him  farewell  was  written  a  few  hours  before  her 
death : 


58  KINGS  IN  EXILE  [Bk.  iii 

"  MONSEIGNEUR, 

"  The  hour  has  come  when  I  can  no  longer 
write  with  my  own  hand,  for  I  am  so  dangerously  ill 
that  I  fear  my  remaining  hours  will  be  few.  But  my 
conscience  is  tranquil,  and  I  am  ready  to  accept  God's 
will,  and  have  no  regrets  saving  that  I  am  deprived 
of  your  presence,  and  am  unable  to  see  you  and  speak 
with  you  before  I  die.  ...  I  leave  you  your  provinces, 
greatly  increased  in  extent  since  your  departure,  and 
resign  the  government,  which  I  trust  I  have  dis- 
charged in  such  a  way  as  to  merit  a  Divine  reward, 
and  earn  the  goodwill  of  your  subjects  as  well  as 
your  approval.  And  above  all,  Monseigneur,  I  re- 
commend you  to  live  at  peace,  more  especially  with 
the  Kings  of  France  and  England.  Finally  I  beg 
of  you,  by  the  love  which  you  have  been  pleased  to 
bear  me,  remember  the  salvation  of  my  soul  and  my 
recommendations  on  behalf  of  my  poor  servants. 
And  so  I  bid  you  once  more  farewell,  praying,  Mon- 
seigneur, that  you  may  enjoy  a  long  life  and  great 
prosperity. 

'*  Your  very  humble  aunt, 

"  Margaret."  1 

"  From  Malines  the  last  day  of  November,  1530." 

This  letter  reached  the  Emperor  at  Cologne  together 
with  the  news  of  Margaret's  death,  and  a  solemn 
requiem  was  chanted  for  her  soul  in  the  cathedral. 
Charles  and  his  subjects  fully  realized  the  great  loss 
which  his  pays  de  par-dec  a  had  suffered  by  his  aunt's 
death. 

**  All  the  provinces,"  said  Cornelius  Agrippa,  in  the 
funeral  oration  which  he  pronounced  in  S.  Rom- 
baut  of  Malines,  "  all  the  cities,  and  all  the  villages, 
are  plunged  in  tears  and  sorrow.  For  no  greater 
loss  could  have  befallen  us  and  our  country." 

The  young  Prince  of  Denmark,  whom  Margaret 
had  loved  so  well,  was  chief  mourner  on  this  occasion, 

1  Lanz,  i.  408;  Gachard,  "  Analecta  Belgica,"  i.  378. 


1523-31]  MARY  OF  HUNGARY  59 

and  rode  at  the  head  of  the  procession  which  bore 
her  remains  to  Bruges.  Here  they  were  laid  in  the 
Convent  of  the  Annunciation  until  the  magnificent 
shrine  that  she  had  begun  at  Brou  in  Savoy  was  ready 
to  receive  her  ashes  and  those  of  her  husband.  When, 
in  the  following  March,  the  Emperor  came  to  Malines, 
Prince  John  welcomed  him  in  a  Latin  speech,  in  which 
he  made  a  pathetic  allusion  to  the  loss  which  he  and 
his  sisters  had  sustained  in  the  death  of  one  who 
had  been  to  them  the  wisest  and  tenderest  of  mothers. 
Then,  turning  to  his  uncle  with  charming  grace,  he 
begged  the  Emperor  to  have  compassion  upon  him 
and  his  orphaned  sisters,  and  allow  them  to  remain  at 
his  Court  until  their  father  should  be  restored  to  his 
rightful  throne.  The  3^oung  Prince's  simple  eloquence 
produced  a  deep  impression.  The  Emperor  wath 
tears  in  his  e3^es  embraced  him,  and  the  magistrates 
of  Malines  presented  him  with  a  barrel  of  Rhenish 
wine  in  token  of  their  regard.^ 

Fortunately  for  the  children  of  Denmark,  as  well 
as  for  the  provinces  which  Margaret  had  ruled  so  well, 
another  Habsburg  Princess  was  found  to  take  her 
place.  This  was  the  Emperor's  sister  Mary,  whose 
gallant  husband.  King  Louis  of  Hungary,  had  fallen 
on  the  field  of  Mohacz  four  years  before,  fighting 
against  the  Turks.  The  widowed  Queen,  although 
only  twenty-one,  had  shown  admirable  presence  of 
mind,  and  it  was  largely  due  to  her  tact  and  popu- 
larity that  her  brother  Ferdinand  and  his  wife  Anna, 
the  dead  King's  sister,  were  recognized  as  joint  Sove- 
reigns of  Bohemia  and  Hungar}^  Her  own  hand  was 
sought  in  marriage  by  many  Princes,  including  the 
young  King  James  V.  of  Scotland  and  her  sister 
^  Schlegel,  126;  Altmeyer,  "  Relations,"  etc.,  186. 


6o  KINGS  IN  EXILE  [Bk.  hi 

Eleanor's  old  lover,  the  Palatine  Frederic,  whose 
romantic  imagination  was  deeply  impressed  by  the 
young  Queen's  heroic  bearing.  But  Mary  positively 
refused  to  take  another  husband,  saying  that,  having 
found  perfect  happiness  in  her  first  marriage,  she  had 
no  wish  to  try  a  second.  To  the  end  of  her  life  she 
remained  true  to  her  dead  lord,  and  never  put  off 
her  widow's  weeds.  But  her  courage  and  spirit  were 
as  high  as  ever.  She  was  passionately  fond  of  hunt- 
ing, and  amazed  the  hardest  riders  by  being  all  day 
in  the  saddle  without  showing  any  trace  of  fatigue. 
Her  powers  of  mind  were  no  less  remarkable.  She 
was  the  ablest  of  the  whole  family,  and  the  wisdom 
of  her  judgments  was  equalled  by  the  frankness  with 
which  she  expressed  them.  Like  all  the  Habsburg 
ladies,  she  was  highly  educated,  and  spoke  Latin  as 
well  as  any  doctor  in  Louvain,  according  to  Erasmus, 
who  inscribed  her  name  on  the  first  page  of  his 
"  Veuve  Chretienne."  Mary  shared  her  sister  Isabella's 
sympathy  with  the  reformers,  and  accepted  the 
dedication  of  Luther's  "  Commentary  on  the  Four 
Psalms  of  Consolation."  When  this  excited  her 
brother  Ferdinand's  displeasure,  she  told  him  that 
authors  must  do  as  they  please  in  these  matters, 
and  that  he  might  trust  her  not  to  tarnish  the  fair 
name  of  their  house.  "  God,"  she  added,  "  would 
doubtless  give  her  grace  to  die  a  good  Christian."^ 

In  the  spring  of  1530  Mary  met  Charles  at  Inns- 
bruck, and  accompanied  him  to  Augsburg.  When, 
a  few  months  later,  the  news  of  Margaret's  death 
reached  him  at  Cologne,  the  Emperor  begged  her  to 
become  Regent  of  the  Low  Countries  and  share  the 
burden  of  government  with  him.     But  Mary  had  no 

^  Altmeyer,  "  Relations,"  190. 


1523-31]  THE  NEW  REGENT  6i 

wish  to  enter  public  life,  and  asked  her  brother's  leave 
to  retire  to  Spain  and  devote  herself  to  the  care  of 
their  unhappy  mother,  Queen  Juana.  For  some 
time  she  resisted  the  entreaties  of  both  her  brothers, 
and  it  was  only  a  strong  sense  of  duty  w^hich  finally 
overcame  her  reluctance  to  assume  so  arduous  and 
ungrateful  a  task.  When  at  length  she  consented-, 
she  made  it  a  condition  that  she  should  not  be  troubled 
with  offers  of  marriage,  and  pointed  out  that  her 
Lutheran  sympathies  might  well  arouse  suspicion  in 
the  Netherlands.  But  Charles  brushed  these  objections 
lightly  aside,  saying  that  no  one  should  disturb  her 
peace,  and  that  he  should  never  have  trusted  her  wath 
so  important  a  post  if  he  had  regarded  her  Lutheran 
tendencies  seriously.  All  he  asked  was  that  the 
Queen  should  not  bring  her  German  servants  to  the 
Low  Countries,  lest  they  should  arouse  the  jealousy 
of  his  Flemish  courtiers. 

Mary  scrupulously  fulfilled  these  conditions,  and  on 
the  23rd  of  January,  1 531,  the  new  Regent  entered 
Lou  vain  in  state,  and  was  presented  to  the  Council 
by  the  Emperor,  as  Governess  of  the  Netherlands. 
Two  months  later  she  accompanied  Charles  to  Malines, 
where  for  the  first  time  she  embraced  her  little 
nieces.  For  the  present,  however,  Dorothea  and 
Christina,  w^ho  were  onty  nine  and  ten  years  old, 
remained  at  Malines,  while  Prince  John  accompanied 
his  uncle  and  aunt  on  a  progress  through  the 
provinces. 

Mary  soon  realized  all  the  difficulties  of  the  task 
that  she  had  undertaken  with  so  much  reluctance. 

"  The  Emperor,"  she  wrote  to  Ferdinand  from 
Brussels,  ''  has  fastened  the  rope  round  my  neck,  but 
I  find  public  affairs  in  a  great  tangle,  and  if  His 


62  KINGS  IN  EXILE  [Bk.  iii 

Majesty  does  not  reduce  them  to  some  degree  of 
order  before  his  departure,  I  shall  find  myself  in  a  very 
tight  place."  ^ 

The  Treasury  was  exhausted,  the  people  groaned 
under  the  load  of  taxation,  and  the  prodigal  generosity 
of  the  late  Regent  had  not  succeeded  in  suppressing 
strife  and  jealousy  among  the  nobles.  As  Mary 
wrote  many  years  afterwards  to  her  nephew,  Philip  II. : 

"  No  doubt  our  aunt,  Madame  Marguerite,  ruled  the 
Netherlands  long  and  well;  but  when  she  grew  old  and 
aihng  she  was  obliged  to  leave  the  task  to  others, 
and  when  the  Emperor  returned  there  after  her  death, 
he  found  the  nobles  at  variance,  justice  little  respected, 
and  all  classes  disaffected  to  the  imperial  service."^ 

But  the  young  Regent  brought  all  her  spirit  and 
energy  to  the  task,  and  with  her  brother's  help  suc- 
ceeded in  reforming  the  gravest  abuses  and  restoring 
some  order  into  the  finances.  The  gravest  difficulty 
with  which  she  had  to  contend  was  the  presence  of 
the  King  of  Denmark.  Since  Margaret's  death  this 
monarch  had  grown  bolder  and  more  insolent  in  his 
demands.  With  the  help  of  his  old  ally,  Duke  Henry 
of  Brunswick,  he  collected  6,000  men-at-arms  and 
invaded  Holland,  spreading  fire  and  sword  wherever 
he  went.  In  vain  Charles  remonstrated  with  him 
on  the  suffering  which  he  inflicted  on  peaceable  citi- 
zens. Christian  only  replied  with  an  insolent  letter, 
which  convinced  the  Emperor  more  than  ever  of  "  the 
man's  little  sense  and  honesty."  He  now  feared  that 
the  King  would  seize  one  of  the  forts  in  Holland  and 
remain  there  all  the  winter,  feeding  his  soldiers  at  the 
expense  of  the  unfortunate  peasantry,  and  infecting 

^  T.  Juste,  "  Les  Pays-Bas  sous  Charles  V.,"  35. 

2  L.  Gachard,  "  Retraite  et  Mort  de  Charles  V.,"  i.  348. 


1523-31]  A  FORLORN  HOPE  63 

them  with  Lutheran  heresy.  Under  these  circum- 
stances Charles  felt  that  it  was  impossible  to  desert  his 
sister,  and  decided  to  put  off  his  departure  for  Ger- 
many until  he  had  got  rid  of  this  troublesome  guest. 
At  length,  on  the  26th  of  October,  Christian  sailed 
from  MedembHk,  in  North  Holland,  with  twenty-five 
ships  and  7,000  men. 

"  He  has  done  infinite  damage  to  my  provinces  of 
Holland  and  Utrecht,"  wrote  Charles  to  Ferdinand, 
"  treating  them  as  if  they  were  enemies,  and  forcing 
them  to  provide  him  with  boats  and  provisions, 
besides  seizing  the  supplies  which  I  had  collected  for 
my  own  journey."^ 

So  great  were  the  straits  to  which  Charles  found 
himself  reduced  that  he  was  compelled  to  raise  a  fresh 
loan  in  order  to  defray  the  expenses  of  his  journey 
to  Spires.  But  at  least  the  hated  adventurer  was 
gone,  and  as  a  fair  wind  sprang  up,  and  the  sails  of 
King  Christian's  fleet  dropped  below  the  horizon,  the 
Emperor  and  his  subjects  felt  that  they  could  breathe 
freely. 

"  The  King  of  Dacia,"  wrote  the  Italian  traveller 
Mario  Savorgnano,  from  Brussels,  on  the  6th  of 
November,  "  has  sailed  with  twenty  big  ships,  thus 
relieving  this  land  from  a  heavy  burden.  He  goes 
to  recover  his  kingdom  of  Denmark,  a  land  lying 
north  of  the  Cymbric  Chersonesus.  .  .  .  But  I  am 
sure  that  when  the  people  come  face  to  face  with 
these  mercenaries,  especially  those  who  have  been 
in  Italy  and  have  there  learnt  to  rob,  sack,  burn,  and 
leave  no  cruelty  undone,  in  their  greed  for  gold,  they 
will  rise  and  drive  out  the  invaders. "^ 

This  time  Christian  determined  not  to  attempt  a 
landing  in  Denmark,  but  to  sail  straight  to  Norway, 
where  he  had  always  been  more  popular  than  in  any 

1  Lanz,  i.  572.  2  ]y[  Sanuto,  "  Diarii,"  Iv.  174. 


64  KINGS  IN  EXILE  [Bk.  ill 

other  part  of  his  dominions,  and  still  numbered  many 
partisans.  His  expectations  were  not  disappointed. 
When  he  landed,  on  the  5th  of  November,  the 
peasantry  and  burghers  flocked  to  his  standard. 
TheJ Archbishop  of  Drondtheim  and  the  clergy  declared 
in  his  favour,  and  the  States-General,  which  met  in 
January,  1532,  at  Oslo,  the  old  capital,  renewed  their 
oaths  of  allegiance  to  him  as  their  rightful  King. 
But  the  strong  forts  of  Bergen  and  Aggershus,  at  the 
gates  of  the  town,  closed  their  gates  against  him,  and 
his  army  soon  began  to  dwindle  away  for  want  of 
supplies.  Early  in  the  spring  a  strong  fleet,  fitted 
out  by  King  Frederic,  with  the  help  of  the  citizens 
of  Llibeck,  appeared  before  Oslo,  and  set  fire  to  Chris- 
tian's ships  in  the  harbour,  while  a  Danish  army,  under 
Knut  Gyldenstern,  advanced  from  the  south.  Once 
more  the  King's  nerve  failed  him.  He  met  the 
Danish  captain  in  a  meadow  outside  Oslo,  and,  after 
prolonged  negotiations,  agreed  to  lay  down  his  arms 
and  go  to  Copenhagen,  to  confer  with  his  uncle. 
The  next  day  he  disbanded  his  forces  and  took  leave 
of  his  loyal  supporters.  Thus,  without  striking  a 
blow,  he  delivered  Norway  into  the  usurper's  hands, 
and  surrendered  his  last  claim  to  the  three  kingdoms.^ 
In  return  for  his  submission,  Gyldenstern  had 
promised  the  King  honourable  entertainment  and 
given  him  a  written  safe-conduct.  Trusting  in  these 
assurances.  Christian  went  on  board  a  Danish  ship, 
and  on  the  24th  of  July  arrived  before  Copenhagen. 
As  the  ship  sailed  up  the  Sound  in  the  early  summer 
morning,  people  flocked  from  all  parts  to  see  their 
old  King,  and  many  of  the  women  and  children  wept 
aloud.  His  fate,  they  realized,  was  already  sealed. 
^  Schafer,  iv.  178-194. 


1523-31]  CHRISTIAN  II.' S  FALL  65 

Before  the  arrival  of  the  fleet,  a  conference  had  been 
held  between  Frederic  and  the  Swedish  and  Hanse 
deputies,  who  agreed  that  so  dangerous  a  foe  must 
not  be  allowed  to  remain  at  liberty,  and  condemned 
the  unfortunate  monarch  to  perpetual  imprisonment 
in  the  island  fortress  of  Sonderburg.  In  vain  Chris- 
tian demanded  to  be  set  on  shore  and  conducted  into 
his  uncle's  presence.  He  was  told  that  the  King 
would  meet  him  in  the  Castle  of  Flensburg  in  Schleswig. 
But  when,  instead  of  sailing  in  this  direction,  the  ship 
which  bore  him  entered  the  narrow  Alsener  Sound, 
and  the  walls  of  Sonderburg  came  in  sight,  the  un- 
happy King  saw  the  trap  into  which  he  had  fallen, 
and  broke  into  transports  of  rage.  But  it  was  too 
late,  and  he  was  powerless  in  the  hands  of  his  enemies. 
No  indignity  was  spared  him  by  his  captors.  As  he 
entered  the  lonely  cell  in  the  highest  turret  of  the 
castle,  Knut  Gyldenstern,  who  is  said  to  have  been 
one  of  his  mistress  Dyveke's  lovers,  plucked  the 
fallen  monarch  by  the  beard,  and  tore  the  jewel  of 
the  Golden  Fleece  from  his  neck.  None  of  the  old 
servants  who  had  clung  to  their  exiled  Prince  so 
faithfully  were  allowed  to  share  his  prison,  and 
for  many  years  a  pet  dwarf  was  his  sole  com- 
panion.^ 

In  this  foul  and  treacherous  manner  King  Chris- 
tian II.  was  betrayed  into  the  hands  of  his  foes  and 
doomed  to  lifelong  captivity.  And,  by  a  strange  fate, 
in  these  early  days  of  August,  at  the  very  moment 
when  the  iron  gates  of  Sonderburg  closed  behind  him, 
his  only  son,  the  rightful  heir  to  the  three  kingdoms, 
died  far  away  in  Southern  Germany,  within  the  walls 
of  the  imperial  city  of  Regensburg. 
^  Schlegel,  127-219. 


66  KINGS  IN  EXILE  [Bk.  Ill 

Meanwhile  the  news  of  Christian's  unexpected 
success  in  Norway  had  reached  Brussels  and  excited 
great  surprise. 

"  The  King  of  Denmark,"  wrote  Mary  of  Hun- 
gary to  her  brother  Ferdinand,  ''  has  done  so  well 
by  his  rashness  that  he  has  actually  recovered  pos- 
session of  one  of  his  kingdoms,  and  his  friends  hope 
that  he  may  be  able  to  stay  there." ^ 

This  was  towards  the  end  of  December,  when  the 
imperial  family  had  assembled  in  the  palace  to  keep 
Christmas.  Prince  John  had  won  golden  opinions 
on  the  progress  which  he  had  made  with  his  uncle 
and  aunt;  and  was  as  much  beloved  by  the  Emperor, 
wrote  Mario  Savorgnano,  as  if  he  were  his  own  son. 
Now  his  little  sisters  were  brought  to  Brussels  by 
their  uncle's  command  to  share  in  the  festivities. 
Early  in  January,  1532,  Charles  heard  that  his  sister, 
Queen  Katherine  of  Portugal,  had  given  birth  to  a 
son,  and  the  happy  event  was  celebrated  by  a  grand 
tournament  on  the  square  in  front  of  the  Portuguese 
Ambassador's  house.  The  Emperor,  accompanied  by 
the  Queen  of  Hungary  and  the  Prince  and  Princesses 
of  Denmark,  looked  on  at  the  jousts  and  sword  and 
torch  dances  from  a  balcony  draped  with  white  and 
green  velvet,  and  at  nine  o'clock  sat  down  to  a 
sumptuous  banquet.  The  Queen  was  seated  at  the 
head  of  the  table,  opposite  the  fireplace,  with  the 
Emperor  on  her  right  and  Princess  Dorothea  at  his 
side.  Prince  John  was  on  his  aunt's  left,  and  the 
youthful  Christina,  who  made  her  first  appearance  in 
public  on  this  occasion,  sat  between  her  brother  and 
the  Portuguese  Ambassador.  Henry  of  Nassau,  the 
Prince  of  Bisignano,  and  Ferrante  Gonzaga,  were  at 
1  T.  luste.  "  Les  Pays-Bas  sous  Charles  V.,"  49. 


1523-31] 


COURT  FETES  6^ 


the  same  board,  while  Nassau's  son,  the  young  Prince 

Rene,  who  had  lately  inherited  the  principality  of 
Orange  from  his  maternal  uncle,  sat  with  the  Queen's 
ladies  at  another  table.  Charles  was  in  high  spirits. 
He  talked  and  laughed  with  all  the  lords  and  ladies 
who  were  present  during  the  interminable  number  of 
courses  of  meat,  fish,  game,  wines,  cakes,  and  fruits, 
that  were  served  in  succession,  with  brief  interludes 
of  music.  When,  at  eleven,  the  Emperor  rose  from 
table,  an  Italian  comedy  was  acted,  in  which  Ferrante 
Gonzaga  and  several  Italian  and  Spanish  noblemen 
took  part.  Then  King  Cupid  appeared,  riding  in  a 
triumphal  car,  and  a  troop  of  Loves  danced  hand  in 
hand,  until,  at  a  sign  from  Charles,  the  actors  removed 
their  masks.  A  collation  of  confetti  and  Madeira  and 
Valencia  wines  was  then  served  at  a  buffet  laden  with 
costly  gold  and  silver  cups  and  precious  bowls  of 
Oriental  porcelain.  When  all  the  guests  had  ate  and 
drunk  their  fill,  the  finest  crystal  vases  and  bottles 
of  perfume  were  presented  to  the  Queen  and  Prin- 
cesses, and  the  other  ladies  received  gifts  from  the 
Ambassador.  The  royal  guests  joined  with  great  spirit 
in  the  dancing  which  followed,  and  did  not  retire 
till  two  o'clock.^  Concerts  and  suppers,  jousts  and 
dances,  succeeded  each  other  throughout  the  week, 
and  the  Emperor  gave  splendid  presents  to  the 
Ambassador  of  Portugal,  and  sent  cordial  congratula- 
tions to  his  royal  brother-in-law  on  the  birth  of  his 
son  and  heir. 

A    fortnight    later    Charles    left    Brussels,    taking 

Prince  John  with  him,  and  travelled  by  slow  stages 

to  Regensburg,  where  the  Imperial  Diet  was  opened 

in  May.     Here  the  Court  remained  during   the   next 

^  M.  Sanuto,  Iv.  417-419. 


68  KINGS  IN  EXILE  [Bk.  ill 

three   months,   and   the  young   Prince  was   sent   to 
receive  the  Count  Palatine,  the  Archbishop  of  Mainz, 
and  other  Princes  of  the  Empire,  who  arrived  in  turn 
to  take  part  in  the  assembly.     Unluckily  the  weather 
proved  very  disagreeable.     ''  Never,"  exclaimed  the 
Venetian  Ambassador,  "  was  there  such  a  detestable 
climate  !"     A  long  continuance  of  heavy  rains  and 
unusual   heat   was    followed    by    some   bitterly   cold 
days,  which   produced   serious   illness.     Princes   and 
nobles,  Ambassadors  and  servants,  all  succumbed  in 
turn  to  the  same  epidemic.     The  Venetian  took  to 
his  bed,  and  four  of  his  servants  became  seriously  ill. 
The   Emperor   himself  was   invaHded,   and   left   the 
town  to  take  waters  and  change  of  air  in  a  neighbour- 
ing village.     "  There  is  hardly  a  house  in  the  Court," 
wrote  the  Mantuan  Envoy,"  where  some  person  is  not 
ill.     Most    people    recover,    but    a   good    many    die, 
especially  those  who  are  young."     Among  the  victims 
was  Prince  John  of  Denmark.     Charles  returned  to 
find  his  nephew  in  high  fever  and  delirium.     He  was 
deeply  distressed,  and  when   the  poor  boy  became 
unconscious,  and  the  doctors  gave  no  hope,  he  left 
the  town  again,  saying  that  he  could  not  bear  to  see 
the  child  die.     The  Prince  never  recovered  conscious- 
ness, and  passed  away  at  two  o'clock  on  the  morning 
of  the  1 2th  of  August. 

"  The  poor  little  Prince  of  Denmark  died  last 
night,"  wrote  the  Mantuan  Ambassador,  "  to  the 
infinite  distress  of  the  whole  Court,  and  above  all  of 
Caesar,  who  bore  him  singular  affection,  not  only  on 
account  of  the  close  ties  of  blood  between  them,  but 
because  of  the  young  Prince's  charming  nature  and 
winning  manners,  which  made  him  beloved  by  every- 
one and  gave  rise  to  the  highest  hopes." ^ 

1  M.  Sanuto,  Ivi.  813-823. 


1523-31]  THE  EMPEROR'S  GRIEF  69 

By  the  Emperor's  orders  an  imposing  funeral 
service  was  held  at  Regensburg,  after  which  the 
Prince's  body  was  taken  to  Ghent  and  buried  in  his 
mother's  grave.  Charles  himself  wrote  to  break  the 
sad  news  to  Mary  of  Hungary  and  her  poor  little  nieces : 

**  Madame  my  good  Sister, 

"  This  is  only  to  inform  you  of  the  loss  we 
have  suffered  in  the  death  of  our  little  nephew  of 
Denmark,  whom  it  pleased  God  to  take  to  Himself 
on  Sunday  morning,  the  day  before  yesterday,  after 
he  had  been  ill  of  internal  catarrh  for  a  whole  week. 
This  has  caused  me  the  greatest  grief  that  I  have 
ever  known.  For  he  was  the  dearest  little  fellow,  of 
his  age,  that  it  was  possible  to  see,  and  I  have  felt 
this  loss  more  than  I  did  that  of  my  son,  for  he  was 
older,  and  I  knew  him  better  and  loved  him  as  if  he 
had  been  my  own  child.  But  we  must  bow  to  the 
Divine  will.  Although  I  know  that  God  might  have 
allowed  this  to  happen  anywhere,  I  cannot  help  feeling 
that  if  I  had  left  the  boy  at  home  with  you  he  might 
not  have  died.  At  least  his  father  will  be  sure  to 
say  so.  I  expect  you  know  where  he  is  said  to  be. 
Without  offence  to  God,  I  could  wish  he  were  in  his 
son's  place,  and  his  son  well  received  in  his  own 
kingdom.  All  the  same,  without  pretending  to  be 
the  judge,  perhaps  the  King  has  not  deserved  to  be 
there,  and  the  little  rogue  is  better  off  where  he  is 
than  where  I  should  have  liked  to  see  him,  and  smiles 
at  my  wish  for  him,  for  he  was  certainly  not  guilty  of 
any  great  sins.  He  died  in  so  Christian  a  manner 
that,  if  he  had  committed  as  many  as  I  have,  there 
v/ould  have  been  good  hope  of  his  soul's  weal,  and 
with  his  last  breath  he  called  on  Jesus.  I  am  writing 
to  my  little  nieces,  as  you  see,  to  comfort  them.  I 
am  sure  that  you  will  try  and  do  the  same.  The 
best  remedy  will  be  to  find  them  two  husbands."^ 

When  Charles  wrote  these  touching  words,  he  had 
not  yet  heard  of  the  disastrous  end  to  King  Christian's 
campaign,  and  believed  the  Prince's  father  to  be  in 
^  Lanz,  ii.  3. 


70  KINGS  IN  EXILE  [Bk.  in 

possession  of  the  Norwegian  capital.  But  he  added 
a  postscript  to  his  letter,  telling  the  Queen  of  a  report 
which  had  just  arrived,  that  the  King  had  been  taken 
prisoner  by  his  foes.  Four  days  later  this  report 
was  confirmed  by  letters  from  Liibeck  merchants, 
and  no  further  doubt  could  be  entertained  of  the 
doom  which  had  overtaken  the  unhappy  monarch. 
His  melancholy  fate  excited  little  compassion,  either 
in  Germany  or  in  the  Netherlands.  Luther,  to  his 
credit,  addressed  an  earnest  appeal  to  King  Frederic 
congratulating  him  on  his  victory,  and  begging  him 
to  take  example  by  Christ,  who  died  for  His  murderers, 
and  have  pity  on  the  unfortunate  captive.  But  in 
reply  Frederic  issued  an  apology,  in  which  he  brought 
the  gravest  charges  against  the  deposed  King,  and 
accused  him  of  having  preferred  a  low  woman  of 
worthless  character  to  the  noblest  and  most  virtuous 
of  Queens.  Before  long  the  old  commercial  treaties 
between  Denmark  and  the  Low  Countries  were 
renewed,  and  the  Baltic  trade  was  resumed  on  the 
understanding  that  no  attempt  was  made  to  revive 
King  Christian's  claims. 

The  prisoner  of  Sonderburg  was  forgotten  by  the 
world,  and  the  one  being  who  loved  him  best  on  earth, 
his  sister  Elizabeth  of  Brandenburg,  could  only  com- 
mend his  little  daughters  sadly  to  the  Regent,  and 
beg  her  to  have  compassion  on  these  desolate  children. 
Mary  repHed  in  a  letter  full  of  feeling,  assuring 
Elizabeth  that  she  need  have  no  fear  on  this  score, 
and  that  her  little  nieces  should  be  treated  as  if  they 
were  her  own  daughters.     She  kept  her  word  nobly .^ 

^  Altmeyer,  "  Relations,"  etc.,  206. 


BOOK  IV 

CHRISTINA,  DUCHESS  OF  MILAN 
1533— 1535 

I. 

In  the  letter  which  the  Emperor  wrote  to  Mary  of 
Hungary  on  his  nephew's  death,  he  remarked  that 
the  best  way  of  consoHng  his  httle  nieces  for  their 
brother's  loss  would  be  to  find  them  husbands.  The 
marriages  of  these  youthful  Princesses  had  already 
engaged  his  attention  for  some  time  past.  While 
Christina  was  still  a  babe  in  her  nurse's  arms,  the 
Regent  Margaret  had  been  planning  marriages  for 
her  great-nieces.  In  1527  Wolsey  proposed  King 
Henry's  illegitimate  son,  the  Duke  of  Richmond,  as 
an  eligible  suitor  for  one  of  them,  but  the  idea  of 
such  a  union  was  scouted  by  the  imperial  family.^ 
A  marriage  between  Dorothea  and  her  second  cousin. 
King  James  V.  of  Scotland,  was  discussed  during  many 
years,  and  only  abandoned  eventually  owing  to  the 
fickle  character  of  the  young  monarch.  After  Prince 
John's  death,  this  Princess  inherited  her  brother's 
claims  to  the  Danish  throne,  and  King  Frederic  went 
so  far  as  to  propose  that  she  should  wed  his  younger 
son  John,  offering  to  recognize  him  as  heir  to  Denmark, 
and  leave  the  duchies  of  Schleswig  -  Holstein  to  his 
1  Calendar  of  Spanish  State  Papers,  ii.  146. 
71 


72      CHRISTINA,  DUCHESS  OF  MILAN     [Bk.  iv 

elder  son  Christian.  But  the  Emperor  and  Mary  of 
Hungary  were  both  reluctant  to  treat  with  the 
usurper  who  had  deposed  their  brother-in-law,  and 
the  death  of  Frederic  in  April,  1533,  put  an  end  to 
the  scheme.^ 

Another  suitor  now  came  forward  in  the  person  of 
Francesco  Sforza,  Duke  of  Milan.  This  Prince  was 
the  younger  brother  of  Massimiliano  Sforza,  who  as 
a  boy  had  spent  several  years  at  the  Court  of  Malines, 
and  had  been  deposed  by  Francis  I .  after  a  brief  reign 
of  three  years.  Born  at  Milan  on  the  4th  of  February, 
1495,  when  his  father,  Lodovico,  was  at  the  height  of 
his  glory,  and  named  after  his  grandfather,  the  great 
Condottiere,  Francesco  II.  had  been  the  sport  of 
Fortune  from  his  childhood.  Before  he  was  two 
years  old,  his  mother,  the  brilhant  Duchess  Beatrice, 
died,  and  when  he  was  five  his  father  lost  both 
throne  and  freedom.  While  the  unfortunate  Moro 
ended  his  days  in  the  dungeons  of  Loches,  his  young 
children  were  brought  up  in  Germany  by  their  cousin 
Bianca,  the  second  wife  of  the  Emperor  MaximiHan. 
Francesco  spent  most  of  his  time  at  Innsbruck,  and, 
after  the  brief  interlude  of  his  brother's  reign  at 
Milan,  retired  once  more  to  Trent.  His  opportunity 
came  in  1521,  when  Leo  X.,  in  his  dread  of  France^ 
joined  with  Charles  V.  to  place  the  younger  Sforza 
on  his  father's  throne.  A  gallant  soldier  and  culti- 
vated man,  Francesco  II.  won  the  hearts  of  all  his 
subjects,  who  rejoiced  to  see  a  Sforza  Duke  again 
among  them.  But  misfortune  dogged  his  footsteps. 
In  1523  Milan  was  once  more  taken  by  the  French, 
and  after  their  defeat  at  Pavia  the  Duke  incurred 
the  Emperor's  displeasure,  and  was  deprived  of  his 
1  Schafer,  iv.  204,  209. 


1533-35]  FRANCESCO  SFORZA  73 

State,  chiefly  owing  to  the  intrigues  of  his  Chancellor, 
Morone,  with  Pope  Clement  VII.  It  was  only  in 
December,  1529,  when  Charles  came  to  Bologna  for 
his  coronation,  that,  at  the  intercession  of  the  Pope 
and  the  Venetians,  he  consented  to  pardon  Francesco, 
and  give  him  the  investiture  of  Milan  for  the  enormous 
sum  of  900,000  ducats.  But  it  was  a  barren  realm 
to  which  the  Duke  returned.  His  subjects  were 
ruined  by  years  of  warfare,  his  own  health  had 
suffered  severely  from  the  hardships  which  he  had 
undergone,  and  he  had  been  dangerously  wounded  by 
the  poisoned  dagger  of  an  assassin.  At  thirty-eight 
he  was  a  broken  man,  prematurely  old  and  grey. 
The  Venetian  chronicler  Marino  Sanuto,  who  saw  the 
Duke  at  Venice  in  October,  1530,  describes  him  as 
looking  very  melancholy,  and  being  only  able  to  walk 
and  move  his  hands  with  difficulty.^  He  apphed  him- 
self, however,  manfully  to  the  almost  hopeless  task  of 
reheving  the  distress  of  his  subjects  and  restoring 
order  and  prosperity.  With  great  difficulty  he 
succeeded  in  raising  400,000  ducats,  the  first  instal- 
ment of  the  payment  for  the  investiture  of  Milan, 
upon  which  the  Castello  was  restored  to  him.  His 
loyalty  and  modesty  had  gone  far  to  recover  the 
Emperor's  confidence,  and  Charles  treated  him  with 
marked  favour  and  kindness. 

This  encouraged  Francesco  to  aspire  to  the  hand 
of  a  Princess  of  the  imperial  house.  His  subjects 
were  exceedingly  anxious  to  see  their  Duke  married, 
and  already  more  than  one  suitable  bride  had  been 
proposed.  But  Margherita  Paleologa,  the  heiress  of 
Montferrat,  whom  her  mother  would  gladly  have 
given  Francesco  in  marriage,  was  wedded  to  his 
^  "  Diarii,"  liii.  231. 


74      CHRISTINA,  DUCHESS  OF  MILAN     [Bk.  iv 

cousin  Federico,  Duke  of  Mantua,  in  October,  1531, 
and  the  Pope's  niece,  the  Duchessina  Caterina  de' 
Medici,  another  prize  who  had  been  dangled  before 
the  Duke  of  Milan's  eyes,  was  betrothed  to  the  Duke 
of  Orleans  in  the  following  year.  Before  this  event 
was  announced,  in  January,  1532,  the  Milanese 
Ambassador,  Camillo  Ghilino,  who  had  accompanied 
Charles  to  Brussels,  ventured  to  ask  the  Emperor, 
on  his  master's  behalf,  for  the  hand  of  one  of  his 
nieces.  Charles  was  evidently  not  averse  to  the 
proposal.  It  was  part  of  his  policy  to  consolidate 
the  different  Italian  dynasties,  and  he  was  alive  to 
the  advantage  of  drawing  the  Duke  of  Milan  into 
his  family  circle.  But  he  returned  an  evasive  answer, 
saying  that  Princess  Dorothea  was  already  destined 
for  the  King  of  Scotland,  while  her  sister  Christina 
was  too  young,  and  that  he  could  arrange  nothing 
without  the  consent  of  her  father,  the  King  of  Den- 
mark, who  had  gone  to  Norway  to  try  and  recover 
his  kingdom.^  When  Francesco  met  Charles  at 
Bologna  in  the  following  December,  and  was  admitted 
to  the  newly-formed  League  of  Italian  States,  he  re- 
newed his  suit,  and  once  more  asked  for  Christina's 
hand.  On  the  loth  of  March  Charles  came  to  Milan, 
and  spent  four  days  in  the  Castello,  after  which  he 
accompanied  the  Duke  on  a  hunting-party  at  Vigevano, 
and  enjoyed  excellent  sport,  killing  two  wild-boars 
and  three  stags  with  his  own  hand.^  During  this 
visit  the  marriage  was  arranged,  and  on  the  loth  o^ 
June,  1533,  the  contract  was  signed  at  Barcelona 
by  the  Emperor  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  Chancellor 
of  Milan,  Count  Taverna,  and  the  ducal  Chamberlain, 

^  Altmeyer,  "  Relations,"  etc.,  298;  Sanuto,  Iv.  389,  414. 
2  Sanuto,  Ivii.  610,  637. 


1533-35]         THE  DUKE'S  COURTSHIP  75 

Count  Tommaso  Gallerati,  on  the  other.  Christina 
was  to  receive  100,000  ducats  out  of  the  sum  due  to 
the  Emperor,  as  her  dowry,  and  in  the  event  of 
Dorothea  succeeding  to  the  throne  of  Denmark 
another  100,000  was  to  be  settled  on  her.  Hawkins, 
the  Enghsh  Ambassador,  who  wrote  home  from 
Barcelona  to  announce  the  conclusion  of  the  marriage, 
remarked  that  the  Milanese  had  left  well  pleased, 
but  that  the  Duke  was  somewhat  to  be  pitied,  since 
he  was  only  to  have  the  younger  sister,  and  no  fortune 
with  her.     "  Dower  getteth  he  none."^ 

In  spite  of  this  drawback,  the  Milanese  received 
the  news  with  great  rejoicing,  and  any  regret  which 
they  might  have  felt  at  the  substitution  of  the  younger 
for  the  elder  sister  was  dispelled  by  the  Spaniards 
in  the  Emperor's  suite,  who  informed  the  Duke's 
Ambassadors  that  Christina  was  taller  and  far  more 
beautiful  than  Dorothea.  Francesco  himself  wrote 
to  an  old  friend  in  Cremona,  Giorgio  Guazzo,  saying 
that  he  would  lose  no  time  in  telhng  him  of  his  great 
good  fortune  in  winning  so  high-born  and  attractive 
a  young  lady  for  his  bride  .^  At  the  same  time  he 
agreed  with  the  Emperor  to  send  Count  Massimiliano 
Stampa,  his  intimate  friend,  to  the  Netherlands,  to 
wed  the  Princess  in  his  name,  and  bring  her  to  Milan 
that  autumn.  Meanwhile  the  news  of  the  marriage 
was  received  with  much  less  satisfaction  in  the  Low 
Countries.  Mary  had  taken  the  motherless  children 
to  her  heart,  and  was  especially  attached  to  Christina, 
who  resembled  her  in  character  and  tastes.  She  in- 
herited the  family  passion  for  riding  and  hunting,  and 
combined    her   aunt's   intelligence   and   ability   with 

^  State  Papers,  Record  OfQce,  vii.  465. 

2  M.  Sanuto,  Ivii.  157;  A.  Campo,  "  Storia  di  Cremona,"  107. 


^6      CHRISTINA,  DUCHESS  OF  MILAN     [Bk.  iv 

her  mother's  sweetness  of  disposition.  The  idea  of 
marrying  this  charming  child  of  eleven  to  a  half- 
paralyzed  invahd  old  enough  to  be  her  father  was 
repulsive,  and  Mary  did  not  hesitate  to  protest  against 
the  Emperor's  decision  with  characteristic  frankness. 

"  MoNSEiGNEUR,"  shc  wrotc  to  Charles  on  the  25th  of 

August, ''  I  have  received  Your  Majesty's  letters  with 

the  copy  of  the  treaty  which  you  have  been  pleased 

to  make  between  our  niece,  Madame  Chretienne,  and 

the  Duke  of  Milan,  on  which  point  I  must  once  for  all 

reheve  my  conscience.     I  will  at  least  show  you  the 

difficulties  which  to  my  mind  he  in  the  way,  so  that 

Your  Majesty  may  consider  if  any  remedy  can  be 

devised  before  the  matter  is  finally  arranged.     As  for 

our  said  niece,  I  have  no  doubt  that  she  will  agree 

to  whatever  you  please  to  wish,  since  she  regards  you 

as  her  lord  and  father,  in  whom  she  places  absolute 

trust,  and  is  ready  to  obey  you  as  your  very  humble 

daughter  and  slave.     The  child  is  so  good  and  willing 

there  will  be  no  need  for  any  persuasion  on  my  part, 

either  as  regards  the  Count's  coming  or  anything  else 

that  you  may  please  to  command;  but  on  the  other 

hand,   Monseigneur,   since   the   words   of   the   treaty 

clearly  show  that  the  marriage  is  to  be  consummated 

immediately,  and  she  will  have  to  take  her  departure 

without  delay,  I  must  point  out  that  she  is  not  yet 

old  enough  for  this,  being  only  eleven  years  and  a 

half,  and   I  hold  that  it  would  be  contrary  to  the 

laws  of  God  and  reason  to  marry  her  at  so  tender  an 

age.     She  is  still  quite  a  child,  and,  whatever  may 

be  the  custom  in  yonder  country,  you  are  exposing 

her  to  the  risk  of  bearing  a  child  at  this  tender  age, 

and  of  losing  both  her  own  life  and  that  of  her  issue. 

Monseigneur,  I  am  saying  more  than  I  ought  to  say, 

and  speaking  with  a  freedom  which  I  can  only  beg 

you  to  forgive,  because  both  my  conscience  and  the 

love    which    I  bear  the  child  constrain  me  to  write 

thus.     On   the   other   hand,   seeing   that   this   treaty 

requires   the   two  sisters   to   make  certain  promises, 

I  do  not  think  that  she  is  old  enough  to  enter  into 

these  engagements,  while  her  sister,  although  turned 


1533-35]  MARY'S  PROTEST  n 

twelve,  is  very  young  of  her  age,  and  should  hardly 
make  these  promises  without  the  consent  of  her 
father,  who  is  still  living.  I  know  that  I  am  meddling 
with  other  people's  business  by  writing  to  you  of 
those  matters  which  are  not,  strictly  speaking,  my 
affair.  But  I  feel  that  I  must  send  you  these  warnings, 
not  from  any  wish  to  prevent  the  marriage,  if  Your 
Majesty  thinks  it  well,  but  in  order  to  give  you  a 
reason  for  breaking  it  off,  if  any  difficulties  should 
arise.  For  it  seems  to  me,  that  as  people  often  try 
to  discover  the  fifth  wheel  in  the  coach,  where  there 
is  no  reason  to  make  any  difficulty,  it  would  be  easy 
to  find  some  excuse  for  embroiling  matters,  when  so 
good  a  cause  exists.  I  quite  understand  that  it  may 
not  be  easy  to  alter  the  treaty  at  this  hour,  but,  since 
I  had  not  the  opportunity  of  speaking  to  you  on 
the  subject  before,  I  feel  it  to  be  my  duty  to  warn 
you  of  these  things,  and  to  remind  you  of  the  child's 
tender  age,  of  which  Your  Majesty  may  not  have 
been  aware.  However  this  may  be,  Monseigneur,  I 
have  written  this  to  fulfil  my  duty  to  God,  as  well  as 
to  Your  Majesty,  my  niece,  and  the  whole  world, 
and  can  only  beg  you  not  to  take  what  I  have  said 
in  bad  part,  or  to  believe  that  any  other  cause  could 
have  led  me  to  speak  so  plainly  ;  and  I  take  my  Creator 
to  witness  that  this  is  true,  begging  Him  to  give  you 
health  and  long  life,  and  grant  your  good  and  virtuous 
desires : 

"  Your  very  humble  and  obedient  sister, 

"  Marie. 

"  From  Ghent,  August  25,  1533."  ^ 

Charles  answered  the  Queen's  protest  in  the  follow- 
ing brief  letter,  which  showed  that  his  mind  was 
made  up,  and  that  he  would  allow  no  change  in  his 
plans : 

"  Madame  my  good  Sister, 

"  I  have  received  your  letter,  and  will  only 
reply  briefly,  as  I  am  writing  to  you  at  length  on  other 
matters  by  my  secretary,  and  also  because  my  niece's 

1  Lanz,  ii.  87,  88. 


78       CHRISTINA,  DUCHESS  OF  MILAN     [Bk.  iv 

affair  is  rather  a  matter  for  priests  and  lawyers 
than  for  me,  and  I  have  desired  Granvelle  to  satisfy 
your  objections.  So  I  will  only  tell  you  that,  as 
the  children's  father  is  more  dead  to  them  than  if 
he  had  ceased  to  live,  I  signed  the  marriage  treaty 
before  I  left  Barcelona.  As  for  the  question  of  issue, 
I  fear  that  the  Duke's  advanced  years  will  prove  a 
greater  barrier  than  my  niece's  tender  youth.  I 
am  sure  that  you  will  act  in  accordance  with  my 
wishes,  and  I  beg  you  to  do  this  once  more. 

"From  Monzone,  September  ii,  1533."^ 

There  was  clearly  nothing  more  to  be  said;  but 
Mary  had  secretly  determined,  whatever  happened, 
not  to  allow  the  actual  marriage  to  take  place  until 
the  following  year,  and  in  the  end  she  had  her  way. 


II. 

When  the  Emperor  wrote  this  letter  to  his  sister, 
Count  Massimiliano  had  already  started  on  his  journey. 
He  left  Milan  on  the  eve  of  St.  Bartholomew, 
taking  Count  Francesco  Sfondrati  of  Cremona  and 
Pier  Francesco  Bottigella  of  Pavia  with  him,  and 
travelled  by  Trent  and  Spires  to  Louvain,  where  he 
arrived  on  the  12th  of  September.  The  next  day 
he  was  conducted  to  Ghent  by  Monsieur  de  Courrieres, 
the  Captain  of  the  Archers'  Guard,  and  met  at  the 
palace  gates  by  Monsieur  de  Molembais,  the  Queen's 
Grand  Falconer,  who  informed  him  that  Her  Majesty 
was  laid  up,  owing  to  a  slight  accident  out  hunting, 
and  could  not  receive  him  at  present.  After  many 
delays,  Stampa  at  length  succeeded  in  obtaining  an 
audience,  and  begged  the  Queen  earnestly  to  satisfy 
his  master's  impatience,  and   allow  the  marriage   to 

*  Lanz,  ii.  89. 


1533-35]  STAMPA'S  MISSION  79 

be  concluded  without  delay.  Mary  replied  very  civilly 
that,  since  this  was  Caesar's  will,  she  would  certainly 
put  no  obstacle  in  the  way,  but  explained  that  affairs 
of  State  compelled  her  to  visit  certain  frontier  towns, 
and  begged  the  Count  to  await  her  return  to  Brussels. 
She  then  sent  for  the  Princesses,  and  Stampa  was 
presented  and  allowed  to  kiss  their  hands.  But,  as  he 
only  saw  them  for  five  minutes,  all  he  could  tell  his 
master  was  that  Christina  seemed  very  bright  and 
lively,  and  was  much  better-looking  than  her  sister .^ 

In  spite  of  the  courtesy  with  which  he  was  enter- 
tained by  De  Courrieres  and  the  Duke  of  Aerschot, 
Stampa  clearly  saw  that  it  was  Mary's  intention  to 
delay  the  marriage  as  long  as  possible,  and  began  to 
despair  of  ever  attaining  his  object.  Fortunately, 
by  the  end  of  the  week  the  Emperor's  confidential 
Chamberlain,  Louis  de  Praet,  arrived  at  Ghent. 
De  Praet  had  been  Ambassador  in  England  and 
France,  and  was  now  sent  from  Spain  to  represent 
His  Majesty  at  the  wedding  and  escort  the  bride  to 
Milan.  When  he  had  seen  Stampa's  copy  of  the 
Treaty  of  Barcelona,  he  advised  him  to  join  the  Queen 
at  Lille  and  deliver  his  credentials.  Here  the  Count 
accordingly  presented  himself  on  the  i8th  of  Sep- 
tember, and  was  graciously  received  by  Mary,  who 
assured  him  that  the  affair  which  lay  so  near  his 
heart  w^ould  shortly  be  arranged.  He  was  con- 
ducted into  a  room  where  he  found  the  Princesses 
and  their  governess,  Madame  de  Fiennes,  and  con- 
versed with  them  for  half  an  hour.  When  the  Queen 
rose  to  attend  vespers,  she  touched  the  Count's  sleeve 
and  made  him  walk  at  her  side  as  far  as  the  chapel, 
and  thanked  him  for  the  fine  horse  which  the  Duke 
1  Archivio  di  Stato,  Milan,  Carteggio  Diplomatico,  1533. 


8o      CHRISTINA,  DUCHESS  OF  MILAN     [Bk.  iv 

had  sent  her,  telHng  him  how  fond  she  was  of  hunting. 
The  next  day  Stampa  was  invited  to  supper,  and 
afterwards  ventured  to  ask  if  he  might  see  the 
Princesses  dance.  To  this  request  the  Queen  gave 
her  consent.  The  flutes  and  tambourines  struck  up 
a  merry  tune,  and  the  Princesses  danced  first  a  ballo 
al  francese,  then  a  branle,  and  a  variety  of  French 
and  German  dances,  in  which  the  gentlemen  and 
ladies-in-waiting  took  part.  The  Count  was  about 
to  take  his  leave,  since  the  hour  was  already  late, 
when  De  Praet  told  him  he  must  first  see  the  Princesses 
dance  a  ballo  aWitaliano,  upon  which  the  two  sisters 
rose  and,  joining  hands,  danced  an  Italian  ballet 
with  charming  grace .  The  Ambassador  was  delighted , 
and  wrote  to  tell  his  master  what  a  favourable  im- 
pression Christina  had  made  upon  him  and  his 
companions  : 

"  She  is  hardly  shorter  than  her  sister,  and  much 
handsomer  and  more  graceful,  and  is  indeed  as  well 
built  and  attractive  a  maiden  as  you  could  wish  to 
see.     God  grant  this  may  lead  to  a  happy  marriage  1"^ 

The  next  morning  business  began  in  good  earnest. 
Prolonged  negotiations  were  held  between  Stampa 
and  the  Queen's  Councillors — Aerschot,  De  Praet, 
and  other  nobles — and  the  rights  of  the  Princess 
Dorothea  and  the  condition  of  Denmark  were  fully 
discussed.  While  the  Count  was  at  dinner,  De  Praet 
came  in,  and,  to  his  surprise,  informed  him  that  Her 
Majesty  wished  the  wedding  to  be  celebrated  on  the 
following  Sunday,  the  28th  of  September.  The  Count 
asked  nothing  better,  and  hastened  to  send  the  good 
news  to  Milan. 

On  Saturday  evening  Christina  signed  the  marriage 
^  Archivio  di  Stato,  Milano,  Carteggio  Diploraatico,  1533. 


1533-35]  CHRISTINA'S  WEDDING  8i 

contract  before  an  illustrious  assembly  in  a  hall  of 
the  palace  at  Lille,  which  was  hung  with  black  and 
gold  damask  for  the  occasion,  and  between  four  and 
five  on  Sunday  afternoon  the  wedding  was  solemnized 
by  the  Bishop  of  Tournay  in  the  chapel.  Count 
Massimihano,  gallantly  arrayed  in  cloth  of  gold,  was 
conducted  to  the  altar  by  De  Praet  and  the  great 
officers  of  State ;  the  vioHns  and  drums  sounded,  and 
the  bridal  procession  entered,  the  Queen  leading  her 
niece  by  the  hand.  "  As  the  Bishop  placed  the 
nuptial  ring  on  the  bride's  finger,"  wrote  Stampa  to 
his  lord,  "  she  received  it  with  evident  pleasure,  and 
all  the  Court  displayed  great  satisfaction." 

When  the  ceremony  was  over,  the  bride  retired,  and 
Stampa  spent  some  time  in  conversation  with  the 
Queen,  vainly  endeavouring  to  persuade  her  to  fix 
a  date  for  the  Duchess's  journey.  But  on  this  point 
Mary  was  inflexible.  De  Praet,  who  visited  him  the 
next  day,  explained  that  the  Queen  could  not  allow 
this  youthful  lady  to  be  exposed  to  the  perils  and 
fatigue  of  so  long  a  journey  in  winter,  and  that  her 
departure  must  therefore  be  put  off  till  the  following 
spring.  This  was  a  grievous  disappointment  to  the 
Count,  who  knew  how  anxious  the  Duke  was  to  see 
his  wife.  But  he  had  to  accept  the  situation,  and 
could  only  try  and  console  his  master  by  repeating 
the  Queen's  assurances  of  good- will  and  affection. 

She  even  begged  the  Count  to  join  her  in  a  hunting 
expedition  at  Brussels  in  the  following  week.  But 
this  Stampa  firmly  declined,  saying  that  he  must 
return  to  Milan  without  delay.  On  the  same  evening 
he  had  the  honour  of  a  parting  interview  with  the 
Duchess,  and  presented  her  with  a  fine  diamond 
and  ruby  ring  and  a  length  of  costly  brocade  in  her 


82       CHRISTINA,  DUCHESS  OF  MILAN     [Bk.  iv 

lord's  name.  Christina's  eyes  sparkled  with  delight 
at  the  sight  of  these  gifts,  and  she  thanked  Count 
Massimiliano  with  a  warmth  which  captivated  him. 
Then  he  took  leave  of  the  Queen,  who  started  at 
break  of  day  in  torrents  of  rain,  to  hunt  on  her  way 
to  Brussels,  leaving  the  Princesses  to  return  by 
Tournay.  The  Count  himself  went  to  Antwerp  to 
raise  money  for  his  journey,  and  despatched  a 
messenger  to  Milan  with  full  accounts  of  the  wedding. 

''  All  this  Court  and  the  Queen  herself,"  he  wrote, 
"  are  delighted  with  this  happy  event.  And  Your 
Excellency  may  rejoice  with  good  reason,  and  may 
rest  assured  that  you  have  the  fairest,  most  charming 
and  gallant  bride  that  any  man  could  desire."^ 

These  despatches  reached  Milan  on  the  13th  of 
October,  and  were  received  with  acclamation.  Guns 
were  fired  from  the  Castello,  the  bells  of  all  the  churches 
were  rung,  and  the  Senate  went  in  solemn  procession 
to  give  thanks  to  God  in  the  Duomo.  "  It  was 
indeed  good  tidings  of  great  joy,"  wrote  the  chronicler 
Burigozzo,  ''  and  such  rejoicing  had  not  been  known 
^n  Milan  for  many  years." ^  Francesco's  own  satis- 
faction was  considerably  diminished  by  hearing  that 
his  bride  was  not  to  set  out  on  her  journey  until  the 
following  February.  But  he  took  the  Queen's  decision 
in  good  part,  and  wrote  to  express  his  eternal  grati- 
tude to  her  and  Caesar  for  giving  him  their  niece. 

"  However  anxious  I  naturally  am  to  have  my 
wife  with  me,"  he  added,  "  I  recognize  the  gravity 
of  the  reasons  which  have  made  you  put  off  her 
journey  to  a  more  convenient  season,  and  think,  as 
you  say,  this  should  take  place  next  February."^ 

1  Carteggio  Diplomatico,  1533,  Archivio  di  Stato,  Milan. 

2  G.  M.  Burigozzo,  "  Cronaca  Milanese,"  1500-1544,  p.  516  ; 
"Archivio  Storico  Italiano,"  iii.  (1842). 

3  Potenze  Sovrane,  1533-34,  Archivio  di  Stato,  Milan. 


1533-35]  THE  DUKE'S  APPEAL  83 

The  Duke  sent  this  letter  by  a  special  messenger, 
and  received  in  reply  the  following  brief  note  in 
Italian  from  Christina: 

"  Most  illustrious  Consort, 

"It  gave  me  great  pleasure  to  hear  of  Your 
Excellency's  good  health  from  Messer  Sasso,  and  I 
can  assure  you  that  my  wish  to  join  you  is  no  less 
ardent  than  your  own.  But  it  is  only  reasonable  that 
we  should  bow  to  the  decision  of  the  Most  Serene 
Queen,  who  orders  everything  wisely  and  well.  I 
will  only  add  how  sincerely  I  hope  that  you  will  keep 
well,  and  love  me  as  much  as  I  love  you. 

'^  Your  Excellency's  most  loving  consort, 

"  Christierna,  Duchess  of  Milan. 

*' From  Brussels,  November  4,  1533."^ 

On  the  last  day  of  January,  1534,  the  Duke  held 
a  Council  of  State  to  consider  the  best  means  of 
raising  the  ;^  100,000  due  to  Caesar,  which  was 
assigned  to  his  niece  for  dower,  and  the  citizens 
agreed  cheerfully  to  new  taxes  on  grain  and  wine 
in  order  to  provide  the  necessary  amount.  But  it 
was  not  until  the  31st  of  March  that  Francesco  was 
able  to  issue  a  proclamation  informing  the  Milanese 
that  his  wife  had  started  on  her  journey.  The 
Duchess,  he  told  them,  would  be  among  them  by  the 
end  of  April,  and  he  could  count  on  his  loyal  subjects 
to  receive  her  with  due  honour;  but,  knowing  as  he 
did  their  poverty,  he  begged  that  the  customary 
wedding  gift  should  be  omitted.  The  Milanese  re- 
sponded with  enthusiasm  to  their  Duke's  appeal,  and 
prepared  to  give  his  bride  a  worthy  reception.  Their 
example  was  followed  by  the  citizens  of  Novara, 
Vigevano,  and  the  other  towns  along  the  route  between 
Savoy  and  Milan.  The  roads,  which  were  said  to  be 
^  Autografi  di  Principi  Sforza,  Archivio  di  Stato,  Milan. 


84     CHRISTINA,  DUCHESS  OF  MILAN     [Bk.  iv 

the  worst  in  the  duchy,  were  mended,  triumphal 
arches  were  erected,  and  lodgings  were  prepared  for 
her  reception .  The  following  quaintly- worded  memor- 
andum was  drawn  up  by  Councillor  Pier  Francesco 
Bottigella,  to  whom  these  arrangements  were  en- 
trusted : 

"  (i)  Mend  the  roads  and  clean  the  streets  through 
which  the  Lady  Duchess  will  pass,  and  hang  the 
walls  with  tapestries  and  carpets,  the  largest  and 
widest  that  you  can  find.  (2)  Paint  her  arms  on  all 
the  gates  through  which  she  passes.  (3)  Provide  a 
baldacchino  to  be  carried  over  her  head.  (4)  See 
that  lodgings  are  prepared  for  her  at  Novara,  either 
in  the  Bishop's  palace  or  in  the  ducal  hunting-lodge, 
and  let  these  be  cleansed  and  decorated.  (5)  Prepare 
rooms  in  the  town  for  the  Duchess's  household. 
(6)  Let  this  also  be  done  in  the  Castello  Vecchio  at 
Vigevano.  (7)  Desire  that  no  gifts  of  any  kind 
should  be  made  to  the  Duchess  at  Novara,  Vigevano, 
or  any  other  place." ^ 

When  these  instructions  had  been  duly  carried  out, 
Bottigella,  who  had  accompanied  Stampa  on  his 
mission  to  the  Low  Countries,  and  was  already 
acquainted  with  the  chief  members  of  the  Duchess's 
suite,  set  out  for  Chambery  by  the  Duke's  orders,  to 
meet  the  bride  on  the  frontiers  of  Savoy  and  escort 
her  across  the  Alps. 

III. 

Christina  had  now  completed  her  twelfth  year, 
and  Mary  of  Hungary  could  no  longer  invent  any 
excuse  to  delay  her  journey  to  Milan.  The  bridal 
party  finally  set  out  on  the  nth  of  March,  conducted 
by  Monseigneur  de  Praet,  the  Emperor's  representa- 

*  Potenze  Sovrane,  Archivio  di  Stato,  Milan. 


April,  1534]     A  WEDDING  JOURNEY  85 

tive,  and  Camillo  Ghilino,  the  Duke's  Ambassador, 
with  an  escort  of  130  horse.  Madame  de  Souvastre, 
one  of  Maximilian's  illegitimate  daughters,  whose 
husband  had  been  one  of  the  late  Regent's  con- 
fidential servants,  was  appointed  mistress  of  the 
Duchess's  household,  which  consisted  of  six  maids 
of  honour,  six  waiting- women,  four  pages,  and  ten 
gentlemen.  Christina  herself  rode  in  a  black  velvet 
litter,  drawn  by  four  horses  and  attended  by  six 
footmen,  and  her  ladies  travelled  in  similar  fashion, 
followed  by  twenty  mules  and  three  waggons  with 
the  baggage.  Mary  had  taken  care  that  the  bride's 
trousseau  was  worthy  of  a  daughter  of  the  imperial 
house,  and  the  chests  were  filled  with  sumptuous 
robes  of  cloth  of  gold  and  silver,  of  silk,  satin,  and 
velvet,  costly  furs,  jewels  and  pearls,  together  with 
furniture  and  plate  for  her  table  and  chapel,  and 
liveries  and  trappings  for  her  servants  and  horses. 
The  Duchess's  own  lackeys  and  all  the  gentlemen  in 
attendance  wore  coats  and  doublets  of  black  velvet, 
and  the  other  servants,  we  learn  from  John  Hackett, 
the  English  Ambassador  at  Brussels,  were  clad  in 
suits  of  ''  medley  grey,"  trimmed  with  velvet,  all 
"  very  well  accounted."^  The  imposing  cortege 
travelled  by  slow  stages  through  the  friendly  duchy 
of  Lorraine  and  across  the  plains  of  the  imperial 
county  of  Burgundy,  taking  journeys  of  twelve  or 
fifteen  miles  a  day,  until,  on  the  12th  of  April,  it 
halted  at  Chambery,  the  frontier  town  of  Savoy. 
The  reigning  Duke,  Charles  III.,  was  the  Emperor's 
brother-in-law  and  stanch  ally,  and  the  travellers 
were  hospitably  entertained  in  his  ancestral  castle  on 
the  heights.  Here  Bottigella  was  introduced  into 
^  State  Papers,  Record  Office,  vii.  545. 

7 


86       CHRISTINA,  DUCHESS  OF  MILAN     [Bk.  iv 

Christina's  presence  by  his  old  friend  Camillo  Ghilino, 
and  found  her  on  the  way  to  attend  Mass  in  the 
castle  chapel. 

''  The  Duchess,"  wrote  the  Councillor  to  his  lord, 
"  received  me  in  the  most  friendly  manner,  and  asked 
eagerly  after  you,  and  was  especially  anxious  to 
know  where  you  were  now.  I  told  her  that  you  were 
at  Vigevano,  but  would  shortly  return  to  Milan,  to 
prepare  for  her  arrival.  Mass  was  just  beginning,  so 
I  had  to  take  my  leave,  but  hope  for  another  oppor- 
tunity of  conversing  with  her  before  long,  and  can 
see  how  eager  she  is  to  ask  a  hundred  questions.  She 
is  very  well  and  lively,  and  does  not  seem  any  the 
worse  for  the  long  journey.  She  has  grown  a  great 
deal  since  I  saw  her  last  September,  and  is  as  beautiful 
as  the  sun.  M.  de  Praet  hopes  to  reach  Turin  in 
seven  days,  and  will  start  again  to-morrow."^ 

The  most  arduous  part  of  the  journey  now  lay 
before  the  travellers.  Leaving  Chambery,  they  pene- 
trated into  the  heart  of  the  Alps,  through  the  narrow 
gorge  of  the  Isere,  between  precipitous  ravines  with 
castles  crowning  the  rocks  on  either  side,  until  they 
reached  the  impregnable  fortress  of  Montmelian,  the 
ancient  bulwark  of  Savoy,  which  had  resisted  all  the 
assaults  of  the  French.  After  spending  the  night 
here,  they  rode  up  the  green  pastures  and  pine-clad 
slopes  of  S.  Jean  de  Maurienne,  and  began  the  ascent 
of  the  Mont  Cenis,  over  *'  those  troublesome  and 
horrid  ways  "  of  which  English  travellers  complained 
so  bitterly,  where  loose  stones  and  tumbled  rocks 
made  riding  almost  impossible.  "  These  ways,  in- 
deed," wrote  Coryat,  "  are  the  worst  I  ever  travelled 
in  my  life,  so  much  so  that  the  roads  of  Savoy  may 
be  proverbially  spoken  of  as  the  owls  of  Athens,  the 
pears  of  Calabria,  or  the  quails  of  Delos."^    On  the 

^  Potenze  Sovranc,  Archivio  di  Stato,  Milan. 

2  T.  Coryat,  "  Crudities,"  i.  215;  "Hardwick  Papers,"  i.  85. 


April.  1534]        BEATRIX  OF  SAVOY  87 

summit  of  the  pass  De  Praet  and  his  companions 
saw  with  interest  the  Chapel  of  Our  Lady  of  the 
Snows,  where  a  few  years  before  the  famous  Constable 
of  Bourbon  had  offered  up  his  sword  on  the  altar  of 
the  Virgin,  as  he  led  the  imperial  armies  across  the 
Alps.  Then  they  came  down  into  a  smiling  green 
valley,  with  walnut  woods  and  rushing  streams,  and 
saw  the  medieval  towers  of  Susa  at  their  feet.  Here 
they  were  met  by  the  Emperor's  Ambassador  at  the 
Court  of  Savoy,  who  came  to  pay  his  respects  to  the 
Duchess,  bringing  with  him  two  elegant  litters  of 
crimson  brocade,  sent  by  Charles's  sister-in-law, 
Beatrix  of  Portugal,  Duchess  of  Savoy,  for  Christina's 
use.  At  Rivoli,  two  stages  farther  on,  fifty  Coun- 
cillors from  Turin,  with  the  Bishop  of  Vercelli  at  their 
head,  appeared  on  horseback  to  escort  the  Duchess 
to  the  city  gates.  Here  Christina  mounted  her  horse 
and  rode  up  the  steep  ascent  to  the  citadel,  with 
De  Praet  walking  at  her  side.  The  beautiful  Duchess 
Beatrix  herself  awaited  her  guest  at  the  castle  gates, 
and,  embracing  Christina  affectionately,  led  her  by 
the  hand  up  the  grand  staircase  into  the  best  suite 
of  rooms  in  the  palace.  The  travellers  spent  two 
days  in  these  comfortable  quarters,  and  enjoyed  the 
brief  interval  of  rest,  although  the  Duchess,  as  Botti- 
gella  was  careful  to  tell  the  Duke,  seemed  the  least 
tired  of  the  whole  party,  and  was  in  blooming  health 
and  high  spirits. 

On  the  following  Sunday  Christina  rode  into 
Novara,  on  a  brilHant  spring  morning,  and  was 
lodged  in  the  Bishop's  palace,  and  received  with  the 
greatest  enthusiasm  by  her  lord's  subjects.  At 
Vigevano,  the  birthplace  and  favourite  home  of 
Lodovico  Sforza,  the  nobles,  with  Massimiliano  Stampa 


88      CHRISTINA,  DUCHESS  OF  MILAN     [Bk.  iv 

at  their  head,  rode  out  to  welcome  the  Duke's  bride, 
and  carried  a  rich  baldacchino  over  her  head.  Never- 
theless, halfway  between  No  vara  and  Vigevano,  De 
Praet  complained  to  the  Count  that  neither  the  re- 
ception of  the  Duchess  nor  the  rooms  prepared  for 
her  were  sufficiently  honourable — "  in  fact,  he  found 
fault  with  everything."  The  Count  expressed  some 
surprise,  since  both  the  Emperor  Maximilian  and 
Charles  V.  himself  had  stayed  at  Vigevano,  and  the 
latter  had  greatly  admired  the  buildings  and  gardens 
laid  out  by  Bramante  and  Leonardo.  But,  to  pacify 
the  exacting  priest,  Stampa  proposed  that  the  Duchess 
should  only  take  her  dejeuner  in  the  castle,  and  push 
on  to  his  own  villa  of  Cussago,  where  she  was  to 
spend  some  days  before  entering  Milan.  But  De 
Praet  replied  that  the  Duchess,  not  being  yet  accus- 
tomed to  this  climate,  felt  the  heat  of  the  sun,  and 
must  on  no  account  ride  any  farther  till  evening. 
So  all  the  Count  could  do  was  to  send  Bottigella  on 
to  see  that  the  Castello  was  adorned  with  wreaths 
of  flowers  and  verdure,  and  that  a  good  bed  was 
prepared  for  the  Duchess.^ 

At  least,  De  Praet  could  find  nothing  to  grumble 
at  in  Stampa's  country-house  at  Cussago,  the  ducal 
palace  and  hunting-grounds  which  had  been  given 
him  by  Francesco  II.  in  reward  for  his  unwavering 
loyalty.  The  beauty  of  the  spot,  the  delicious 
gardens  with  their  sunny  lawns  and  sparkling  foun- 
tains, their  rose  and  myrtle  bowers,  their  bosquets 
and  running  streams,  enchanted  the  travellers  from 
the  north.  The  villa  had  been  adorned  with  frescoes 
and  marble  doorways  by  the  best  Lombard  masters 
of  the  Moro's  Court,  and  was  once  the  favourite 
country-house  of  Beatrice  d'Este,  the  present  Duke's 
^  Potenze  Sovrane,  Archivio  di  Stato,  Milan. 


May.  1534]       CHRISTINA'S  HUSBAND  89 

mother,  who  often  rode  out  from  Milan  to  hunt  in 
the  forests  of  the  Brianza  or  play  at  ball  on  the 
terraces.  Now  her  son's  child-bride  saw  these  green 
lawns  in  all  the  loveliness  of  early  summer,  and  the 
frescoed  halls  rang  once  more  to  the  sound  of  mirth 
and  laughter.  Music  and  dancing  enlivened  the  days, 
and  a  drama — La  Sposa  Sagace — was  acted  one  even- 
ing to  amuse  Christina.  At  nightfall  the  guns  of  the 
Castello,  firing  salutes  in  her  honour,  were  heard  in  the 
distance,  and  the  bonfires  on  the  towers  of  Milan  lit  up 
the  evening  sky  with  crimson  glow.  Count  Massi- 
miliano  took  care  that  nothing  should  be  lacking  to 
the  enjoyment  of  the  Duchess,  and  begged  De  Praet 
to  attend  to  her  comfort  in  every  particular,  but,  as 
he  told  the  Duke,  it  was  not  always  easy  to  satisfy 
these  gentlemen. 

One  day  Christina  and  her  ladies  received  a  visit 
from  the  great  Captain  Antonio  de  Leyva,  the  Duke's 
old  enemy,  who  now  came,  cap  in  hand,  to  pay 
homage  to  the  Emperor's  niece.  Another  day  there 
was  a  still  greater  stir  at  the  villa,  for  the  Duke 
himself  appeared  unexpectedly,  having  ridden  out 
almost  alone,  to  pay  a  surprise  visit  to  his  bride. 
The  first  sight  of  her  future  lord  must  have  given 
Christina  a  shock,  and  her  ladies  whispered  to  each 
other  that  this  wan,  grey-haired  man,  who  could  not 
walk  without  the  help  of  a  stick,  was  hardly  a  fit 
match  for  their  fair  young  Princess.  But  Francesco's 
chivalrous  courtesy  and  gentleness  went  far  to  atone 
for  his  physical  defects,  and  nothing  could  exceed  the 
kindness  which  he  showed  his  youthful  bride.  After 
all,  she  was  but  a  child,  and  the  sight  of  this  new 
world  that  was  laid  at  her  feet  with  all  its  beauties 
and  treasures  was  enough  to  dazzle  her  eyes  and 
please  her  innocent  fancy. 


90     CHRISTINA,  DUCHESS  OF  MILAN       [Bk.  iv 

On  Sunday,  the  3rd  of  May,  the  Duchess  made  her 
state  entry  into  Milan.  Early  in  the  afternoon  she 
rode  in  her  litter  to  S.  Eustorgio,  the  Dominican 
convent  outside  the  Ticino  gate,  where  she  was 
received  by  the  Duke's  half-brother,  Giovanni  Paolo 
Sforza,  mounted  on  a  superb  charger,  and  attended 
by  all  his  kinsmen,  clad  in  white  and  gold.  After 
paying  her  devotions  at  the  marble  shrine  of  S.  Pietro 
Martive,  the  Prior  and  friars  conducted  her  to  partake 
of  refreshments  in  the  guests'  hall,  and  receive  the 
homage  of  the  Bishop  and  clergy,  of  the  magistrates 
and  senators.  At  six  o'clock,  after  vespers,  the 
procession  started  from  the  Porta  Ticinese.  First 
came  the  armourers  and  their  apprentices,  in  com- 
panies of  200,  with  coloured  flags  in  their  hands 
and  plumes  to  match  in  their  caps.  One  troop 
was  in  blue,  the  other  in  green.  At  the  head  of  the 
first  rode  Alessandro  Missaglia,  a  splendid  figure, 
wearing  a  silver  helmet  and  shining  armour  over  his 
turquoise  velvet  vest,  and  mounted  on  a  horse  with 
richly  damascened  harness.  The  green  troop  was 
led  by  Girolamo  Negriolo,  the  other  famous  Milanese 
armourer.  Then  came  300  archers  in  pale  blue  silk, 
and  six  bands  of  trumpeters  and  drummers,  followed  by 
a  great  company  of  the  noblest  gentlemen  of  Milan,  all 
clad  in  white,  with  flowing  plumes  in  their  hats  and 
lances  in  their  hands,  riding  horses  draped  with  silver 
brocade.  Visconti,  Trivulzio,  Borromeo,  Somaglia — 
all  the  proudest  names  of  Milan  were  there,  and  in  the 
rear  rode  the  veteran  Antonio  de  Leyva,  with  the 
Emperor's  representative,  De  Praet,  at  his  side. 

Immediately  behind  them,  under  a  white  and  gold 
velvet  baldacchino,  borne  by  the  doctors  of  the 
University,  rode  the  bride,  mounted  on  a  white  horse 


May,  1534]         THE  BRIDE'S  ENTRY  91 

with  glittering  trappings,  and  wearing  a  rich  white 
brocade  robe  and  a  long  veil  over  her  flowing  hair — 
"  a  vision  more  divine  than  human,"  exclaims  the 
chronicler  who  witnessed  the  sight;  ''  only,"  he  adds 
^n  an  undertone,  "  she  is  still  very  young."  At 
the  sight  of  the  lovely  child  the  multitude  broke  into 
shouts  of  joy,  and  the  clashing  of  bells,  the  blare  of 
trumpets,  and  sound  of  guns,  welcomed  the  coming 
of  the  Duchess.  Close  behind  her  rode  Cardinal 
Ercole  Gonzaga,  the  Duke's  cousin,  and  on  either 
side  a  guard  of  twelve  noble  youths,  with  white 
ostrich  feathers  in  their  caps,  so  that  Her  Excellency 
"  appeared  to  be  surrounded  with  a  forest  of  waving 
plumes."  In  the  rear  came  Madame  de  Souvastre 
and  her  ladies  in  litters,  followed  by  a  crowd  of 
senators,  bishops,  and  magistrates. 

Six  triumphal  arches,  adorned  with  statues  and 
paintings,  lined  the  route.  Peace  with  her  olive- 
branch,  Plent}^  with  the  cornucopia.  Prosperity 
bearing  a  caduceus,  Joy  crowned  with  flowers,  wel- 
comed the  bride  in  turn.  Everywhere  the  imperial 
eagles  were  seen  together  with  the  Sforza  arms, 
and  countless  mottoes  with  courtly  allusions  to  the 
golden  age  that  had  at  length  dawned  for  distracted 
Milan.  ''  Thy  coming,  O  Christina,  confirms  the 
peace  of  Italy  !"  On  the  piazza  of  the  Duomo,  a 
pageant  of  the  Seasons  greeted  her — Spring  with 
arms  full  of  roses.  Summer  laden  with  ripe  ears  of 
corn.  Autumn  bearing  purple  grapes,  and  Winter 
wrapt  in  snowy  fur;  while  Minerva  was  seen  closing 
the  doors  of  the  Temple  of  Janus,  and  Juno  and 
Hymen,  with  outstretched  arms,  hailed  Francesco, 
the  son  of  the  great  Lodovico,  and  Christina,  the 
daughter   of   Dacia   and   Austria.     At   the   steps   of 


92     CHRISTINA,  DUCHESS  OF  MILAN      [Bk.  iv 

the  Duomo  the  long  procession  halted.  Cardinal 
Gonzaga  helped  the  Duchess  to  alight,  and  led  her  to 
the  altar,  where  she  knelt  in  silent  prayer,  kissed  the 
pax  held  up  to  her  by  the  Archbishop,  and  received 
his  benediction.  The  walls  of  the  long  nave  were 
hung  with  tapestries,  and  the  choir  draped  with  cloth 
of  gold  and  adorned  with  statues  of  the  patron  saints 
of  Milan.  "  When  you  entered  the  doors,"  wrote 
the  chronicler,  "  you  seemed  to  be  in  Paradise." 

Then  the  Duchess  mounted  her  horse  again,  and 
the  procession  passed  up  the  Goldsmiths'  Street  to 
the  Castello.  Here  the  decorations  were  still  more 
sumptuous.  One  imposing  arch  was  adorned  with 
a  painting  of  St.  John  leaning  on  the  bosom  of  Christ, 
copied  from  Leonardo's"  Cenacolo  "  in  the  refectory  of 
S.  Maria  delle  Grazie.  Another  bore  a  figure  of  Christ 
with  the  orb  and  sceptre,  and  the  words  "  Mercy  and 
Truth  have  kissed  each  other."  On  the  piazza  in 
front  of  the  Castello,  a  colossal  fountain  was 
erected,  and  winged  children  spouted  wine  and 
perfumed  water.  The  Castello  itself  had  been  elabor- 
ately adorned.  The  arms  of  Denmark  and  Milan  were 
carved  in  fine  marble  over  the  portals,  the  walls  were 
hung  with  blue  draperies  studded  with  golden  stars 
and  wreathed  with  garlands  of  myrtle  and  ivy,  and  on 
either  side  of  the  central  doorway  two  giant  warriors 
leaning  on  clubs  supported  a  tablet  crowned  with  the 
imperial  eagles,  and  inscribed  with  the  words:  "The 
wisest  of  Princes  to-day  weds  the  fairest  of  Virgins, 
and  brings  us  the  promise  of  perpetual  peace."  ^ 

^  M.  Guazzo,  "  Historic  d'ltalia,"  272-275;  P.  Avenati,  "  En- 
trata  Solemne  di  Cristina  di  Spagna";  MS.  Continuazione  della 
Storia  di  Corio,  O.  2^0  (Biblioteca  Ambrosiana). 


r'^. 


CHRISTINA,  DUCHESS  OF  MILAN  (1534) 
(Oppenheimer  Collection) 


FRANCESCO   SFORZA,  DUKE  OF  MILAN  (1534) 
(British  Museum) 


To  face  p.  92 


May,  1534]  IN  THE  CASTELLO  93 

As  the  procession  reached  the  gates  of  the  Castello, 
a   triumphant   burst  of  martial  music   was   sounded 
by  the  trumpeters  on  the  topmost  tower,  and  Count 
MassimiHano,   the    Castellan,    presented    the    golden 
keys  of  the  gates  to  the  Duchess,  on  bended  knee. 
Christina  received  them  with  a  gracious  smile,  and, 
accepting   his   hand,   alighted   from   her  horse,   amid 
the  cheers  of  the  populace,  who,  rushing  in  on  all 
sides,  seized  the  baldacchino,  tore  the  costly  brocade 
into  ribbons,  and  divided  the  spoil.     Meanwhile  the 
Duke,  leaning  on  a  stick,  received  his  wife  with  a 
deep  reverence,  and  led  her  by  the  hand  into  the 
beautiful  suite  of  rooms,  hung  with  mulberry-coloured 
velvet  and  cloth  of  gold,  which  had  been  prepared  for 
her  use.^     Cardinal  Gonzaga  and   De  Praet  supped 
with  the  bride  and  bridegroom  that  evening,  to  the 
sweet  melodies  of  the  Duke's  flutes  and  viols.     The 
gates  of  the  Castello  were  closed,  enormous  bonfires 
blazed  on  the  walls,  and  rockets  went  up  to  heaven 
from    the   top    of   the   great    tower.      Thousands    of 
torches  illumined  the  darkness,  and  the  streets  were 
thronged  wath  gay  crowds,  who  gladly  took  advantage 
of  the  Duke's  permission  and  gave  themselves  up  to 
mirth   and   revelry   all   night   long.     Long   was   that 
da}^    remembered    in    Milan.      Old    men    who    could 
recall    the    reign    of    Lodovico,    and    had    witnessed 
the  coming  of  Beatrice  and   the  marriage  of  Bianca, 
wept,  and  thanked  God  that  they  had  lived  to  see  this 
day.     But    their   joy    was    destined    to    be   of    short 
duration. 

1  C.  Magenta,  "  I  Visconti  e  gli  Sforza  nel  Castello  di  Pa  via," 
i.  750;  Nubilonio,  "  Cronaca  di  Vigevano,"  131. 


94     CHRISTINA,  DUCHESS  OF  MILAN      [Bk.  iv 

IV. 

At  six  o'clock  on  the  evening  of  the  4th  of  May 
the  marriage  of  the  Duke  was  finally  celebrated  in 
the  hall  of  the  Rocchetta,  which  was  hung  with  cloth 
of  gold  beautifully  decorated  with  garlands  of 
flowers.  Among  the  illustrious  guests  present  were 
the  Cardinal  of  Mantua,  the  Legate  Caracciolo,  Antonio 
de  Leyva,  and  the  chief  nobles  and  senators.  The 
Bishops  of  Modena  and  Vigevano  chanted  the  nuptial 
Mass,  and  Monseigneur  de  Praet  delivered  a  lengthy 
oration,  which  sorely  tried  the  patience  of  his  hearers. 
No  sooner  had  he  uttered  the  last  words  than  the  Duke 
took  the  bride's  hand,  and  brought  the  ceremony  to 
an  abrupt  conclusion  by  leading  her  into  the  banquet- 
hall.  There  a  supper  of  delicate  viands,  fruit,  and 
wines,  was  prepared,  and  the  guests  were  entertained 
with  music  and  songs  during  the  evening.^ 

Letters  of  congratulation  now  poured  in  from  all 
the  Courts  of  Europe.  Christina's  own  relatives — 
Ferdinand  and  Anna,  the  King  and  Queen  of  Hun- 
gary and  Bohemia,  the  King  and  Queen  of  Portugal,  the 
Elector  of  Saxony  and  the  Marquis  of  Brandenburg — 
all  congratulated  the  Duchess  on  her  safe  arrival  and 
happy  marriage ;  while  the  Pope,  the  Doge  of  Venice, 
and  other  Italian  Princes,  sent  the  Duke  cordial 
messages.  One  of  the  most  interesting  letters  which 
the  bridegroom  received  was  an  autograph  epistle 
from  his  cousin.  Bona  Sforza,  Queen  of  Poland,  who 
would  probably  herself  have  been  Duchess  of  Milan 
if  Massimiliano  Sforza  had  reigned  longer.  It  had 
been  the  earnest  wish  of  her  widowed  mother, 
Isabella  of  Aragon,  to  effect  this  union,  and  it  was 

^  MS.  Continiiazione  di  Corio,  O.  240  (Biblioteca  Ambrosiana) . 


May,  1534]  ALFONSO  D'  ESTE  95 

only  after  the  French  conquest  of  Milan  in  1 5 1 5  that 
her  daughter  became  the  wife  of  King  Sigismund. 
From  her  distant  home  Bona  kept  up  an  active 
correspondence  with  her  Italian  relatives,  and  now 
sent  Francesco  the  following  friendly  letter : 

*'  Dearest  and  most  illustrious  Cousin, 

"  I  rejoice  sincerely  to  hear  that  your  most 
illustrious  wife  has  reached  Milan  safely.  I  feel 
the  greatest  joy  at  your  happy  marriage,  and  trust 
that  Heaven  will  send  you  a  fine  son.  My  husband 
and  children  join  with  me  in  wishing  you  every  pos- 
sible happiness. 

"  Bona,  Queen. 

"  From  Cracow,  July  15,  1534"  ^ 

Another  of  Francesco's  illustrious  kinsfolk,  Alfonso 
d'Este,  Duke  of  Ferrara,  came  to  Milan  in  person  to 
offer  his  congratulations  to  his  nephew,  although 
he  preferred  to  remain  incognito,  and  his  name  does 
not  figure  among  the  guests  who  were  present  at 
the  wedding  festivities.  ^  But  Ferrarese  chroniclers 
record  that  the  Duke  went  to  Milan  on  the  30th  of 
April,  to  attend  the  wedding  of  Duke  Francesco 
Sforza,  who  took  for  wife  Madame  Christierna, 
daughter  of  the  King  of  Dacia,  and  returned  home  on 
the  6th  of  May  .2  Forty-four  years  before,  Alfonso,  then 
a  boy  of  fourteen,  had  accompanied  his  sister  Beatrice 
to  Milan  for  her  marriage,  and  escorted  his  own  bride, 
Anna  Sforza,  back  to  Ferrara.  Now  his  long  and 
troubled  life  was  drawing  to  a  close,  and  he  died  a  few 
months  after  this  last  journey  to  Milan,  on  the  31st 
of  October,  1534.  By  his  last  will  he  left  two  of  his 
best  horses  and  a  pair  of  falcons  to  his  beloved 
nephew,  the    Duke   of  Milan .^      Some   writers   have 

^  Autografi  di  Principi :  Sforza,  Archivio  di  Stato,  Milan. 

2  F.  Roddi,  "  Annali  di  Ferrara  "  (Harleian  MSS.  3310). 

3  E.  Gardiner,  "  A  King  of  Court  Poets,"  355. 


96      CHRISTINA,  DUCHESS  OF  MILAN     [Bk.  iv 

conjectured  that  Alfonso  brought  his  favourite 
painter,  Titian,  to  Milan,  and  that  the  Venetian 
master  painted  portraits  of  the  Duke  and  Duchess 
on  this  occasion.^  No  record  of  Titian's  visit,  how- 
ever, has  been  discovered,  and  he  probably  painted 
the  portraits  of  Francesco  and  Christina  from  draw- 
ings sent  to  him  at  Venice. 

Titian's  friend,  Pietro  Aretino,  was  in  constant 
correspondence  with  Count  Massimiliano  Stampa, 
who  rewarded  his  literary  efforts  with  gifts  of  gold 
chains,  velvet  caps,  and  embroidered  doublets.  "  I 
shall  be  clad  in  your  presents  all  through  the  summer 
months,"  he  wrote  in  a  letter,  signing  himself,  "  Your 
younger  brother  and  devoted  servant."  Aretino 
was  not  only  profuse  in  thanks  to  this  noble  patron, 
but  sent  him  choice  works  of  art,  mirrors  of  Oriental 
crystal,  medals  engraved  by  Anichino,  and,  best  of 
all,  a  httle  painting  of  the  youthful  Baptist  clasping 
a  lamb,  "  so  life-like  that  a  sheep  would  bleat  at  the 
sight  of  it."  2  The  wily  Venetian  was  exceedingly 
anxious  to  ingratiate  himself  with  the  Duke  of  Milan, 
and  not  only  dedicated  a  '*  Paraphase  "  to  him  on 
his  marriage,  but,  according  to  Vasari,  painted 
portraits  of  both  the  Duke  and  Duchess.  These 
pictures  were  reproduced  by  Campo  in  the  ''  History 
of  Cremona,"  which  he  published  in  1585,  while 
Christina  was  still  living.  The  portrait  of  Francesco 
was  at  that  time  the  property  of  the  Milanese  noble 
Mario  Amigone,  while  that  of  Christina  hung  in  the 
house  of  Don  Antonio  Lomboni,  President  of  the 
Magistrates.^  This  last  portrait  was  afterwards  sent 
to  Florence  by  order  of  the  Grand-Duke  Ferdinand, 

1  Crowe  and  Cavalcaselle,  "  Titian,"  i.  355. 

2  P.  Aretino,  "  Lettere,"  i.  214.  ^  A.  Campo,  107. 


May,  1534]  TITIAN'S  PORTRAIT  97 

who  married  the  Duchess's  granddaughter,  Christine 
of  Lorraine. 

''  I  send  Your  Highness/'  wrote  Guido  Mazzenta  in 
January,  1604,  "  the  portrait  of  the  Most  Serene 
Lady,  Christina,  Queen  of  Denmark,  and  grand- 
mother of  the  Most  Serene  Grand-Duchess,  painted 
by  Titian,  by  order  of  Duke  Francesco  Sforza,  when 
he  brought  her  to  Milan  as  his  bride."  ^ 

Unfortunately,  this  precious  portrait  was  afterwards 
sent  to  Madrid,  where  it  is  said  to  have  perished  in 
a  fire.  In  Campo's  engraving  the  youthful  Duchess 
wears  a  jewelled  cap  and  pearl  necklace,  with  an  ermine 
cape  on  her  shoulders.  Her  serene  air  and  thoughtful 
expression  recall  Holbein's  famous  picture,  and  give 
an  impression  of  quiet  happiness  and  content  which 
agrees  with  all  that  we  know  of  her  short  married  life. 

The  change  was  great  from  Malines  and  Brussels, 
and  Christina  often  missed  her  old  playmates. 
But  her  simple,  docile  nature  became  easily  accus- 
tomed to  these  new  surroundings,  and  the  affectionate 
little  letters  which  she  sent  to  her  aunt  and  sister  all 
breathe  the  same  strain.  "  We  are  as  happy  and 
contented  as  possible,"  she  writes  to  Dorothea ;  and 
when  Camillo  Ghilino  was  starting  for  Germany,  she 
sends  a  few  words,  at  her  lord's  suggestion,  to  be 
forwarded  to  Flanders,  just  to  tell  her  aunt  how  much 
she  loves  and  thinks  of  her.^ 

Certainly,  when  we  compare  her  lot  with  that  of 
her  mother,  and  remember  the  hardships  and  sorrows 
which  the  young  Queen  had  to  endure,  Christina 
may  well  have  counted  herself  fortunate.  Her 
husband    treated    his    child -wife    with    the   greatest 

^  Gaye,  "  Carteggio,"  iii.  531. 

2  Autografi  di  Principi :  Sforza,  Archivio  di  Stato,  Milan. 


98       CHRISTINA,  DUCHESS  OF  MILAN     [Bk.  iv 

kindness.  Her  smallest  wish  was  gratified,  her  tastes 
were  consulted  in  every  particular.  The  rooms 
which  she  occupied  in  the  Rocchetta,  where  his  mother, 
Duchess  Beatrice,  had  lived,  were  hung  with  rich 
crimson  velvet ;  the  walls  of  her  bedroom  were  draped 
with  pale  blue  silk;  a  new  loggia  was  built,  looking 
out  on  the  gardens  and  moat  waters.  The  breaches 
which  French  and  Spanish  guns  had  made  in  the 
walls  were  repaired,  and  the  Castello  resumed  its  old 
aspect.  Three  state  carriages,  lined  with  costly 
brocades  and  drawn  by  four  horses  draped  with  cloth 
of  gold,  were  prepared  by  the  Duke  for  his  wife,  and 
were  first  used  by  the  Duchess  on  Ascension  Day, 
when,  ten  days  after  her  wedding,  she  made  her  first 
appearance  in  public.  As  she  drove  to  the  Duomo, 
followed  by  the  Legate  and  Ambassadors,  and  escorted 
by  a  brilliant  cavalcade  of  nobles,  the  streets  were 
thronged  with  eager  crowds,  who  greeted  her  with 
acclamation,  and  waited  for  hours  to  catch  a  sight 
of  her  face.  On  Corpus  Christi,  again,  a  few  weeks 
later,  the  Duke  and  Duchess  both  came  to  see  the 
long  procession  of  Bishops  and  priests  pass  through 
the  streets,  bearing  the  host  under  a  stately  canopy 
from  the  Duomo  to  the  ancient  shrine  of  S.  Ambrogio. 
The  popularity  of  the  young  Duchess  soon  became 
unbounded.  Her  tall  figure,  dark  eyes,  and  fair 
hair,  excited  the  admiration  of  all  her  subjects,  while 
her  frank  and  kindly  manners  won  every  heart. 
Although  prices  went  up  in  Milan  that  year,  and  the 
tolls  on  corn  and  wine  were  doubled,  the  people  paid 
these  dues  cheerfully,  and,  when  they  sat  down  to  a 
scanty  meal,  remarked  that  they  must  pay  for  Her 
Excellency's  dinner.^  Fortunately,  by  the  end  of  the 
^  Burigozzo,  521. 


June.  1534]         FRANCESCA  PALEOLOGA  99 

year  there  was  a  considerable  fall  in  prices,  and  a 
general  sense  of  relief  and  security  prevailed. 

To  the  Duke  himself,  as  well  as  to  his  people,  the 
coming  of  the  Duchess  brought  new  life.  For  a  time 
his  failing  health  revived  in  the  sunshine  of  her 
presence.  He  threw  himself  with  energy  into  the 
task  of  beautifying  Milan  and  completing  the  fagade 
of  the  Duomo.  At  the  same  time  he  employed 
painters  to  decorate  the  Castello  and  Duomo  of 
Vigevano,  and  an  illuminated  book  of  the  Gospels, 
adorned  with  exquisite  miniatures  and  bearing  his  arms 
and  those  of  the  Duchess,  may  still  be  seen  in  the  Brera. 

Hunting-parties  were  held  for  Christina's  amuse- 
ment both  at  Vigevano  and  in  Count  Massimiliano's 
woods  at  Cussago.  Madame  de  Souvastre  and  most 
of  the  Duchess's  Flemish  attendants  had  returned  to 
the  Netherlands  with  De  Praet,  and  Francesco  took 
great  pains  to  provide  his  wife  with  a  congenial 
lady-in-waiting.  His  choice  fell  on  Francesca  Paleo- 
loga,  a  lady  of  the  noble  house  of  Montferrat,  and 
cousin  of  the  new^ly-married  Duchess  of  Mantua. 
Her  husband,  Constantine  Comnenus,  titular  Prince 
of  Macedonia,  had  served  under  the  Pope  and 
Emperor ;  and  her  daughter,  Deianira,  had  lately 
married  Count  Gaspare  Trivulzio,  a  former  partisan 
of  the  French,  who  was  now  a  loyal  subject  of  the 
Duke.  From  this  time  the  Princess  of  Macedonia 
became  Christina's  inseparable  companion,  and  re- 
mained devotedly  attached  to  the  Duchess  throughout 
her  long  life.  At  the  same  time  Francesco  appointed 
one  of  his  secretaries,  Benedetto  da  Corte  of  Pavia, 
to  be  master  of  the  Duchess's  household,  and  to  teach 
her  Italian,  which  she  was  soon  able  to  speak  and 
write  fluently. 


loo    CHRISTINA,  DUCHESS  OF  MILAN    [Bk.  IV 

The  Milanese  archives  contain  several  charming 
little  notes  written  in  Christina's  large,  round  hand 
to  the  Duke  during  a  brief  visit  which  he  paid  to 
Vigevano,  for  change  of  air,  in  the  summer  of  1535: 

*'  My  Lord  and  dearest  Husband, 

I  have  received  your  dear  letters,  and  rejoice 
to  hear  of  your  welfare.  This  has  been  a  great 
comfort  to  me,  but  it  will  be  a  far  greater  pleasure  to 
see  you  again.  I  look  forward  to  your  return  with 
such  impatience  that  a  single  hour  seems  as  long 
as  a  whole  year.  May  God  keep  you  safe  and  bring 
you  home  again  very  soon,  for  I  can  enjoy  nothing 
without  Your  Excellency.  I  am  very  well,  thank 
God,  and  commend  myself  humbly  to  your  good 
graces.  Signora  Francesca  is  also  well,  and  com- 
mends herself  to  Your  Highness. 

"  Your  very  humble  wife, 

''  Christierna. 

"  Milan,  June  7,  1535. 

*'  The  bearer  of  this  letter  has  been  very  good  to 
me." 

Francesco's  health  had  lately  given  fresh  cause  for 
anxiety.  He  suffered  from  catarrh  and  fever,  and 
was  frequently  confined  to  his  bed.  A  Pavian  Envoy 
who  had  been  promised  an  audience  had  to  leave 
the  Castello  without  seeing  His  Excellency,  and  a 
visit  which  he  and  the  Duchess  had  intended  to  pay 
to  Pavia  in  the  spring  was  put  off,  to  the  great  dis- 
appointment of  the  loyal  citizens.  Now  his  absence 
was  prolonged  owing  to  a  fresh  attack  of  illness,  and 
the  young  wife  wrote  again  at  the  end  of  the  month, 
lamenting  the  delay  and  expressing  the  same  im- 
patience for  his  return : 

"  My  dearest  Husband, 

"  I  was  delighted,  as  I  always  am,  with  your 
dear  letter  of  the  20th  instant,  but  should  have  been 


June,  1535]    DOROTHEA  OF  DENMARK  loi 

much  better  pleased  to  see  you  and  enjoy  the  pleasure 
of  your  presence,  as  I  hoped  to  do  by  this  time, 
especially  as  these  Signors  assured  me  that  your 
absence  would  be  short.  But  they  were,  it  is  plain, 
quite  wTong.  However,  I  must  be  reasonable,  and 
if  your  prolonged  absence  is  necessary  I  wall  not 
complain.  I  thank  you  for  3^our  kind  excuses  and 
explanations,  but  I  will  not  thank  you  for  saying  that 
I  need  not  trouble  to  WTite  to  3^ou  with  my  own 
hand,  because  this  at  least  is  labour  well  spent,  and 
I  am  onty  happ}'  when  I  can  talk  wdth  Your  Excel- 
lency or  write  to  3^ou,  now  that  I  cannot  enjoy  your 
company.  I  commend  myself  infinitely  to  your  re- 
membrance, and  trust  God  may  long  preserve  you, 
and  grant  you  a  safe  and  speedy  return. 

"  Your  very  humble  wife, 

'*  Christierna. 
"  From  Milan,  June.  1535."^ 

But  the  warm-hearted  young  wife's  wish  remained 
unfulfilled,  and  four  months  after  these  hues  were 
written  Christina  was  a  widow. 


V. 

The  chief  event  of  Christina's  brief  married  life 
was  the  marriage  of  her  elder  sister,  the  Princess  of 
Denmark.  Dorothea  was  by  this  time  an  attractive 
girl  of  fourteen,  shorter  and  shghter  than  her  sister, 
and  inferior  to  her  in  force  of  character,  but  full  of 
brightness  and  gaiety.  She  was  very  popular  in  her 
old  home  at  Malines,  and  often  shot  with  a  crossbow 
at  the  meetings  of  the  Guild  of  Archers.  Several 
marriages  had  been  proposed  for  her,  and  King 
James  of  Scotland  had  repeatedly  asked  for  her 
hand ;  but  the  Emperor  hesitated  to  accept  his 
advances,    from    fear    of    offending    King    Francis, 

^  Autografi  di  Principi :  Sforza,  Archivio  di  Stato  (see 
Appendix  I.). 

8 


102     CHRISTINA,  DUCHESS  OF  MILAN     [Bk.  iv 

whose  daughter  Magdalen  had  long  been  pledged  to 
this  fickle  monarch,  while  the  difficulty  of  providing 
a  dower  and  outfit  for  another  portionless  niece,  made 
Mary  reluctant  to  conclude  a  second  marriage.  But, 
a  few  months  after  Christina's  marriage,  a  new  suitor 
for  Dorothea's  hand  came  forward  in  the  person  of 
the  Count  Palatine,  who  had  vainly  aspired  to  wed 
both  Eleanor  of  Austria  and  Mary  of  Hungary. 
Frederic's  loyal  support  of  Charles's  claims  to  the 
imperial  crown,  and  his  gallant  defence  of  Vienna 
against  the  Turks,  had  been  scurvily  rewarded,  and 
hitherto  all  his  attempts  to  find  another  bride  had 
been  foiled.  When,  in  1526,  after  the  King  of 
Portugal's  death,  he  approached  his  old  love,  the 
widowed  Queen  Eleanor,  his  advances  were  coldly 
repelled  ;  and  when  he  asked  King  Ferdinand  for  one 
of  his  daughters,  he  was  told  that  she  was  too  young 
for  him.  After  Mary  of  Hungary's  refusal,  he  left 
the  Imperial  Court  in  anger,  and  told  Charles  V.  that 
he  would  take  a  French  wife;^  but  Isabel  of  Navarre, 
Margaret  of  Montferrat,  and  the  King  of  Poland's 
daughter,  all  eluded  his  efforts,  and  when  he  asked 
for  Mary  Tudor's  hand,  King  Henry  told  him  that 
he  could  not  insult  his  good  friend  and  cousin  by 
offering  him  a  bride  born  out  of  wedlock .^  Now  Ferdi- 
nand, unwilHng  to  lose  so  valuable  an  ally,  suddenly 
proposed  that  the  Palatine  should  marry  his  niece 
Dorothea,  saying  that  both  he  and  Charles  would 
rejoice  to  see  him  reigning  over  the  three  northern 
kingdoms.  At  first  Frederic  hesitated,  saying  that 
he  was  a  grey-headed  man  of  fifty,  little  fitted  to  be 
the  husband  of  so  young  a  lady,  and  had  no  wish 
to  reign  over  the  turbulent  Norsemen.     Mary,  how- 

^  Lanz,  i.  419.  2  h.  Thomas,  310. 


Jan..  1535]  THE  PALATINE  103 

ever,  welcomed  her  brother's  proposal,  regarding  it 
as  a  means  of  strengthening  the  Emperor's  cause  in 
Northern  Europe.  In  Denmark  the  succession  of 
Frederic's  son  Christian  III.  was  disputed,  and  a 
Hanseatic  fleet  had  seized  Copenhagen,  while  Christo- 
pher of  Oldenburg,  a  cousin  of  the  captive  King, 
had  invaded  Jutland.  With  the  help  of  these  allies 
it  might  be  possible  for  the  Palatine  to  recover  his 
wife's  inheritance.  But  the  execution  of  this  plan 
was  full  of  difficulties,  as  Prince  John's  old  tutor, 
the  wise  Archbishop  of  Lunden,  told  Charles  V.  in  a 
letter  which  he  addressed  to  him  in  the  autumn  of 
1534: 

"  Most  sacred  Caesar, — I  know  Denmark  well,  and 
am  convinced  that  the  Danes  will  never  recognize 
Christian  II.  as  their  King.  Count  Christopher's 
expedition  will  prove  a  mere  flash  in  the  pan,  and 
when  he  can  no  longer  pay  his  men,  the  peasants, 
who  flocked  to  his  banner  at  the  sound  of  their  old 
King's  name,  will  return  to  their  hearths.  Then  the 
nobles  will  have  their  revenge,  and  the  proud  Liibeck 
citizens  will  seize  Denmark  and  establish  the  Lutheran 
religion  in  the  name  of  Christopher  or  King  Henry  of 
England,  or  any  other  Prince,  as  long  as  he  is  not 
Your  Majesty ;  and  if  they  succeed,  the  trade  of  the 
Low  Countries  will  be  ruined."^ 

The  bait  held  out  to  the  Palatine,  however,  proved 
too  alluring,  and  he  easily  fell  a  victim  to  the  snare. 
The  Emperor  sent  him  flattering  messages  by  Hubert, 
the  faithful  servant  who  has  left  us  so  delightful  a 
chronicle  of  his  master's  doings,  and  promised  his 
niece  a  dowry  of  50,000  crowns.  It  was  late  on 
New  Year's  Eve  when  Hubert  reached  his  master's 
house  at  Neumarkt,  on  his  return  from  Spain,  and 
Frederic  was  already  in  bed;  but  he  sent  for  him,  and 
^  Altmeyer,  "  Relations  Commerciales,"  etc.,  317;  Lanz,  ii.  120. 


I04     CHRISTINA,  DUCHESS  OF  MILAN     [Bk.  iv 

bade  him  tell  his  news  in  three  words.  The  messenger 
exclaimed  joyfully:  "  I  bring  my  lord  a  royal  bride, 
a  most  gracious  Kaiser,  and  a  sufficient  dowry." 
Upon  which  the  Palatine  thanked  God,  and  bade 
Hubert  go  to  the  cellar  and  help  himself  to  food 
and  drink  .^ 

One  of  Charles's  most  trusted  Flemish  servants, 
Nicholas  de  Marnol,  was  now  sent  to  Milan,  to  obtain 
the  consent  of  the  Duke  and  Duchess  to  Dorothea's 
marriage.  After  a  perilous  journey  over  the  Alps  in 
snow  and  floods,  Marnol  reached  Milan  on  the  loth 
of  January,  1535,  and  received  a  cordial  welcome. 
Francesco  approved  warmly  of  a  union  which  would 
insure  the  Princess's  happiness  and  serve  to  confirm 
the  peace  of  Germany,  but  quite  declined  to  accept 
the  Emperor's  suggestion  that  he  should  help  to 
provide  a  pension  for  Christina's  brother-in-law, 
saying  that  this  was  impossible,  and  that  His  Majesty 
would  be  the  first  to  recognize  the  futility  of  making 
promises  which  cannot  be  kept. 

After  a  short  stay  at  Milan,  Marnol  went  on  to 
Vienna,  and  advised  the  Palatine  to  go  to  Spain 
himself  if  he  wished  to  settle  the  matter.  Frederic, 
always  glad  of  an  excuse  for  a  journey,  travelled  by 
way  of  Brussels  and  France  to  Saragossa,  and  accom- 
panied the  Emperor  to  Barcelona,  where  Charles 
signed  the  marriage  contract  on  the  eve  of  sailing  for 
Africa. 

On  the  1 8th  of  May,  1535,  the  marriage  was 
solemnized  at  Brussels,  and  Frederic  consented  to 
leave  his  bride  with  her  aunt  until  her  outfit  was 
completed.  Queen  Eleanor  expressed  the  liveliest 
interest  in  her  old  lover's  marriage,  and  insisted  on 
1  H.  Thomas,  328. 


May.  1535]  A  HAPPY  MARRIAGE  105 

seeing  Dorothea  before  she  went  to  Germany.  At 
length  the  wedding-party  reached  Heidelberg,  on  the 
8th  of  September,  where  the  gallant  bridegroom, 
who,  in  Hubert's  words,  "  loved  to  shine,"  rode  out 
in  rich  attire  to  meet  his  bride,  and  escorted  her  with 
martial  music  and  pomp  worthy  of  a  King's  daughter 
to  the  famous  castle  on  the  heights.  The  next  day 
the  nuptial  Mass  was  celebrated  by  the  Bishop  of 
Spires,  and  a  series  of  splendid  entertainments  were 
given  by  Frederic's  brother,  the  Elector  Louis,  after 
which  the  Count  took  his  bride  to  his  own  home  at 
Neumarkt,  in  the  Upper  Palatinate.^ 

"  Now  at  length,"  wrote  Hubert,  "  my  lord  thought 
that  he  had  attained  a  haven  of  rest,  and  found  a 
blessed  end  to  all  his  troubles;  but  he  was  grievously 
mistaken,  and  soon  realized  that  he  had  embarked 
on  a  new  and  tempestuous  ocean." ^ 

The  splendid  prospects  of  recovering  his  wife's 
kingdom  were  destined  to  prove  utterly  fallacious, 
and  only  involved  him  in  heavy  expenses  and  per- 
petual intrigues.  The  Emperor,  as  he  soon  dis- 
covered, "  had  no  great  affection  for  the  enterprise 
of  Denmark,"^  and  before  long  Copenhagen  sur- 
rendered, and  Charles  and  Mary  were  compelled  to 
come  to  terms  with  Christian  HI.  and  acknowledge 
his  title.  Fortunately,  in  all  other  respects  his 
marriage  proved  a  happy  one.  Dorothea  was  greatly 
beloved  by  her  husband's  family  and  subjects,  and  made 
him  a  devoted  wdfe,  although,  as  Hubert  soon  found 
out,  she  was  as  great  a  spendthrift  as  her  lord,  and  con- 
fessed that  she  was  never  happy  until  she  had  spent 
her   last   penny.'*     The  very  frivoHty  of  her  nature 

1  Henne,  vi.  132.  2  h.  Thomas,  350. 

3  Lanz,  ii.  659.  *  H.  Thomas,  350. 


io6     CHRISTINA,  DUCHESS  OF  MILAN     [Bk.  iv 

suited  the  volatile  Count.  She  shared  his  love  of 
adventure,  and  was  always  ready  to  accompany  him 
on  perilous  journeys,  to  climb  mountains  or  ford 
rivers,  with  the  same  unquenchable  courage  and 
gaiety  of  heart.  Even  when,  in  her  anxiety  to  bear 
a  child,  she  imitated  the  example  of  Frederic's  mother, 
the  old  Countess  Palatine,  and  went  on  pilgrimages 
and  wore  holy  girdles,  "  this  was  done  without 
any  spirit  of  devotion,  but  with  great  mirth  and 
laughter.  And  how  httle,"  adds  the  chronicler, 
"  either  pilgrimages  or  girdles  profited  her,  we  all 
know."i 

VI. 

Before  the  Palatine  and  his  bride  reached  Heidel- 
berg, Europe  was  thrilled  by  the  news  of  the  capture 
of  Tunis,  and  the  flight  of  the  hated  Barbarossa  before 
his  conqueror.  It  was  the  proudest  moment  of  the 
Emperor's  life.  Twenty  thousand  Christian  captives 
were  released  that  day,  and  went  home  to  spread  the 
fame  of  their  great  deliverer  throughout  the  civilized 
world.  The  news  reached  Milan  on  the  2nd  of 
August,  and  was  hailed  with  universal  joy.  Te 
Deums  were  chanted  in  the  Duomo,  bells  were  rung 
in  all  the  churches,  and  the  guns  of  the  Castello 
boomed  in  honour  of  the  great  event.  Camillo  Ghilino 
was  immediately  sent  by  the  Duke  to  congratulate  the 
Emperor  on  his  victory,  and  thank  His  Majesty  once 
more  for  all  the  happiness  which  the  generous  gift  of 
his  niece  had  brought  Francesco  and  his  people .^ 

The  late  Pope,  Clement  VII.,  had  already  expressed 
his  intention  of  rewarding  Ghilino 's  services  with  a 
Cardinal's  hat,  and   his  successor,   Paul   III.,  would 

^  "  Zimmcr'sche  Chronik,"  iv.  145.  ^  Burigozzo,  525. 


FREDERIC,  COUNT  PALATINE 
Ascribed  to  A.  Durer  (Daimstadt) 


To /ace  -p.  io6 


Nov.,  1535]     FRANCESCO  SFORZA'S  DEATH     107 

probably  have  kept  his  promise,  but  the  Ambassador 
fell  ill  in  Sicily,  and  died  at  Palermo  in  September, 
to  the  Duke's  great  sorrow.^  Soon  after  receiving 
the  news,  Francesco  himself  fell  ill  of  fever,  and  once 
more  lost  the  use  of  his  limbs.  All  through  October 
he  grew  steadily  worse,  and  by  the  end  of  the  month 
the  people  of  Milan  learnt  that  their  beloved  Prince 
was  at  the  point  of  death.  On  Monday,  the  Feast  of 
All  Saints,  the  public  anxiety  was  at  its  height,  and 
silent  crowds  waited  all  day  at  the  gates  of  the  Castello 
to  hear  the  latest  reports.  At  length,  early  in  the 
morning  of  All  Souls'  Day,  they  learnt  that  the  last 
Sforza  Duke  was  no  more.  Christina  watched  by  his 
bedside  to  the  end,  and  wept  bitterly,  for,  in  the 
chronicler's  words,  "  they  had  loved  each  other 
well." 2  All  Milan  shared  in  her  grief,  and  nothing  but 
sobbing  and  wailing  was  heard  in  the  streets.  Every- 
one lamented  the  good  Duke,  and  grieved  for  the 
troubles  and  misery  which  his  death  would  bring  on 
the  land.  But  the  city  remained  tranquil,  and  there 
was  no  tumult  or  rioting.  This  was  chiefly  due  to 
Stampa,  who,  by  the  Duke's  last  orders,  took  charge 
of  the  Duchess,  and  administered  public  affairs  in  her 
name,  until  instructions  could  be  received  from  Caesar. 
A  messenger  was  despatched  without  delay  to  the 
Emperor  at  Palermo,  with  letters  from  the  Count 
and  a  touching  little  note  from  Christina,  informing 
her  uncle  how  her  dear  lord's  weakness  had  gradually 
increased,  until  in  the  early  morning  he  passed  to  a 
better  life.  The  dead  Prince  lay  in  state  for  three 
days  in  the  ducal  chapel,  clad  in  robes  of  crimson 
velvet  and  ermine,  on  a  bier  surrounded  by  lighted 

1  G.  Ghilino,  "  Annali  di  Alessandria,"  141. 

2  Potenze  Sovrane,  Archivio  di  Stato. 


io8     CHRISTINA,  DUCHESS  OF  MILAN     [Bk.iv 

tapers.  But  the  funeral  was  put  off  till  the  19th  of 
November,  in  order,  writes  the  chronicler,  to  give 
the  people  time  to  show  the  love  they  bore  their 
lamented  master,  and  also  because  of  the  difficulty 
of  obtaining  sufficient  black  cloth  to  drape  the  walls 
of  the  Castello  and  put  the  Court  in  mourning.  It 
was  a  sad  time  for  the  young  widow.  During  three 
weeks  not  a  ray  of  light  was  allowed  to  penetrate 
the  gloom  of  the  funereal  hall  where  she  sat  with 
her  ladies,  while  solemn  requiems  and  Masses  were 
chanted  in  the  chapel. 

It  had  been  Francesco's  wish  to  sleep  with  his 
parents  in  the  Church  of  S.  Maria  delle  Grazie,  where 
the  effigies  of  Lodovico  and  his  lost  Beatrice  had 
been  carved  in  marble.  But  when  this  became 
known  there  was  a  general  outcry.  The  people 
would  not  allow  their  beloved  Duke  to  be  buried 
anywhere  but  in  the  Duomo  with  the  great  Francesco 
and  the  other  Sforza  Princes.  So  it  was  decided  only 
to  bury  the  Duke's  heart  in  the  Dominican  church. 
His  body  was  laid  in  a  leaden  casket  covered  with 
black  velvet,  and  a  wax  effigy,  wearing  the  ducal 
crown  and  robes,  was  exposed  to  public  view. 

Late  on  Friday,  the  19th  of  November,  an  imposing 
funeral  procession  passed  from  the  Castelio  to  the 
Duomo,  through  the  same  streets  which,  only 
eighteen  months  before,  had  been  decked  in  festive 
array  to  receive  the  late  Duke's  bride.  First  came 
the  Bishops  and  clergy  with  candles  and  crosses,  then 
the  senators,  magistrates,  and  nobles,  wearing  long 
black  mantles  and  hoods.  After  them  gentlemen 
bearing  the  ducal  standard,  cap,  and  baton,  and 
Francesco's  sword  and  helmet,  and  what  moved  the 
spectators   more  than  all,  the  white  mule  which  he 


Nov..  1535]  FUNERAL  RITES  109 

had  ridden  daily,  led  by  four  pages,  "  looking  just 
as  it  did  when  His  Excellency  was  ahve,  only  that  the 
saddle  was  empty."  Then  the  bier  was  carried  past, 
under  a  gold  canopy,  and  the  wax  effigy  of  the  dead 
man,  was  seen  clad  in  gold  brocade  and  ermine,  with 
a  vest  of  crimson  velvet  and  red  shoes  and  stockings. 
Immediately  behind  rode  the  chief  mourner,  Giovanni 
Paolo  Sforza,  followed  by  Antonio  de  Leyva,  the 
Imperial  and  Venetian  Ambassadors,  the  Chancellor 
Taverna,  Count  Massimiliano  Stampa,  and  the  chief 
Ministers  and  officials.  After  them  came  a  vast 
multitude  of  poor,  all  in  mourning,  bearing  lighted 
tapers,  and  weeping  as  they  went.  A  catafalque,  sur- 
rounded with  burning  torches,  had  been  erected  in 
the  centre  of  the  Duomo,  and  here,  under  a  canopy 
of  black  velvet,  the  Duke's  effigy  was  laid  on  a  couch 
of  gold  brocade,  with  his  sword  at  his  side  and  the 
ducal  cap  and  baton  at  his  feet — "  a  thing,"  says 
the  chronicler,  '*  truly  marvellous  to  see."^ 

The  next  morning  the  funeral  rites  w^ere  celebrated 
in  the  presence  of  an  immense  concourse  of  people, 
and  a  Latin  oration  was  delivered  by  Messer  Gualtiero 
di  Corbetta.  During  three  days  requiems  were 
chanted  at  ever}^  altar  in  the  Duomo,  and  the  great 
bell,  which  had  never  been  rung  before,  was  tolled 
for  the  space  of  three  hours,  accompanied  by  all  the 
bells  of  the  other  churches  in  Milan.  *'  And  there 
was  no  one  with  heart  so  hard  that  he  was  not  moved 
to  tears  that  day,"  writes  Burigozzo,  the  chronicler 
who  was  a  living  witness  of  the  love  which  the  citizens 
bore  to  their  dead  Duke.^  At  the  end  of  the  week 
the  casket  containing  Francesco's  remains  was  finally 
laid  in  a  richly  carved  sarcophagus,  which  had  been 
^  Burigozzo,  525  -  Ibid.,  ^2g. 


no     CHRISTINA,  DUCHESS  OF  MILAN     [Bk.  iv 

originally  intended  to  receive  the  ashes  of  Gaston  de 
Foix,  the  victor  of  Ravenna,  and  which  was  now 
placed  against  the  wall  of  the  choir,  "  for  a  perpetual 
memorial  in  the  sight  of  all  Milan."  ^ 

No  one  loved  the  Duke  better  and  lamented  his 
loss  more  truly  than  Count  Massimihano  Stampa,  and 
Pietro  Aretino,  who  realized  this,  condoled  with  his 
noble  friend,  and  at  the  same  time  paid  an  eloquent 
tribute  to  the  dead  Prince,  in  the  following  letter  : 

"  The  Duke  is  dead,  and  I  feel  that  this  sad  event 
has  not  only  taken  away  all  your  happiness,  but  part 
of  your  own  soul.  I  know  the  close  intimacy  in 
which  you  lived,  nourished  in  your  infancy  at  the 
same  breast,  and  bound  together  in  one  heart  and 
soul.  But  you  must  take  comfort,  remembering  that 
His  Excellency  may  well  be  called  fortunate  in  his 
end.  His  wanderings  began  when  he  was  barely  six 
years  old,  and  he  was  driven  into  exile  before  he 
was  old  enough  to  remember  his  native  land.  After 
so  many  wars  and  labours,  after  experiencing  famine 
and  sickness  himself,  and  seeing  the  cruel  misery  and 
affliction  endured  by  his  subjects,  he  lived  to  see 
perfect  tranquilhty  restored  in  his  dominions,  and 
to  enjoy  the  passionate  affection  of  all  Milan.  Now, 
secure  in  the  friendship  of  Caesar  and  the  love  of  Italy, 
he  has  given  back  his  spirit  to  God  who  gave  it. 
Rejoice,  therefore,  and  render  praise  and  glory  to 
Francesco  Sforza's  name,  because  by  his  wisdom  and 
virtue  he  conquered  fortune,  and  has  died  a  Prince 
on  his  throne,  reigning  in  peace  and  happiness  over 
his  native  land.  So,  my  dear  lord,  I  beg  you  dry 
your  tears,  and  meet  those  who  love  you  as  I  do 
with  a  serene  brow.  The  fame  of  your  learning 
and  greatness  is  known  everywhere.  Rise  above  the 
blows  of  fate,  and  console  yourself  with  the  thought 
of  your  Duke's  blessed  end.  There  Hes  His  Excel- 
lency's corpse.  Give  it  honourable  burial,  and  I 
meanwhile  will  not  cease  to  celebrate  him  dead  and 
you  who  are  alive. "^ 

1  M.  Guazzo,  312.  2  p.  Aretino,  "  Lettere,"  i.  43. 


BOOK  V 

THE  WIDOW  OF  MILAN 
1535— 1538 

I. 

Christina's  short  married  life  was  over.  At  the  end 
of  eighteen  months  she  found  herself  a  widow,  before 
she  had  completed  her  fourteenth  year.  But  the 
brief  interval  which  had  elapsed  since  she  left  Flanders 
had  sufficed  to  turn  the  child  into  a  woman.  From  the 
moment  of  the  Duke's  death,  her  good  sense  and  dis- 
cretion won  golden  opinions  from  the  grey-headed 
statesmen  around  her.  The  senators  and  Ambassa- 
dors, the  deputies  from  Pavia  and  the  other  Lombard 
cities,  who  came  to  offer  their  condolences,  were 
deeply  moved  at  the  sight  of  this  Princess,  whose 
heavy  mourning  and  widow's  weeds  contrasted 
strangely  with  her  extreme  youth.  The  dignity  and 
grace  of  her  bearing  charmed  them  still  more,  and  all 
the  Milanese  asked  was  to  keep  their  Duchess  among 
them.  By  the  terms  of  the  late  Duke's  investiture,  if 
he  died  without  children,  the  duchy  of  Milan  was  to 
revert  to  the  Emperor,  but  the  city  of  Tortona  was 
settled  on  the  Duchess.  By  Francesco's  will  the  town 
and  Castello  of  Vigevano,  which  he  had  done  so  much 
to  beautify,  were  also  bequeathed  to  her.  Imme- 
diately after  the  Duke's  funeral,  in  obedience  to  his 
dying    lord's    order,    Stampa    hoisted    the    imperial 

III 


112  THE  WIDOW  OF  MILAN  [Bk.  v 

standard  on  the  Castello  of  Milan,  but  refused  to 
allow  Antonio  de  Leyva  to  take  possession  of  the 
citadel  until  he  received  orders  from  Caesar  himself. 
This  was  faithfully  reported  to  the  Emperor  by 
Christina,  who  gave  her  uncle  a  full  account  of  the 
steps  which  she  had  taken  to  administer  affairs  as  her 
lord's  representative,  adding: 

"  If  I  have  failed  in  any  part  of  my  duty  or  done 
anything  contrary  to  Your  Majesty's  wishes,  I  beg 
you  to  excuse  my  ignorance,  assuring  you  that  I 
have  acted  by  the  advice  of  my  late  husband's  Coun- 
cillors, and  with  no  regard  to  my  own  interests,  but 
with  the  sole  object  of  promoting  Your  Majesty's 
honour  and  service,  and  remain 

"  Your  very  humble  and  obedient  servant, 

"  Chretienne. 

"  November  20,  1535."^ 

The  messenger  whom  Stampa  sent  to  Palermo  on 
the  day  of  the  Duke's  death  missed  the  Emperor, 
who  had  already  left  for  Messina,  and  the  news  did 
not  reach  him  until  he  had  landed  in  Calabria,  on 
his  way  to  Naples.  It  was  not  till  the  27th  of  Novem- 
ber that  a  horseman  bearing  letters  from  Caesar 
arrived  in  Milan.  Here  intense  anxiety  prevailed 
among  all  classes,  and  the  Spaniards  were  as  much 
hated  as  the  Duke  and  Duchess  had  been  beloved. 
Accordingly,  the  relief  was  great  when  it  became 
known  that,  although  Signor  Antonio  de  Leyva  was 
appointed  Governor-General,  Stampa  was  to  retain 
his  post  as  Castellan,  and  the  Duchess  was  to  remain 
in  the  Castello. 

"  The  Duchess  remains  Duchess,"  wrote  the  chron- 
icler, "  and  all  the  other  officials  retain  their  places. 
Above  all.  Count  MassimiUano  keeps  his  office,  and 
the  city  is  perfectly  quiet." ^ 

1  Potenze  Sovrane,  1535-  Archivio  di  Stato.  ^  Burigozzo,  528. 


Dec.  1535]    THE  PRINCE  OF  PIEDMONT  113 

Stampa  now  made  a  last  effort  to  maintain  the 
independence  of  Milan.  He  proposed  that  the 
widowed  Duchess  should  be  given  in  marriage  to  the 
Duke  of  Savoy's  eldest  son,  Louis,  a  Prince  of  her 
own  age,  who  was  being  educated  at  his  imperial 
uncle's  Court.  A  petition  to  this  effect,  signed  by 
Chancellor  Taverna  and  all  the  leading  senators,  was 
addressed  to  the  Emperor,  and  Giovanni  Paolo  Sforza 
was  sent  to  Rome  to  meet  His  Majesty  and  obtain 
the  Pope's  support. 

"  Gian  Paolo  Sforza  and  Taverna,"  wrote  the 
Venetian  Envo}^  Lorenzo  Bragadin,  "  have  begged 
Caesar  to  give  the  hand  of  his  niece,  the  widow,  to 
the  Duke  of  Savoy's  son,  and  this  is  the  wish  of  all 
the  people  of  Milan. "^ 

Unfortunately,  Giovanni  Paolo  fell  ill  on  the 
journey,  and  breathed  his  last  in  a  village  of  the 
Apennines,  and  before  Charles  left  Naples  he  heard 
that  the  promising  young  Prince  of  Piedmont  had 
died  on  Christmas  Day  at  Madrid.  His  brother, 
Emanuel  Philibert,  was  a  child  of  seven,  and  although 
his  ambitious  mother,  Duchess  Beatrix,  hastened  to 
put  forward  his  claim,  nothing  more  was  heard  of 
the  scheme. 

By  this  time  another  marriage  for  Christina  was 
being  seriously  discussed  at  the  Imperial  Court. 
Even  before  the  Duke's  death,  the  French  King  had 
done  his  best  to  provoke  a  quarrel  with  him,  and  had 
begun  to  make  active  preparations  for  war.  Hardly 
had  Francesco  breathed  his  last,  than  he  openly 
renewed  his  old  claim  to  Milan,  and  sent  an  Ambassador 
to  the  Emperor  at  Naples,  demanding  the  duchy  for 
his  second  son,  Henry,  Duke  of  Orleans,  the  husband 
^  G.  de  Leva,,  "  Storia  Documentata  di  Carlo  V.,"  etc.,  hi.  152. 


114  THE  WIDOW  OF  MILAN  [Bk.  v 

of  Catherine  de'  Medici.  This  plan,  which  would  have 
made  the  French  supreme  in  North  Italy,  could  not 
be  entertained  for  a  moment,  but  Charles,  in  his 
anxiety  to  avoid  war,  was  ready  to  accept  almost  any 
other  alternative.  When  his  sister  Eleanor  implored 
him  to  agree  to  her  husband's  proposal,  and,  by  way 
of  cementing  the  alliance,  give  "  the  little  widow  of 
Milan"  in  marriage  to  the  King's  third  son,  the  Duke 
of  Angouleme,  he  replied  that  he  would  gladly  treat 
of  the  proposed  marriage,  but  only  on  condition  that 
Angouleme,  not  Orleans,  was  put  in  possession  of 
Milan. 

The  union  of  the  French  Prince  with  Christina 
now  became  the  subject  of  prolonged  negotiations 
between  the  two  Courts.  The  Imperial  Chancellor, 
Granvelle,  drew  up  a  long  and  careful  memorandum, 
dwelling  on  the  obvious  advantages  of  the  scheme, 
on  the  virtues  and  charms  of  the  young  Duchess,  on 
her  large  dowry  and  great  popularity  in  Milan,  and 
Charles  told  Francis  plainly  that  he  would  agree  to 
no  scheme  by  which  the  widowed  Duchess  was  re- 
moved from  the  State,  "  where  she  was  so  much 
beloved  and  honoured,  and  where  the  people  placed 
all  their  hopes  of  tranquilHty  in  her  presence."  One 
great  object  of  these  negotiations,  he  wrote,  "is  to 
find  a  noble  and  suitable  husband  for  our  niece,  the 
Widow  of  Milan,  who  is  to  us  almost  a  daughter, 
and  who  has  always  shown  herself  so  discreet  and 
so  obedient  to  our  wishes."^ 

Both  the  Pope  and  the  Venetians  supported  this 
scheme  as  the  best  means  of  avoiding  war  and  pre- 
serving the  independence  of  Milan.  At  the  same 
time  Pope  Paul  did  not  fail  to  put  in  a  plea  for  his 

1  Granvelle,  "  Papiers  d'Etat,"  ii.  407,  446,  435. 


March.  1536]  MANY   SUITORS  II5 

own  kinsman,  the  son  of  his  niece  CeciUa  Farnese, 
and  Count  Bosio  Sforza,  a  descendant  of  Fran- 
cesco I.'s  half-brother.  Bosio  had  been  a  loyal 
supporter  of  the  late  Duke,  but  died  soon  after 
Christina's  marriage,  leaving  a  son  of  fifteen,  who 
was  brought  up  at  the  Court  of  Milan.  The  Pope 
himself  addressed  a  grateful  letter  to  Christina, 
thanking  her  for  the  kindness  which  she  had  shown 
the  boy,  and  throwing  out  a  hint  that  a  marriage 
with  her  young  Sforza  cousin  might  be  possible. 
Another  husband  whom  Granvelle  proposed  for  her  was 
Duke  Alexander  of  Florence,  but,  fortunately,  Charles 
decided  to  give  him  his  own  illegitimate  daughter 
Margaret,  and  Christina  thus  escaped  union  with 
this  reckless  and  profligate  Prince,  who  was  soon 
afterwards  murdered  by  his  kinsman.^  Meanwhile 
the  Scottish  Ambassadors  at  the  French  Court  made 
proposals  to  the  Emperor  on  behalf  of  their  King, 
James  V.,  who  had  not  yet  made  up  his  mind  to 
wed  Magdalen  of  Valois,  and  these  negotiations  were 
only  interrupted  by  the  high-handed  action  of  King 
Henry's  new  favourite,  Thomas  Cromwell.  Thus, 
a  few  weeks  after  the  Duke  of  Milan's  death  his 
widow's  hand  had  become  the  subject  of  animated 
controversy  in  all  the  Courts  of  Europe.^ 

But  while  others  were  negotiating  the  French  were 
arming.  On  the  6th  of  March,  the  first  day  of 
Carnival,  news  reached  Milan  that  a  French  army 
had  crossed  the  Alps.  The  strong  citadel  of  Mont- 
melian  was  betrayed  by  the  treachery  of  a  Neapolitan 
captain,   and   after  a  gallant    defence    the    Duke    of 

^  Granvelle,  ii.  407. 

2  Calendar    of    Spanish    State    Papers,    v.    i,  586;    Granvelle, 
ii.  417. 


ii6  THE  WIDOW  OF  MILAN  [Bk.V 

Savoy  was  compelled  to  evacuate  Turin,  and  take 
refuge  with  his  wife  and  children  at  Vercelli.  All 
hope  of  peace  was  now  over,  and,  in  a  consistory  held 
in  the  Vatican  on  the  8th  of  April,  the  Emperor 
appealed  to  the  Pope  to  bear  witness  how  earnestly 
he  had  tried  to  prevent  war,  and  how  fruitless  his 
efforts  had  proved.  At  Granvelle's  suggestion,  he 
determined  to  carry  the  war  into  the  enemy's  country, 
and,  following  in  the  steps  of  Charles  VIII.,  crossed 
the  Apennines,  and  marched  by  the  Emilian  Way  and 
along  the  banks  of  the  Po  towards  Asti. 

The  dread  of  a  French  invasion  had  united  all 
parties  in  Milan.  The  citizens  forgot  their  hatred 
of  the  Spaniards  in  their  terror  of  another  siege,  and 
cheerfully  submitted  to  fresh  taxes  to  pay  the 
defending  army.  It  was  a  late  spring  that  year  in 
Lombardy,  the  weather  was  bitterly  cold,  and  b}^  the 
end  of  April  the  vines  had  only  put  forth  tiny  shoots, 
and  the  roses  were  not  yet  in  flower.  Nothing  was 
heard  in  the  streets  but  the  din  of  approaching  war- 
fare, and  the  tramp  of  armed  Landsknechten  march- 
ing from  Tyrol  on  their  way  to  the  frontier.  But  in 
the  last  days  of  April  Christina's  dull  life  was 
brightened  by  the  sudden  arrival  of  the  Duchess  of 
Savoy,  who  fled  from  the  camp  at  Vercelli  to  take 
refuge  in  the  Castello  of  Milan.  Times  were  altered 
since  the  two  Princesses  had  met  at  Turin,  and  the 
Duchess  Beatrix,  who  had  welcomed  the  little  bride 
so  warmly,  was  sadly  changed  in  body  and  mind. 
She  had  lost  her  eldest  son,  and  been  driven  out  of 
her  home  by  foreign  invaders,  never  to  return  there 
again  in  her  lifetime.  With  her  she  brought  her  two 
remaining  children,  the  little  Princess  Catherine  and 
Emanuel    Philibert,   who    was    one    day    to    become 


May,  1536]     MEETING  WITH  CHARLES  V.       117 

famous  as  the  bravest  captain  in  Europe.  And  she 
also  brought  a  treasure  which  excited  the  utmost 
enthusiasm  among  the  Milanese — the  Holy  Shroud 
of  St.  Joseph  of  Arimathea,  which  had  been  preserved 
for  centuries  at  Chambery.  Crowds  flocked  to  the 
Duomo  when  Beatrix's  Franciscan  confessor  preached, 
in  the  hope  of  seeing  the  precious  Shroud  ;  but  the 
Duchess  would  not  allow  the  relic  to  leave  the  Castello, 
and  on  the  7th  it  was  exposed  on  the  ramparts  to 
the  view  of  an  enormous  multitude  assembled  in  the 
piazza.^ 

A  week  later  Francesco  Sforza's  cousin,  Ferrante 
Gonzaga,  and  the  Duke  of  Savoy,  came  to  Milan,  but 
soon  left  for  the  camp.  Beatrix  then  obtained  per- 
mission to  pay  the  Emperor  a  visit  on  his  journey 
north,  and  by  Charles's  express  request  took  Christina 
with  her.  On  the  i8th  of  May  the  magistrates  of 
Pavia  received  orders  from  the  Duchess  of  Milan's 
maggiordomo ,  Benedetto  da  Corte,  to  prepare  lodgings 
for  Her  Excellency  and  the  Duchess  of  Savoy,  as 
near  to  each  other  as  possilDle.^  The  Castello  of 
Pavia  had  suffered  terribty  in  the  siege  by  Lautrec 
in  1528,  but  a  few  rooms  were  hastily  furnished, 
and  on  the  20th  Beatrix  and  Christina  arrived, 
escorted  by  Count  Massimiliano  and  several  courtiers. 
Early  on  the  following  morning  the  two  Duchesses 
rode  out  to  Arena  on  the  Po,  where  they  found  the 
Emperor  awaiting  them.  Charles  was  unfeignedly 
glad  to  see  both  his  sister-in-law^  and  the  niece  whom 
he  had  left  as  a  child  at  Brussels  four  years  before, 
and  welcomed  them  affectionately.^     But  the  inter- 

1  Burigozzo,  532. 

2  Museo  Civico  di  Storia  Patria,  Pavia,  546. 

3  L.  Gachard,  "  Voyages  des  Souverains  des  Pays-Bas,"  ii.  133. 

9 


ii8  THE  WIDOW  OF  MILAN  [Bk.  v 

view  was  a  short  one,  and  the  next  day  he  continued 
his  journey  to  Asti,  where  he  joined  Antonio  de 
Leyva  and  Ferrante  Gonzaga,  and  prepared  to  invade 
Provence. 

Meanwhile  Beatrix  and  Christina  returned  to  Milan, 
and  spent  the  summer  together  in  the  Castello.  A 
close  friendship  sprang  up  between  the  two  Duchesses. 
Beatrix  took  a  motherly  interest  in  her  young  com- 
panion, and  the  children's  presence  helped  to  cheer 
these  anxious  months.  At  first  the  Emperor's  arms 
were  entirely  successful.  The  French  retired  before 
him  to  Avignon,  laying  the  country  waste,  and  he 
met  with  no  opposition  until  he  reached  Aix,  which 
resisted  all  his  attacks.  During  the  long  siege  which 
followed,  his  soldiers  suffered  severely  from  disease 
and  famine,  and  many  youths  of  the  noblest  Milanese 
families  were  among  the  victims.^  Early  in  Septem- 
ber, while  Christina's  own  secretary,  Belcorpo,  was 
robbed  and  murdered  on  his  way  to  the  camp^ 
Antonio  de  Leyva,  the  redoubtable  Commander-in- 
Chief,  died,  and  was  buried  in  S.  Eustorgio  at  Milan. 
The  Papal  Legate,  Cardinal  Caracciolo,  a  Neapolitan 
by  birth,  was  appointed  to  succeed  him  as  Viceroy 
of  Milan.  He  had  only  just  assumed  the  reins  of 
office,  and  paid  his  first  visit  to  the  young  Duchess, 
when  he  received  a  summons  from  the  Emperor  to 
join  him  at  Genoa.  Finding  it  impossible  to  reduce 
Aix,  Charles  had  determined  to  abandon  the  cam- 
paign, and  on  the  i6th  of  November  a  three  months' 
truce  was  signed  between  the  two  monarchs.  The 
Emperor  was  anxious  to  return  to  Spain,  where  his 
presence  was  sorely  needed.  But  before  his  departure 
he  sent  for  the  Cardinal,  desiring  him  to  leave  some 
1  Calendar  of  Spanish  State  Papers,  v.  2,  230. 


Oct,  1536]       CARDINAL  CARACCIOLO  119 

trusty  lieutenant  to  govern  the  State  in  his  absence, 
and  take  charge  of  his  niece  the  Duchess.  Accord- 
ingly, Caracciolo  went  to  Genoa  on  the  4th  of  October, 
accompanied  by  Beatrix  of  Savoy,  who,  after  a  long 
interview  with  the  Emperor,  joined  her  husband  at 
Nice,  the  only  city  which  still  belonged  to  him. 
Soon  after  this  her  health  gave  w^ay  under  the  pro- 
longed strain,  and  this  once  brilliant  and  beautiful 
woman  died  in  January,  1538,  as  she  said  herself,  of 
a  broken  heart. 

Christina,  now  left  alone  at  Milan,  wrote  a  long 
letter  to  the  Cardinal,  whom  she  addressed  in  the 
language  of  a  caressing  child,  saying  that  he  was 
dear  to  her  as  a  father,  and  seeking  his  help  for  two 
objects  which  lay  very  near  her  heart. 

*'  The  true  affection,"  she  writes,  "  which  Your 
Excellency  has  shown  me,  and  the  kind  remem- 
brance of  me  which  you  always  keep,  makes  me 
anxious  for  your  health  and  welfare.  So  I  beg 
you  to  tell  me  how  you  have  prospered  on  your 
journey,  and  if  you  are  well  in  health." 

She  then  begs  her  friend  the  Cardinal  to  use  his 
influence  with  the  Emperor  on  behalf  of  her  sister 
Dorothea,  "  the  person  now  nearest  and  dearest  to 
her  on  earth,"  who  is  in  need  of  her  powerful  uncle's 
help .  Probably  the  Palatine  was,  as  usual,  endeavour- 
ing to  recover  arrears  of  the  pension  due  to  him  by 
the  Emperor,  and  to  obtain  compensation  for  the 
costs  which  he  had  incurred  in  the  disastrous  ex- 
pedition against  Copenhagen.  Hubert  had  lately 
been  sent  to  Charles  with  this  object,  and  had  at  the 
same  time  suggested  that,  if  the  Emperor  needed  a 
Viceroy  for  Milan,  no  one  could  be  more  suitable 
than   his  lord.     But  whatever  the  precise  object  of 


I20  THE  WIDOW  OF  MILAN  [Bk.  v 

Dorothea's  request  may  have  been,  Christina's  inter- 
cession, it  is  to  be  feared,  availed  her  httle. 

The  Duchess's  other  petition  was  more  easily- 
granted  . 

"  As  a  whole  year,"  she  wrote,  "  will  soon  have 
elapsed  since  the  death  of  my  dearest  husband,  of 
blessed  memory,  I  beg  you  to  entreat  His  Majesty,  in 
my  name,  to  be  pleased  to  give  orders  that  this 
anniversary  may  be  observed  in  a  due  and  fitting 
manner.  And  I  am  quite  certain  that  he  will  not 
refuse  to  hear  this  my  prayer."^ 

It  would  indeed  have  been  impossible  for  the 
Emperor  to  refuse  so  reasonable  a  request,  and  the 
anniversary  of  the  late  Duke's  death  was  observed 
with  due  ceremonial  in  all  the  churches  of  Milan. 
But  the  days  of  the  young  Duchess's  abode  in  this 
city  were  fast  drawing  to  a  close.  Before  Charles  left 
Italy  he  had  determined  to  place  a  strong  Spanish 
garrison  in  the  Castello,  to  defend  Milan  against  the 
risk  of  a  French  invasion,  and  had  only  delayed  to 
take  this  step  from  fear  of  exciting  discontent  in  the 
city.  Stampa  had  hitherto  succeeded  in  warding  off 
the  blow,  but  now  he  was  forced  to  bow  to  the 
imperial  command,  and  surrender  the  Castello  to 
a  foreign  captain. 

Charles,  it  must  be  owned,  did  his  best  to  soften 
the  blow.  He  made  the  Count  a  present  of  the  rich 
fief  of  Soncino  in  the  province  of  Cremona,  and  sent 
him  as  a  parting  gift  the  costly  plate  which  had 
belonged  to  the  late  Duke,  with  a  cordial  invitation 
to  follow  him  to  Spain.  But  we  see,  from  a  letter 
which  Stampa's  friend  Aretino  sent  him,  how  sorely 
this  vexed  his  noble  heart. 
1  Autografi  di  Principi,  Archivio  di  Stato  (see  Appendix  II.). 


Dec,  1536]         ARETINO'S  COMFORT  121 

"  I  will  not  grieve,  my  illustrious  friend,"  wrote  the 
time-serving  Venetian,  "  if  you  have  to  give  up  the 
Castello,  which  you  held  for  love  of  His  Excellency, 
of  happy  memory,  because  to  my  mind  it  was  a 
prison  for  3^our  genius.  Dry  your  tears,  and  console 
yourself  with  the  reflection  that  now  at  least  you  are 
a  free  man.  His  Majesty  is  relieved  from  the  jealousy 
of  his  Spanish  servants,  and  you  are  saved  from 
further  anxieties  on  this  subject.  Now  you  can,  if 
you  choose,  follow  him  to  Spain,  and  lay  down  your 
office  with  honour  unstained,  and  then  return  to 
Milan  to  live  in  freedom  and  contentment."^ 

This  was  poor  comfort  for  MassimiUano,  but  the 
Emperor's  will  was  not  to  be  gainsaid,  and  the  Count 
could  only  lay  down  his  office  and  take  leave  of  the 
young  Duchess,  assuring  her  of  his  undying  loyalty 
and  faithfulness.  Charles  had  not  forgotten  his  niece, 
and  before  he  sailed  for  Barcelona  on  the  15th  of 
November  he  sent  one  of  his  oldest  and  most  trusted 
servants,  Jean  de  Montmorency,  Sieur  de  Courrieres, 
the  Captain  of  the  Archers'  Guard,  to  take  charge  of 
the  Duchess,  and  eventually  conduct  her  to  Flanders. 
But  while  negotiations  for  her  second  marriage  were 
still  pending,  it  was  felt  desirable  that  she  should 
remain  in  Lombardy  ;  and  since  the  Castello  would 
no  longer  be  a  fit  place  for  her,  Montmorency  was 
ordered  to  escort  her  to  Pavia.  On  the  loth  of  Decem- 
ber, 1536,  De  Courrieres  arrived  with  fifty  archers  of 
the  Imperial  Guard,  and,  after  a  brief  consultation 
with  the  Cardinal  and  Stampa,  decided  to  take  the 
Duchess  to  Pavia  without  delay  .^ 

The  leaves  of  the  trees  in  the  gardens  were  turning 
yellow,  and   a  pale  wintry  sun  shone  down  on  the 

^  Aretino,  "  Lettere,"  i.  45. 

2  "  Correspondance  de  Charles  V.  avec  J.  de  Montmorency, 
Seigneur  de  Courrieres,"  Papiers  d'fitat  de  TAudience,  No.  82, 
p.  I,  Archives  du  Royaume,  Bruxelles. 


122  THE  WIDOW  OF  MILAN  [Bk.  v 

Castello,  which  Christina  had  first  seen  in  the  joyous 
May-time,  when  a  Httle  procession  of  black-robed 
ladies,  with  their  attendants,  issued  from  the 
Rocchetta,  and  mounted  the  horses  and  litters  in 
waiting  for  them.  A  few  bystanders  saluted  them 
reverently,  and  followed  them  with  wistful  eyes  as 
they  rode  out  of  the  gates,  down  the  street  leading  to 
the  Porta  Ticinese,  until  they  were  out  of  sight. 

A  few  days  later  Count  Massimiliano  Stampa 
marched  out  of  the  Castello  at  the  head  of  his  troops, 
and  gave  up  the  keys,  which  he  had  received  from  the 
last  Sforza  Duke,  to  the  Spanish  Captain  Alvarez  de 
Luna,  who  entered  the  gates  amid  the  curses  and 
groans  of  the  citizens.  Henceforth  the  life  of  Milan 
as  an  independent  State  was  over,  and  the  yoke  of 
Spain  descended  on  the  ancient  capital  of  Lombardy. 


II. 

The  city  of  Pavia  had  always  been  loyal  to  the 
House  of  Sforza.  In  no  part  of  the  duchy  was  there 
greater  rejoicing  on  the  restoration  of  Duke  Fran- 
cesco II.;  nowhere  was  his  premature  death  more 
deeply  lamented.  Several  of  Christina's  most  faithful 
servants  were  natives  of  Pavia;  among  others,  Bene- 
detto da  Corte,  the  master  of  her  household,  and  Botti- 
gella,  who  had  been  so  active  in  the  preparations  for 
her  reception.  Now  the  people  of  Pavia  welcomed  her 
coming  warmly,  and  exerted  themselves  to  see  that 
nothing  was  lacking  to  her  comfort.  But  the  city 
and  Castello  had  suffered  terribly  in  the  protracted 
struggle  with  France.  The  palace  which  had  been 
the  pride  of  the  Sforza  Dukes  was  stripped  of  its 
fairest  treasures.     The  frescoes  and  tapestries  were 


Dec,  1536]  A  PALACE   IN   RUINS  123 

destroyed,  the  famous  library  was  now  in  the  castle  of 
Blois,  and  a  great  part  of  the  walls  had  been  thrown 
down  by  French  guns  and  allowed  to  crumble  to 
pieces.  So  dilapidated  was  the  state  of  the  building 
that  it  was  difficult  to  find  habitable  rooms  for  the 
Duchess  and  her  suite. 

On  the  2 1  St  of  December,  ten  days  after  Christina's 
arrival,  she  was  forced  to  address  a  request  to  the 
chief  magistrate,  Lodovico  Pellizone,  begging  that 
her  bedroom  might  be  supplied  with  a  wooden  ceiling, 
as  the  room  was  lofty  and  bitterly  cold  in  this  winter 
season.  Pellizone  wrote  without  delay  to  the  Gover- 
nor of  Milan,  but  received  no  reply,  and  on  New  Year's 
Day  Montmorency  himself  wrote  to  remind  the 
Cardinal  of  the  Duchess's  request,  urging  that  the 
work  might  be  done  without  delay,  and  putting  in 
a  plea  for  a  better  provision  of  mattresses  to  accom- 
modate the  members  of  her  household.  Still  no 
redress  was  obtained,  and  at  length  the  Captain  of 
the  Archers  took  the  law  into  his  own  hands,  and  sent 
for  carpenters  to  panel  the  Duchess's  bedroom.^ 
But  in  spite  of  these  drawbacks,  in  spite  of  the 
wind  that  whistled  through  the  long  corridors  and 
the  comfortless  air  of  the  empty  halls,  Christina's 
health  and  spirits  were  excellent.  Her  spirits  quickly 
recovered  their  natural  buoyancy  in  these  new  sur- 
roundings, her  eyes  shone  with  the  old  brightness, 
and  the  sound  of  merry  laughter  was  once  more 
heard  in  the  spacious  halls  and  desolate  gardens. 
On  the  3rd  of  January,  only  two  days  after  Mont- 
morency addressed  his  fruitless  remonstrance  to  the 
Viceroy,  Christina  herself  wrote  a  letter  to  the  same 
illustrious  personage  in  a  very  different  strain.  She 
^  Carteggio  con  Montmorency,  Archivio  di  Stato,  Milan. 


124  THE  WIDOW  OF  MILAN  [Bk.  v 

had,  it  appears,  seen  a  very  handsome  white  horse  in 
the  hostelry  of  the  Fountain  in  Pavia,  and  was  seized 
with  a  passionate  desire  to  have  the  palfrey  for  her 
own  use.  So  she  wrote  in  the  most  persuasive 
language  to  her  good  Father  the  Cardinal,  begging 
his  leave  to  buy  the  horse,  which  she  is  convinced 
will  suit  her  exactly.  But,  since  she  fears  that  her 
monthly  allowance  will  not  suffice  to  defray  the  cost, 
she  begs  His  Eminence  to  advance  the  necessary  sum, 
and  charge  it  to  the  extraordinary  expenses  for  which 
she  is  not  responsible.  This  letter,  written  in  her 
large  round  hand,  was  sent  to  Milan  by  one  of  the 
Duchess's  lackeys,  with  the  words  "  Cito,  cito  "  on 
the  cover,  and  an  urgent  plea  for  an  immediate 
answer.^  The  kindly  old  Cardinal,  who  had  a  soft 
side  for  the  youthful  Princess,  could  hardly  refuse 
so  pressing  a  request,  and  Christina  probably  bought 
the  white  horse,  and  had  the  pleasure  of  mounting  it 
when  she  rode  out  to  visit  the  friars  of  the  Certosa 
or  hunted  in  their  park. 

She  had  another  good  friend  and  devoted  servant 
in  the  Sieur  de  Courrieres — Monsignor  di  Corea,  as  he 
was  called  in  Italy.  This  gallant  gentleman  had 
grown  up  in  close  intimacy  with  the  Emperor  from  his 
boyhood.  He  accompanied  Charles  to  Spain  as  cup- 
bearer, and  was  appointed  Captain  of  the  Archers' 
Guard  on  attaining  his  majorit}^.  In  1 535  he  followed 
his  master  to  Africa  at  the  head  of  a  chosen  band  of 
archers,  fifty  of  whom  remained  with  him  as  an  escort 
for  the  Duchess.  By  Charles's  orders,  he  sent  constant 
reports  to  His  Majesty  from  Pavia.  The  correspond- 
ence fills  a  whole  volume,  and  is  extremely  interesting 

^  Autograft  di  Principi,  Archivio  di  Stato,  Milan  (see  Appen- 
dix III.). 


Feb.,  1537]     THE  EMPEROR'S  SERVANT  125 

if  only  because  it  shows  the  familiarity  with  which 
the  great  Emperor  treated  his  old  servant,  and  the 
freedom  which  Montmorency  allowed  himself  in  ad- 
dressing his  master. 

On  the  15th  of  February,  Charles  wrote  from 
Valladolid,  thanking  De  Courrieres  cordially  for  the 
services  w^hich  he  had  rendered  the  Duchess,  approv- 
ing highly  of  her  residence  at  Pavia,  and  promising 
to  pay  for  the  maintenance  of  his  archers.  He 
alludes  pleasantly  to  Montmorency's  meeting  with 
another  of  his  confidential  servants,  Simonet,  whom 
he  had  left  at  Milan. 

"  Simonet  was  right  to  put  off  his  return  to 
Flanders  until  the  worst  rigours  of  winter  were  over, 
and  was  fortunate  in  meeting  you,  for  old  folks  of  the 
same  country  are  very  glad  to  meet  in  foreign  lands, 
even  if  they  are  not  natives  of  Brabant.  Farewell, 
cher  et  feal,  for  the  present,  and  God  have  you  in  His 
holy  keeping  !" 

Five  weeks  later  he  wrote  again,  expressing  his 
satisfaction  at  hearing  of  his  dear  niece's  health  and 
happiness,  and  saying  how  entirely  he  trusted  Mont- 
morency to  provide  for  her  comfort. 

"  At  the  same  time,"  he  continued,  '*  we  cannot 
help  feeling,  both  with  regard  to  the  Duchess's 
widowed  condition  and  the  troubled  state  of  Italy, 
that  she  would  be  better  with  our  sister,  the  Queen 
of  Hungary,  in  our  own  country,  par-deca,  where 
some  suitable  marriage  might  be  found'  for  her. 
Accordingly  we  have  written  to  our  sister  on  the 
subject,  and  desired  Cardinal  Caracciolo  to  make  all 
needful  preparation  for  her  journey.  You  had  better 
see  that  she  has  a  proper  escort  and  all  else  that  is 
necessary  to  her  comfort,  without  making  these  things 
public,  until  we  hear  from  our  sister."^ 

^  Papiers  d'Etat,  82.  2,  12,  Archives  du  Royaume. 


126  THE  WIDOW  OF  MILAN  [Bk.v 

Mary  on  her  part  was  most  anxious  for  her  niece's 
return,  and  lost  no  time  in  letting  Charles  know  how 
impatiently  she  expected  her.  But,  with  character- 
istic dilatoriness,  the  Imperial  Council,  which  met  at 
Monzone  on  the  2nd  of  June,  pronounced  that  it  was 
highly  expedient  for  the  Widow  of  Milan  to  go  to 
Flanders,  but  that  the  Queen's  wishes  must  first  of 
all  be  consulted.^  Meanwhile  Count  Massimiliano 
Stampa  returned  from  Spain  with  instructions  from 
the  Emperor  to  make  arrangements  for  the  Duchess's 
journey  with  the  Cardinal  and  Montmorency,  and 
Charles  wrote  again  to  beg  the  Captain  to  start  with- 
out delay.  But  this,  as  Montmorency  replied,  was 
not  so  easy.  Three  months'  pay  was  due  to  his  men, 
and  in  his  penniless  condition  it  was  hard  to  provide 
them  with  food  or  their  horses  with  fodder. 

"  I  will  do  my  utmost.  Sire,"  he  wrote  on  the  15th 
of  June,  "  but  some  things  are  impossible.  As  I  told 
you  when  you  left  me  at  Genoa,  six  months'  wages 
were  due  to  me,  and  I  can  only  beg  you  to  have  pity 
on  your  poor  Captain  ;  for  we  are  in  sore  straits,  and 
you  alone  can  help  us,  for,  as  the  Scripture  saith, 
Tua  est  potentiaJ^ 

At  the  same  time,  like  the  brave  soldier  that  he 
was,  the  writer  cannot  refrain  from  expressing  his 
joy  at  the  good  news  of  the  capture  of  S.  Pol,  which 
had  just  arrived  from  Flanders. 

"  Sire,  I  hear  grand  news  from  S.  Pol,  and  am  sure, 
when  you  return  to  your  Low  Countries,  you  will  find 
that  the  Queen  has  been  very  vigilant  in  charge  of 
your  affairs,  and  will  be  welcomed  by  very  humble 
and  loyal  subjects.  But  you  will  have  something  to 
say  to  the  citizens  of  Ghent,  for  I  fear  those  gentlemen 
are  not  as  wise  as  they  might  be.  Sire,  I  hear  that, 
after  the  surrender  of  Hesdin,  your  sister  the  Queen 

1  Calendar  of  Spanish  State  Papers,  v.  2,  353. 


Aug.,  1537]     CAPTAIN  OF  THE  ARCHERS         127 

of  France  came  to  the  camp  in  rich  attire,  with  a 
number  of  ladies  all  in  white.  Such  insolence  cannot 
last  long,  as  S.  Pol — both  the  town  and  the  Apostle — 
bear  witness.  I  hear  that  Madame  the  new  Duchesse 
d'Etampes  was  nowhere.  Sic  transit  gloria  mundi. 
All  this  Latin  is  to  show  Your  Majesty  that  I  have  not 
wasted  my  time  in  Pavia,  any  more  than  Don  Beltrami 
did  at  Louvain.  Once  more  I  beg  you  to  have  pity 
on  La  Chretiennete,  who  needs  your  help  more  than 
ever." 

But  the  summer  months  went  by,  and  still  no  orders 
and  no  money  came  from  Spain.  Pavia  became 
unhealthy,  and  the  Duchess  and  all  the  members  of 
her  household  fell  ill  of  fever. 

"  Hardly  one  has  escaped,"  wrote  Montmorency 
on  the  22nd  of  August,  "  but  now,  thank  God,  my 
Lady  has  recovered,  and  I  am  trying  to  raise  money 
to  carry  out  your  orders,  although  I  fear  my  purse  is 
not  long  enough  to  feed  my  poor  archers."^ 

A  month  later  the  Captain  went  to  Milan  to  expedite 
matters,  but  as  yet  could  hear  nothing  from  Spain, 
and  on  his  return  to  Pavia  early  in  October,  he  ad- 
dressed long  remonstrances  both  to  Charles  and 
Granvelle. 

'*  Sire,"  wrote  the  irate  Captain,  "  I  have  been 
ordered  to  take  my  Lady  Duchess  to  Flanders,  but 
not  a  word  has  been  said  as  to  the  route  that  I  am  to 
take.  Since  it  is  your  pleasure,  it  shall  be  done ;  but 
if  any  harm  comes  to  her  in  Germany,  seeing  the  poor 
escort  we  shall  have,  who  will  be  to  blame  ?  My 
fear  is  that,  as  we  pass  through  the  duchy  of  Wiirtem- 
berg,  the  Duke's  son  may  fall  upon  us  with  his 
Landsknechten ,  and  my  Lady  would  certainly  not 
be  a  bad  match  for  him  !  Your  Majesty  has  not 
given  me  a  single  letter  or  warrant  for  the  journey, 
and  has  not  written  me  a  word.  And  when  I  get 
par-de^a,  I  know  not  what  I  am  to  do  or  say.     My 

^  Papiers  d'Etat,  82,  8-10. 


128  THE  WIDOW  OF  MILAN  [Bk.  v 

Lady,  too,  is  much  surprised  not  to  have  received  a 
letter  from  Your  Majesty  before  her  departure,  but 
of  this,  of  course,  I  have  no  right  to  speak." 

In  a  postscript  he  adds  that  he  has  raised  500  gold 
crowns,  and  given  each  of  his  men  10  crowns  to  buy 
new^  saddles,  as  the}^  hope  to  start  on  the  15th  of 
October.  He  ends  by  humbly  reminding  His  Majesty 
that  he  is  growing  old,  and  is  almost  fifty,  and  that 
if  he  does  not  soon  take  a  wife  it  will  be  too  late. 

"  All  this  coming  and  going  ages  a  man,  and  before 
long  I  shall  be  as  wrinkled  as  the  rest.  So  when  I 
reach  the  Queen,  I  hope  some  little  token  of  honour 
may  be  given  me,  that  men  may  see  Your  Majesty 
has  not  wholly  forgotten  me.  And  you  will,  I  hope, 
tell  me  what  I  am  to  do  when  I  have  taken  Her 
Excellency  to  Flanders,  as  I  have  written  to  Granvelle 
repeatedly,  and  had  no  answer,  but  suppose  he  is  busy 
with  great  affairs.  And  I  pray  that  all  prosperity  may 
attend  Your  Majesty,  and  that  this  year,  which  has 
begun  so  well,  may  end  by  seeing  you  back  in 
Piedmont."  1 

On  the  14th  of  October  Christina  herself  wrote  to 
inform  the  Emperor  of  her  intended  departure,  and 
of  the  good  order  of  her  affairs,  thanks  to  the  Cardinal 
and  Seigneur  de  Courrieres.  "  We  hope  to  start  to- 
morrow, and  travel  by  way  of  Mantua  and  Trent,  and 
through  Germany,  taking  whichever  seems  to  be  the 
shortest  and  safest  route."  There  had,  it  appears, 
been  much  discussion  over  the  revenues  assigned 
to  the  Duchess  as  her  dower,  and  in  the  end  she 
was  deprived  of  the  town  and  Castello  of  Vigevano, 
which  the  Duke  had  left  her  by  his  will.  But  by  the 
terms  of  her  marriage  contract  she  remained  absolute 
mistress  of  the  city  of  Tortona,  and  informed  the 
Emperor  that,  acting  on  the  advice  of  the  Cardinal,  as 

^  Papicrs  d'Etat.  82,  12. 


Oct.,  1537]     CHRISTINA'S  DEPARTURE  129 

Lady  of  Tortona,  she  had  appointed  a  certain  Gabriele 
Panigarola  to  be  Governor  of  the  town,  and  begged  his 
approval.  At  the  same  time  she  sent  her  uncle  a 
memorial,  drawn  up  by  Montmorency,  explaining 
that,  since  she  had  not  received  the  arrears  of  her 
dowry,  she  was  not  able  to  pay  her  servants,  and 
had  been  forced  to  contract  many  debts  at  Pavia, 
and  to  spend  money  on  the  repair  of  the  rooms  which 
she  occupied  in  the  Castello. 

Many  last  requests  were  addressed  to  the  Duchess 
by  the  poor  and  needy  whom  she  had  befriended,  and 
from  her  own  servants,  who  with  one  voice  begged  to 
be  allowed  to  follow  her  to  Flanders.  One  of  the 
most  pressing  came  from  an  old  Milanese  couple, 
whose  son,  Niccolo  Belloni,  was  Christina's  secretary, 
and  at  their  earnest  prayer  she  decided  to  allow  the 
young  man  to  remain  in  her  service  as  one  of  the  four 
Italians  who  accompanied  her  to  Flanders  by  the 
Emperor's  orders.  And  the  last  letter  which  the 
Duchess  wrote  to  the  Cardinal,  on  the  eve  of  her 
departure,  was  to  plead  for  a  community  of  noble 
ladies  in  Pavia  who  were  reduced  to  dire  poverty  owing 
to  the  late  wars,  and  begged  humbly  for  a  remission 
of  taxes  .^  During  the  ten  months  which  she  had  spent 
at  Pavia  the  young  Duchess  had  made  herself  beloved 
by  all  classes  of  people,  and  her  departure  was  lamented 
by  the  whole  city. 

III. 

On  the  15th  of  October  Christina  and  her  suite  left 
Pavia,  and  started  on  their  long-deferred  journey  to 
Flanders.  When  she  first  set  foot  in  Italy  as  a  bride, 
three  and  a  half  years  before,  the    Lombard  plains 

1  Autografi  di  Principi,  Archivio  di  Stato,  Milan. 


I30  THE  WIDOW  OF  MILAN  [Bk.  v 

were  in  the  first  flush  of  spring,  roses  and  myrtles 
were  breaking  into  bloom,  and  the  flowers  sprang  up 
under  her  feet.  Now  the  autumn  rains  fell  in  such 
torrents  that  Cardinal  Caracciolo  was  seriously 
alarmed,  and  wrote  to  Benedetto  da  Corte  and 
Monsignore  di  Corea,  asking  if  it  might  not  be  well 
to  delay  their  departure.  The  first  idea  had  been  to 
go  from  Pavia  to  Cremona  in  a  single  day,  but  the  bad 
roads  and  swollen  rivers  increased  the  difficulties  of 
travel,  and  the  Cardinal  wrote  to  implore  Messer 
Benedetto  and  Corea  not  to  undertake  such  long 
journeys,  lest  the  Duchess  should  be  overtired.  So 
the  party  only  rode  as  far  as  Codogno,  the  castle  of 
Count  Gaspare  Trivulzio,  where  he  and  his  beautiful 
wife,  Deianira,  received  them  joyfully,  and  entertained 
them  "  as  magnificently  as  if  they  had  been  invited 
to  a  wedding."  Christina's  lady-in-waiting,  the 
Princess  of  Macedonia,  rejoiced  to  be  under  her 
daughter's  roof,  and  Benedetto  da  Corte  wrote  to 
tell  the  Cardinal  that  nothing  could  exceed  the 
splendour  and  hospitality  of  Count  Gaspare's  recep- 
tion. On  the  1 8th  the  travellers  rode  along  the 
plains  flooded  by  the  swollen  Po  till  they  reached 
Cremona,  the  dower  city  of  Bianca  Visconti,  where 
she  had  been  married  to  the  great  Condottiere  Fran- 
cesco Sforza,  and  which  had  clung  with  unswerving 
loyalty  to  the  fortunes  of  his  house.  Here  the 
Castellan  came  out  to  meet  the  Duchess,  at  the  head 
of  the  chief  citizens,  and  escorted  her  to  the  Castello 
under  the  shadow  of  the  famous  Torrazza,  where  she 
and  all  her  suite  found  the  best  of  cheer.  The  next 
morning  the  travellers  resumed  their  way,  and  crossed 
the  rushing  Oglio,  under  the  castle  of  the  Gonzagas  of 
Bozzolo,    and    rode    along    the    green    meadows    by 


Oct.,  1537]  "  EN  VOYAGE  "  131 

Castiglione's  country  home,  where  his  aged  mother 
was  still  living.  The  great  courtier's  name  was 
familiar  to  all  Charles  V.'s  servants,  and  Montmorency, 
who  had  known  him  in  Spain,  may  have  paused  to 
look  at  the  fair  sepulchral  chapel  which  Giulio 
Romano  had  lately  reared  in  the  pilgrimage  church 
of  S.  Maria  delle  Grazie.  At  Mantua  another  splendid 
welcome  awaited  Christina.  The  Gonzaga  Princes 
never  forgot  their  close  relationship  to  the  Sforzas, 
and  while  the  reigning  Duchess  welcomed  the  Princess 
of  Macedonia  as  a  kinswoman,  the  old  Marchesana, 
Isabella,  rejoiced  to  embrace  her  nephew's  wife,  and 
looked  with  affection  on  this  youthful  Duchess  who 
bore  the  same  title  as  her  long-lost  Beatrice. 

The  next  morning  Benedetto  da  Corte  sent  the  Car- 
dinal a  glowing  account  of  their  journey,  which,  in 
spite  of  the  weather,  had  been  one  triumphal  progress : 

"  Reverendissimo, 

''  Her  Excellency  arrived  safely  here  at  Mantua 
yesterday  with  all  her  company,  horses,  and  carriages, 
and  was  received  most  ro^^ally,  as  has,  indeed,  been 
the  case  in  every  place  where  we  have  halted  on  our 
way.  Her  whole  household  has  been  entertained 
with  the  best  fare,  and  with  little  damage  to  our 
purses.  .  .  .  The  kindness  with  which  we  have  been 
received  has  made  these  perpetual  rains  tolerable. 
We  are  quite  accustomed  to  them,  and  shall  not  be 
afraid  of  the  next  tempest  !  We  are  resting  here  on 
this  sixth  day  of  our  journey  at  the  entreaty  of  these 
illustrious  Princes.  On  Sunday,  please  God,  we  shall 
reach  Verona,  and  I  have  sent  to  ask  the  Governor 
to  prepare  convenient  lodgings  for  Her  Excellency. 
His  Reverence  the  Cardinal  of  Trent  has  sent  a 
messenger  here  to-night  to  inquire  how  many  we 
number,  and  so  we  go  on  gaily  from  stage  to  stage. 
Once  we  have  reached  Trent,  we  shall  seem  to  be  in 
sight  of  the  Rhine,  and  can  pursue  our  way  at  less 
peril  to  our  lives,  and,  let  us  hope,  to   the  greater 


132  THE  WIDOW  OF  MILAN  [Bk.  v 

advantage  of  His  Majesty's  service.  I  kiss  Your 
Reverence's  hand,  and  so  also  does  Monsignore  di 
Corea. 

"  Benedetto  da  Corte. 
"Mantova,  October  20."  ^ 

The  Cardinal's  worst  anxieties  were  relieved  by 
the  receipt  of  Benedetto's  letter,  and  he  sent  a  reply 
to  the  Castle  of  Trent  thanking  him  and  Monsignore 
di  Corea  for  their  trouble,  and  expressing  great 
satisfaction  to  hear  of  their  prosperous  journey.  The 
travellers  now  turned  their  steps  northwards,  and, 
after  spending  a  night  in  the  city  of  the  Scaligeri, 
followed  the  Adige  through  the  rocky  defile  known  as 
La  Chiusa  di  Verona.  As  they  passed  through  the 
fortified  gates  at  the  farther  end  of  the  ravine,  a 
salute  from  the  guns  made  them  aware  that  they  had 
entered  Austrian  territory.  A  few  miles  farther  they 
were  met  by  the  Cardinal-Bishop,  Bernhard  von  Cles, 
who  had  ridden  out  with  a  great  train  to  welcome 
the  Duchess.  A  strong  Imperiahst  no  less  than 
an  active  reformer,  Bernhard  von  Cles  had  been 
raised  to  the  cardinalate  at  Charles's  coronation,  and 
was  now  Vice-Chancellor  of  the  Empire .^  He  had 
lately  received  a  visit  from  Christina's  uncle,  King 
Ferdinand,  and  his  wife,  Anna,  who  honoured  his 
niece's  wedding  with  their  presence,  and  the  sump- 
tuous rooms  which  they  had  occupied  were  now 
placed  at  Christina's  disposal.  "  Nothing  was  lack- 
ing," wrote  Benedetto  da  Corte,  "  which  could  please 
the  eye  or  delight  the  mind."  The  splendour  of  the 
episcopal  palace  and  the  open-handed  liberality  of 
the    Cardinal    made    a    great    impression    on    Mont- 

^  "  Carteggio  con  Montmorency,  Conte  di  Corea,"  1537-38, 
Archivio  di  Stato,  Milan. 

2  L.  Pastor,  "  Gcschichte  d.  Papste,"  iv.  375;  M.  Guazzo,  371. 


Oct.,  1337]  THE  CARDINAL  OF  TRENT  133 

morency,  who  wrote  himself  to  tell  the  Cardinal  how 
well  Madama  had  borne  the  journey. 

"  I  cannot  tell  you,"  he  adds,  "  how  splendidly 
Monsignor  Reverendissimo  has  received  the  Duchess, 
and  how  sumptuously  he  has  feasted  us.  Here  we 
mean  to  rest  all  to-day,  and  to-morrow  we  will  pursue 
our  journey  with  the  utmost  diligence." 

But  so  pressing  was  the  Cardinal,  and  so  luxurious 
were  the  quarters  provided  for  them,  that  the 
travellers  remained  at  Trent  several  days,  and  only 
resumed  their  journey  on  the  27th  of  October. 

The  most  arduous  part  of  the  way  now  lay  before 
them,  and  Benedetto  describes  how  they  harnessed 
the  mules  to  the  chariot  in  order  that  the  Duchess 
and  her  ladies  might  drive  across  the  Brenner  Pass, 
at  least  as  far  as  Innsbruck.  Montmorency  was  in 
some  doubt  as  to  the  route  which  the  Duchess  had 
better  take  through  Germany,  but,  much  to  his 
satisfaction,  he  found  the  long-expected  letter  from 
the  Emperor  awaiting  him  at  Innsbruck.  It  was 
written  from  Monzone  on  the  last  day  of  October,  a 
fortnight  after  Christina  had  left  Pavia.  Charles  put 
the  blame  of  his  delay  on  the  Queen  of  Hungary's 
shoulders,  and,  since  it  was  too  late  to  wait  for  her 
directions,  bade  him  consult  the  Cardinal  of  Trent 
as  to  their  future  journey. 

"  If  you  have  already  left  Trent,  you  had  better  go 
on  either  by  road  or  else  by  the  Rhine.  If  you  are  at 
Innsbruck,  you  can  take  advice  from  the  King  our 
brother  or  from  Dr.  Matthias  Held  " — one  of  Ferdi- 
nand's most  trusted  German  Councillors — "  and  choose 
whichever  route  they  consider  the  safest.  If  you  have 
received  no  letters  from  the  Queen,  you  had  better 
send  a  messenger  to  Flanders,  and  we  will  inform  you 
as  soon  as  we  know  her  pleasure  regarding  our  niece's 
future  plans." 


134  THE  WIDOW  OF  MILAN  [Bk.  V 

In  conclusion  the  Emperor  tells  Montmorency  that 
he  is  sending  the  letters  patent  for  which  he  asked, 
although  they  are  hardly  necessary,  and  has  already 
told  the  Queen  to  refund  all  the  expenses  which  he 
has  incurred,  and  to  be  mindful  of  his  great  and  long 
services.^ 

The  travellers  spent  some  time  at  Innsbruck  in 
the  ancient  castle  which  is  still  adorned  with  the 
Sforza  arms,  and  Christina  saw  the  superb  monument 
erected  by  her  great-grandfather  Maximilian  in  the 
church  hard  by.  Ferdinand  and  his  wife  and  daughters 
were  in  Vienna,  but  the  route  which  Montmorency 
chose  was  that  followed  by  most  travellers,  along  the 
Lake  of  Constance  and  down  the  Rhine  to  Spires. 
From  the  first  Christina  had  been  very  anxious  to  visit 
her  sister  Dorothea  on  her  journey  north,  and  she 
succeeded  in  obtaining  her  uncle's  consent  to  this 
arrangement.  The  two  Princesses  had  not  met  since 
Christina  left  Brussels  in  the  spring  of  1534,  and 
Dorothea  was  no  less  impatient  to  see  her  sister. 
Even  before  the  travellers  reached  Trent,  they  met 
two  Genoese  merchants,  who  told  Montmorency  that 
on  their  way  through  Germany  they  had  seen  the 
Count  Palatine  Frederic  and  Madama  la  Principessa, 
his  wife,  with  a  great  company,  on  their  way  to 
Heidelberg  to  await  the  Duchess's  coming.  When, 
in  November,  the  travellers  at  length  reached  Heidel- 
berg, they  found  themselves  impatiently  expected, 
and  Christina  received  the  warmest  welcome  from  the 
Elector  Palatine  and  his  family. 

Festivities  such  as  Frederic  and  Dorothea  took 
delight  in — jousting,  banquets,  and  dances — followed 
each  other  in  rapid  succession,  and   the  castle  blazed 

^  Papicrs  d'Etat,  82,  13,  Archives  du  Royaume,  Bruxelles. 


Dec,  1537]  AT  HOME  AGAIN  135 

with  innumerable  torches  through  the  winter  nights. 
It  was  a  great  change  from  the  funereal  blackness  of 
the  Castello  of  Milan  and  the  desolate  halls  of  Pavia, 
and  the  young  Duchess  enjoyed  it  to  the  full.  The 
days  sped  by  all  too  quickly,  and  so  happy  were  the 
sisters  in  each  other's  company  that  the  Elector 
invited  Christina  to  stay  over  Christmas.  The  young 
Duchess  accepted  the  proposal  gleefully,  and  all  were 
preparing  to  spend  a  joyous  festival,  when  Mont- 
morency received  peremptory  orders  from  the  Queen- 
Regent  to  bring  her  niece  forthwith  to  Flanders, 
After  this  no  delays  were  possible.  The  sisters  parted 
sadly  from  each  other,  and  the  travellers  once  more 
took  boat  and  sailed  down  the  Rhine  to  Cologne. 

From  here  it  was  an  easy  journey  to  Aix-la- 
Chapelle,  and  through  the  friendly  State  of  Cleves  to 
Maestricht,  and  thence  to  Louvain  and  Brussels.  On 
the  8th  of  December  Christina  set  foot  once  more 
in  the  ancient  palace  of  the  Dukes  of  Brabant,  and 
was  clasped  in  her  aunt's  arms.  Ten  days  afterwards 
she  wrote  a  letter  to  inform  the  Emperor  of  her  safe 
arrival,  and  of  "  the  good  and  loving  welcome  "  which 
she  had  received  from  "  Madame  my  aunt."  She 
begged  His  Majesty  to  keep  her  still  in  his  remem- 
brance, and  signed  herself,  "  Your  humble  niece, 
Chretienne."  ^ 

She  was  at  home  once  more  among  her  own  people, 
and  all  the  strange  sights  and  scenes,  all  the  wonderful 
experiences  which  she  had  known,  in  these  four  event- 
ful years,  seemed  to  fade  away  like  a  dream.  But 
she  had  left  Flanders  a  child,  and  she  came  back  a 
woman. 

^  Papiers  d'£tat,  82,  19  ;  State  Papers,  Record  Ofi&ce, 
viii.  6;  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xii.  2,  415,  419. 


136  THE  WIDOW  OF  MILAN  [Bk  v 

IV, 

Christina's  return  was  impatiently  awaited  at 
Brussels.  The  courtiers  who  remembered  her  mother, 
and  had  known  her  as  a  child,  were  eager  to  see 
the  young  Duchess,  whose  courage  and  wisdom 
had  been  shown  in  such  trying  circumstances.  All 
through  the  summer  her  coming  had  been  expected, 
and  the  Regent  was  seriously  annoyed  at  the  pro- 
longed delays  which  had  hindered  her  niece's  depar- 
ture from  Milan.  Her  heart  yearned  over  the  child 
from  whom  she  had  parted  with  so  much  reluc- 
tance. More  than  this,  she  had  in  her  mind's  eye  a 
second  husband  ready  for  the  young  Duchess.  This 
was  William,  the  only  son  and  heir  of  the  reigning 
Duke  of  Cleves.  A  handsome  and  well-educated 
young  man  of  twenty- two,  the  young  Duke  had  not  yet 
developed  that  fatal  weakness  of  purpose  which 
proved  his  bane,  and  was  to  all  appearances  an  ex- 
cellent match  for  the  Emperor's  niece.  The  political 
advantages  of  the  union  were  obvious.  Duke  John  had 
married  the  heiress  of  Jiilich  and  Bergh,  and  reigned 
over  three  rich  and  peaceful  provinces  on  the  Lower 
Rhine.  He  had  always  been  on  friendly  terms  with  the 
Emperor,  and  when,  a  few  months  after  the  Duke  of 
Milan's  death,  he  asked  for  the  young  widow's  hand  on 
behalf  of  his  son,  Mary  welcomed  these  advances  gladly, 
and  hastened  to  communicate  them  to  the  Emperor.^ 
At  first  Charles  replied  coolly  that,  if  the  marriage 
with  Angouleme  could  not  be  arranged,  the  proposals 
made  by  the  King  of  Scotland  or  Cleves  might  be 
entertained .  In  October,  1536,  Mary  sent  a  confidential 
messenger,  La  Tiloye,  to  Genoa  to  learn  the  Emperor's 
^  Lanz,  ii.  657. 


Sept.,  1537]    THE  CLEVES  MARRIAGE  137 

pleasure  in  the  matter,  but  nothing  further  was  done. 
After  the  fresh  outbreak  of  war  in  1537,  and  the 
invasion  of  iVrtois  by  the  French,  Charles  became 
more  alive  to  the  importance  of  the  question,  and 
wrote  to  his  sister  from  Spain,  saying  that  he  had 
ordered  the  Widow  of  Milan  to  go  to  the  Low  Countries, 
and  hoped  she  would  proceed  at  once  to  the  con- 
clusion of  the  marriage  with  Cleves.^ 

At  that  moment  all  Mary's  energies  were  absorbed 
in  the  struggle  with  France.  She  herself  went  to 
Lille  to  superintend  miUtary  operations,  and  ap- 
peared on  horseback  in  the  trenches  before  Therou- 
enne,  where  her  courage  excited  the  admiration  of 
John  Hutton,  the  EngHsh  Ambassador.  ''  Let  the 
King  but  tarry  fifteen  days,"  she  exclaimed,  "  and 
I  will  show  him  what  God  may  strengthen  a  woman 
to  do  !"  But,  in  spite  of  these  brave  words,  Mary, 
as  Hutton  soon  discovered,  was  sincerely  desirous 
to  end  the  war.  "  The  Queen's  anxiety  for  peace, 
he  wrote  home,  "is  as  great  as  her  ardour  in  war."^ 
She  knew  the  straits  to  which  the  Emperor  was 
reduced  and  the  exhaustion  of  the  Treasury.  "  The 
poverty  of  this  country  is  so  great,"  she  wrote  to 
Charles  on  the  9th  of  June,  "  that  it  is  impossible  to 
provide  necessary  funds  for  the  war.  We  must  have 
peace,  or  we  are  lost ."  ^  Under  these  circumstances  she 
lent  awiUing  ear  to  her  sister  Queen  Eleanor's  advances, 
and  the  tw^o  sisters  had  the  satisfaction  of  arranging  a 
truce  at  Bomy,  a  village  near  Therouenne.  The  siege 
of  this  city  was  raised,  the  French  evacuated  the  towns 
which  they  held,  and  on  the  loth  of  September  peace 
was  ratified  by  the  Emperor  at  Monzone. 

^  Lanz,  iii.  667,  677. 

2  State  Papers,  Record  Office,  vii.  695.  ^  Lanz,  ii,  675. 


138  THE  WIDOW  OF  MILAN  [Bk.  v 

Mary  felt  that  she  could  once  more  breathe  freely. 
She  lost  no  time  in  renewing  negotiations  with  the 
Duke  of  Cleves,  and  the  proposed  marriage  became 
the  talk  of  the  Court.  "  The  Queen,"  wrote  Hutton, 
on  the  2nd  of  September,  from  Bruges,  where  Mary 
was  hunting  after  her  wont  and  spending  all  day  in 
the  saddle,  "  looketh  daily  for  the  Duchess  of  Milan, 
who  shall  be  married  to  the  Duke  of  Cleves's  son  and 
heir."  ^  A  month  later  the  Cleves  Envoys  arrived  at 
Brussels,  and,  after  repeated  interviews  with  the 
Queen  and  her  Council,  returned,  well  satisfied,  to 
obtain  their  master's  consent  to  the  terms  of  the  con- 
tract. The  news  spread  rapidly,  and  was  reported 
by  Ambassadors  from  Spain  and  Germany,  from  Rome 
and  Paris,  with  the  same  unanimity.  Suddenly  an 
unexpected  event  altered  the  face  of  affairs.  Charles 
of  Egmont,  the  fiery  old  Duke  of  Guelders,  who  had 
for  many  years  been  the  Emperor's  bitter  enemy,  fell 
ill,  and,  feehng  his  end  to  be  near,  summoned  the 
Estates  of  his  realm  to  choose  a  successor.  Since  he 
had  no  issue,  his  own  wish  was  to  leave  his  States 
to  the  French  King ;  but  his  subjects  positively  re- 
fused to  be  handed  over  to  a  foreign  Power,  and  chose 
the  young  Duke  William  of  Cleves,  who  hastened  to 
visit  Nimeguen,  where  he  was  acclaimed  by  his  future 
subjects.  This  was  a  clear  breach  of  faith,  since,  by 
the  treaty  concluded  a  year  before  with  the  Emperor, 
Guelders  was  to  pass  into  his  hands  at  Charles  of 
Egmont 's  death,  and  the  ancient  rights  to  the  duchy 
which  the  House  of  Cleves  formerly  claimed  had 
been  already  sold  to  the  Dukes  of  Burgundy .^  Mary's 
indignation   was   great.     She   wrote    angrily    to    tell 

1  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Henry  VIII.,  xii.  2,  231. 

2  Henne,  vii.  263,  267. 


Jan.,  1538]  THE  SUCCESSION  OF  GUELDERS    139 

William  of  Cleves  that  Guelders  was  the  property  of 
the  Emperor,  and  that  if  he  persevered  in  his  pre- 
tensions all  idea  of  his  marriage  to  her  niece  must  be 
abandoned.  The  3^oung  Duke  returned  a  courteous 
answer,  saying  that  nothing  could  be  farther  from 
his  thoughts  than  a  breach  of  loyalty  to  the  Emperor, 
and  professing  the  utmost  anxiety  for  the  marriage. 
At  the  same  time  the  old  Duke's  action  excited 
great  annoyance  in  Lorraine,  where  his  nephew,  the 
reigning  Duke  Anthon}^,  claimed  to  be  heir  to  Guel- 
ders, through  his  mother,  Phihppa  of  Egmont.  An 
attempt  to  pacify  him  by  reviving  a  former  marriage 
contract  between  his  son  Francis  and  the  Duke  of 
Cleves 's  daughter  Anne  met  with  no  encouragement, 
and  Ambassadors  were  sent  to  Guelders  to  enter  a 
protest  on  the  Duke  of  Lorraine's  behalf.^  But 
Charles  of  Egmont  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  all  remon- 
strances, and  on  the  27th  of  January,  1538,  William 
of  Cleves  received  the  homage  of  the  States  of  Guelders, 
and  was  publicly  recognized  as  the  old  Duke's  successor. 
Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  when  Christina  reached 
Brussels  on  the  8th  of  December,  1537.  Her  faithful 
guardian,  Montmorency,  alludes  to  the  Cleves  mar- 
riage in  the  following  letter,  which  he  addressed  to 
Cardinal  Caracciolo  on  the  5th  of  January,  1538: 

"  I  wrote  last  from  Trent  on  the  26th  of  October, 
and  since  then  have  received  several  letters  from  you, 
and  have  duly  informed  the  Duchess  of  their  contents. 
She  is  very  grateful  for  your  kindness  regarding  her 
affairs,  and  begs  you  not  to  relax  your  efforts.  .  .  . 
As  to  Madama's  marriage  with  Cleves,  as  far  as  I  can 
learn,  it  will  not  take  place,  because  the  Duke  has 
quarrelled  with  Lorraine,  and  Guelders  is  interfering. 
Negotiations,  however,  are  not  yet  broken  off.' 

1  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Henry  VIII.,  xiii.  i,  35- 


I40  THE  WIDOW  OF  MILAN  [Bk.  v 

Three  months  later  he  referred  to  the  matter  again 
in  another  letter,  and  this  time  expressed  his  convic- 
tion that  the  marriage  would  never  take  place. ^ 

Montmorency's  own  claims  had  not  been  forgotten. 
Soon  after  his  return  he  married  a  lady  of  the  Lannoy 
family,  and  was  appointed  Bailiff  of  Alost.  Both 
Charles  and  Mary  treated  him  with  marked  favour, 
and  employed  him  on  important  diplomatic  missions. 
But  he  still  held  an  honorary  post  in  the  Duchess's 
household,  and  never  ceased  to  be  her  devoted 
servant. 

During  the  winter  Hutton  alluded  repeatedly  to 
the  affair  of  Cleves  in  his  letters  to  Cromwell,  saying 
that  the  Duke  had  been  recognized  by  the  Communes 
of  Guelders  as  their  hege  lord,  and  that  the  Queen 
quite  refused  to  let  him  wed  the  Duchess,  although 
he  was  still  eager  for  the  alliance.  All  sorts  of  wild 
rumours  were  flying  about,  and  an  Italian  merchant 
at  Antwerp  wrote  to  London  that  young  Cleves  was 
about  to  marry  the  daughter  of  Lorraine,  with 
Guelders  as  her  dowry.  But  on  the  25th  of  January 
Hutton  reported  that  the  Queen  had  sent  Nassau  and 
De  Praet  to  Duke  William,  to  break  off  marriage 
negotiations  and  clear  her  of  all  former  promises  .2 

Christina  herself  was  the  person  least  concerned  in 
these  rumours.  Princes  and  Ministers  might  wrangle 
as  they  chose ;  they  could  not  destroy  the  happiness  of 
being  in  her  old  home,  surrounded  by  famihar  faces. 
The  sound  of  the  French  tongue  and  the  carillon 
in  the  towers  were  music  in  her  ears.  Three  things 
above  all  impressed  Italian  travellers,  like  Guicciar- 
dini  and  Beatis,  who  came  to  the  Low  Countries  for 

1  Carteggio  Diplomatico,  1537-38,  Archivio  cli  Stato,  Milan. 

2  State  Papers,  xiii.  i,  8;  Record  Office,  viii.  27,  29. 


Jan..  1538]       THE  PALACE  OF  BRABANT         141 

the  first  time — the  cleanhness  of  the  streets  and 
houses,  the  green  pastures  with  their  herds  of  black 
and  white  cows,  and  the  beautiful  church  bells.  These 
were  all  delightful  to  the  young  Duchess,  who  had  been 
so  long  absent  from  her  old  home.  The  city  of  Brussels, 
with  its  fine  houses  and  noble  churches,  its  famous 
hotel-de-ville,  and  350  fountains,  was  a  pleasant  town 
to  live  in.  And  the  Palace  of  Brabant  itself  was  a 
wonderful  place .  There  was  the  great  hall ,  with  its  lofty 
pointed  arches,  and  priceless  Burgundian  tapestries, 
and  the  golden  suns  and  silver  moons  recently  brought 
back  from  the  New  World  by  Cortes,  the  conqueror 
of  Mexico. 

The  Queen  gave  Christina  a  suite  of  rooms  close  to 
her  own,  looking  out  on  the  glossy  leaves  and  inter- 
woven boughs  of  the  labyrinth,  and  the  gardens  be- 
yond, which  Albert  Dlirer  had  called  an  earthly 
paradise,  and  which  the  Cardinal  of  Aragon's  secre- 
tary pronounced  to  be  as  beautiful  as  any  in  Italy .^ 
Here  the  young  Duchess  lived  with  her  ladies  and 
household,  presided  over  by  Benedetto  da  Corte  and 
Niccolo  Belloni.  Every  morning  she  attended  Mass 
in  the  Court  chapel,  and  dined  and  spent  the  even- 
ings with  the  Queen.  On  fine  days,  when  Mary 
could  spare  time  from  public  affairs,  they  rode  out 
together  and  hunted  the  deer  in  the  park,  or  took  longer 
expeditions  in  the  Forest  of  Soignies.  As  fearless  and 
almost  as  untiring  a  rider  as  her  aunt,  Christina  was 
quite  at  home  in  the  saddle,  and  followed  the  Queen's 
example  of  riding  with  her  foot  in  the  stirrup,  an 
accomplishment  which  was  new  in  those  days,  and 
excited  Brantome's  admiration .- 

1  L.  Pastor,  "  Reise  des  Kardinal  Luigi  d'Aragona,"  116. 
L.  Guicciardini,  "Paesi-Bassi,"  74.  ^  "QEuvres,"  xii.  107. 


142  THE  WIDOW  OF  MILAN  [Bk.  v 

The  following  Christmas  was  celebrated  with  great 
festivit}^  at  Brussels.  The  war  was  over,  and  the 
presence  of  a  youthful  Princess  gave  new  charm  to 
Court  functions.  Wherever  Christina  went  she  made 
herself  beloved.  Her  quick  wit  and  frank  enjoyment 
of  simple  pleasures  charmed  everyone.  Although  in 
public  she  still  wore  heavy  mourning  robes  after  the 
Italian  fashion,  and  hid  away  her  bright  chestnut 
locks  under  a  black  hood,  in  the  evening,  by  her 
aunt's  desire,  she  laid  aside  her  weeds,  and  appeared 
clad  in  rich  brocades  and  glittering  jewels.  Then  she 
conversed  freely  with  her  aunt's  ladies  and  with  the 
foreign  Ambassadors,  or  played  cards  with  the  few 
great  nobles  who  were  admitted  to  the  Queen's 
private  circle — Henry,  Count  of  Nassau,  the  proudest 
and  richest  lord  in  Flanders;  the  Duke  of  Aerschot 
and  his  wife,  Anne  de  Croy,  the  heiress  of  the  Princes 
of  Chimay;  his  sister,  Madame  de  Berghen;  Count 
Biiren ;  and  a  few  others . 

Among  them  was  one  whom  the  young  Duchess 
regarded  with  especial  interest.  This  was  the  hero 
of  S.  Pol,  Rene,  Prince  of  Orange.  The  only  son  and 
heir  of  the  great  House  of  Nassau,  Rene  had  inherited 
the  principality  of  Orange,  in  the  South  of  France, 
from  his  uncle  Philibert  of  Chalons,  the  Imperialist 
leader  who  fell  at  the  siege  of  Florence,  and  whose 
sister  Claude  was  Henry  of  Nassau's  first  wife.  As 
a  child  Rene  had  been  Prince  John  of  Denmark's 
favourite  playmate,  and  Christina  had  not  forgotten 
her  brother's  old  friend.  Now  he  had  grown  up  a 
handsome  and  chivalrous  Prince,  skilled  in  all  knightly 
exercises.  He  had  won  his  first  laurels  in  the  recent 
campaign,  and  was  the  foremost  of  the  valiant  band 
which  surprised  the  citadel  of  S.  Pol.      The  Queen 


Feb.,  1538]         A  PERFECT  KNIGHT  143 

honoured  him  with  her  especial  favour,  and,  as  the 
Nassau  house  stood  close  to  the  palace,  the  young 
Prince  was  often  in  her  compan}^  When,  on  Shrove 
Sunda}^  a  grand  tournament  was  held  at  Court,  one 
troop,  clad  in  blue,  was  led  by  Count  Btiren's  eldest 
son,  Floris  d'Egmont;  and  the  other  by  Rene,  wearing 
the  orange  colours  of  his  house,  with  the  proud  motto, 
Je  maintiendrai .  Christina  looked  down  from  her 
place  at  the  Queen's  side  on  the  lists  where  the 
gallant  Prince  challenged  all  comers,  and  it  was  from 
her  hand  that  the  victor  received  the  prize.  Neither 
of  them  ever  forgot  that  carnival.^ 

1  State  Papers,  Henry  VIII.,  Record  Office,  viii.  i6. 


BOOK  VI 

THE  COURTSHIP  OF  HENRY  VIII. 
1537— 1539 

I. 

The  Widow  of  Milan's  fate  still  hung  in  the  balance. 
While  Mary  of  Hungary  had  not  yet  lost  all  hope  of 
marrying  her  to  the  Duke  of  Cleves,  and  Queen 
Eleanor  was  no  less  anxious  to  see  her  the  wife  of  a 
French  Prince,  fresh  proposals  reached  Brussels  from 
an  unexpected  quarter.  This  new  suitor  was  none 
other  than  the  Emperor's  bel  oncle,  King  Henry  of  Eng- 
land. This  monarch,  who  had  openly  defied  the  laws 
of  the  Church,  and  after  divorcing  Charles's  aunt,  had 
pronounced  Queen  Katherine's  daughter  to  be  illegiti- 
mate, could  hardly  expect  to  find  favour  in  the  eyes  of 
the  Regent.  Mary's  own  opinion  of  Henry's  character 
is  frankly  given  in  a  very  interesting  letter  which  she 
wrote  to  her  brother  Ferdinand  in  May,  i  536,  when  the 
King  of  England  had  sent  Anne  Boleyn  to  the  block 
and  made  Jane  Seymour  his  third  wife. 

"  I  hope,"  she  wrote,  "  that  the  EngHsh  will  not 
do  us  much  harm  now  we  are  rid  of  the  King's  mis- 
tress, who  was  a  good  Frenchwoman,  and  whom,  as 
you  have  no  doubt  heard,  he  has  beheaded;  and  since 
no  one  skilful  enough  to  do  the  deed  could  be  found 
among  his  own  subjects,  he  sent  for  the  executioner 
of  S.  Omer,  in  order  that  a  Frenchman    should   be 

144 


May,  1536]    HENRY  VIII.  AND  HIS  WIVES      145 

the  minister  of  his  vengeance.  I  hear  that  he  has 
married  another  lady,  who  is  said  to  be  a  good  Im- 
periaHst,  although  I  do  not  know  if  she  will  remain 
so  much  longer.  He  is  said  to  have  taken  a  fancy 
to  her  before  the  last  one's  death,  which,  coupled 
with  the  fact  that  neither  the  poor  woman  nor  any 
of  those  who  were  beheaded  with  her,  saving  one 
miserable  musician,  could  be  brought  to  acknowledge 
her  guilt,  naturally  makes  people  suspect  that  he 
invented  this  pretext  in  order  to  get  rid  of  her.  .  .  . 
It  is  to  be  hoped — if  one  can  hope  an3'thing  from  such 
a  man — that  w^hen  he  is  tired  of  this  wife  he  will 
find  some  better  way  of  getting  rid  of  her.  Women, 
I  think,  would  hardly  be  pleased  if  such  customs 
became  general,  and  with  good  reason;  and  although 
I  have  no  wish  to  expose  myself  to  similar  risks,  yet, 
as  I  belong  to  the  feminine  sex,  I,  too,  will  pray  that 
God  may  preserve  us  from  such  perils."^ 

But  whatever  Mary's  private  opinions  were,  political 
reasons  compelled  her  to  preserve  a  friendly  de- 
meanour towards  King  Henry.  The  English  alliance 
was  of  the  utmost  importance  to  the  trade  of  the 
Netherlands,  and  the  enmity  of  France  made  it  essen- 
tial to  secure  Henry's  neutrality,  if  not  his  active 
help.  The  death  of  Queen  Katherine,  as  Cromwell 
wrote,  had  removed  "  the  onehe  matter  of  unkind- 
ness  "  between  the  two  monarchs,  and  was  soon  fol- 
lowed by  more  friendly  communications.  When  the 
news  of  Prince  Edward's  birth  reached  Spain,  the 
Emperor  held  a  long  conversation  with  Sir  Thomas 
Wyatt,  the  poet  and  scholar,  who  had  been  sent  to 
the  Imperial  Court  early  in  1537.  He  expressed 
great  pleasure  at  the  news,  laughing  and  talking 
pleasantly,  inquiring  after  the  size  and  goodliness  of 
the  child,  and  ended  by  saying  frankly  that  he 
approved  of  the  King's  recent  marriage  as  much  as 

1  Papiers  d'Etat,  11 78,  Archives  du  Royaume,  Bruxelles. 


146    THE  COURTSHIP  OF  HENRY  VHI.    [Bk.  vi 

he  had  always  disliked  his  union  with  Anne  Boleyn.^ 
These  last  remarks  must  have  fallen  strangely  on  the 
ears  of  Wyatt,  whose  old  intimacy  with  the  hapless 
Queen  had  nearly  cost  him  his  life,  and  whose  death 
he  lamented  in  some  of  his  sweetest  verse.  But  he 
was  too  good  a  courtier  not  to  repeat  them  in  his  letters 
to  Cromwell  and  the  King.  The  news  of  the  Prince's 
birth  was  shortly  followed  by  that  of  the  Queen's 
death,  which  took  place  at  Hampton  Court  on  the 
24th  of  October. 

"  Divine  Providence,"  said  the  royal  widower, 
"  has  mingled  my  joy  for  the  son  which  it  has  pleased 
God  to  give  me  with  the  bitterness  of  the  death  of 
her  who  brought  me  this  happiness." 

Cromwell  wrote  to  inform  Lord  William  Howard, 
the  special  Envoy  who  had  taken  the  news  of  the 
Prince's  birth  to  France,  of  Her  Grace's  death,  and 
in  the  same  letter  desired  him  to  bring  back  par- 
ticulars of  two  French  ladies  who  had  been  recom- 
mended as  suitable  successors  to  the  late  Queen, 
since  His  Majesty,  "  moved  by  tender  zeal  for  his 
subjects,"  had  already  resolved  to  marry  again.  One 
of  these  was  King  Francis's  plain  but  accomplished 
daughter  Margaret,  who  eventually  married  the  Duke 
of  Savoy,  although  Cromwell,  knowing  his  master's 
tastes,  remarked  that,  from  what  he  heard,  he 
"  did  not  think  she  would  be  the  meetest."^  The 
other  was  Mary,  Duchess  of  Longueville,  the  eldest 
daughter  of  Claude  de  Guise,  brother  of  the  Duke  of 
Lorraine.  The  charms  of  this  young  widow  were 
renowned  at  the  French  Court,  and  the  English 
Ambassador's   reports   of  her   modesty   and   beauty 

1  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xii.  2,  367. 

2  State  Papers,  Henry  VIII.,  Record  Office,  viii.  2. 


Dec,  1537]  MARIE  DE  GUISE  147 

inspired  Henry  with  an  ardent  wish  to  make  her  his 
wife.  Even  before  Jane  Se3^mour  was  in  her  grave, 
he  attacked  the  French  Ambassador,  Castillon,  on  the 
subject,  and  suggested  that  both  these  Princesses, 
and  any  other  ladies  whom  the  King  of  France  could 
recommend,  might  be  sent  to  meet  him  at  Calais.^ 

Francis,  who  was  more  gallant  in  his  relations  with 
women  than  his  brother  of  England,  laughed  long  and 
loudly  when  this  message  reached  him,  and  sent 
Castillon  word  that  royal  Princesses  could  not  be 
trotted  out  like  hackne}^  horses  for  hire  !  He  quite 
declined  to  allow  his  daughter  to  enter  the  lists;  and 
as  for  Madame  de  Longueville,  whom  the  King  was 
pleased  to  honour  with  his  suit,  she  was  already 
promised  to  his  son-in-law,  the  King  of  Scots.  This 
fickle  monarch,  who  had  courted  Dorothea  and  Chris- 
tina by  turn,  and  finally  married  Madeleine  de  Valois, 
had  lost  his  young  wife  at  the  end  of  six  months, 
and  was  already  in  search  of  another.  At  the  same 
time  Francis  sent  his  royal  brother  w^ord  that  he 
should  count  it  a  great  honour  if  he  could  find  a 
bride  in  his  realm,  and  that  any  other  lady  in  France 
was  at  his  command.^  But  Henry  was  not  accus- 
tomed to  have  his  wishes  thwarted,  and  in  December, 
1537,  he  sent  a  gentleman  of  his  chamber.  Sir  Peter 
Mewtas,  on  a  secret  mission  to  Joinville,  the  Duke 
of  Guise's  castle  on  the  borders  of  Lorraine,  to  wait 
on  Madame  de  Longueville,  and  find  out  if  her  word 
was  already  pledged.  Both  Madame  de  Longueville 
and  her  clever  mother,  Antoinette   de  Bourbon,  re- 

^  J.  Kaulek,  "  Correspondance  Politique  de  M.  de  Castillon," 
4,  5 ;  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xii.  2,  394. 

-  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xii.  2,  392 ;  G.  Pimodan,  "  La  Mere 
des  Guises,  72. 


148     THE  COURTSHIP  OF  HENRY  VOL    [Bk.  VI 

turned  evasive  answers,  saying  that  the  Duke  of 
Guise  had  agreed  to  the  marriage  with  King  James, 
but  that  his  daughter's  consent  had  never  been  given. 
This  reply  encouraged  Henry  to  persevere  with  his 
suit,  while  Mewtas's  description  of  the  Duchess's 
beauty,  in  Castillon's  words,  "  set  the  tow  on  fire."  He 
complained  that  his  brother  had  behaved  shamefully 
in  preferring  the  beggarly  King  of  Scots  to  him,  and 
was  forcing  the  lady  to  marry  James  against  her  will. 
In  vain  Castillon  told  him  that  Madame  de  Longueville 
had  been  promised  to  the  King  of  Scots  before  Queen 
Jane's  death,  and  that  Francis  could  not  break  his 
word  without  mortally  offending  his  old  ally  and  son- 
in-law.  Nothing  daunted,  Henry  sent  Mewtas  again 
to  Joinville  in  February,  1538,  to  obtain  Madame  de 
Longueville 's  portrait,  and  ask  if  she  were  still  free. 
This  time  his  errand  proved  fruitless.  The  marriage 
with  the  King  of  Scots  was  already  concluded,  and 
the  contract  signed.  Nevertheless,  Henry  still  harped 
on  the  same  string.  "  II  revient  toujours  a  ses 
moutons,"  wrote  Castillon,  "  et  ne  pent  pas  oublier 
sa  bergere."     "  Truly  he  is  a  marvellous  man  !"^ 

Meanwhile  Cromwell,  who  had  no  personal  inclina- 
tion for  the  French  alliance,  was  making  inquiries  in 
other  directions.  Early  in  December,  while  Mewtas 
was  on  his  way  to  Joinville,  the  Lord  Privy  Seal  wrote 
privately  to  Hutton,  desiring  him  to  send  him  a  hst 
of  ladies  in  Flanders  who  would  be  suitable  consorts 
for  the  King.  In  a  letter  written  on  the  4th  of  De- 
cember, the  Ambassador  replied  that  he  had  little 
knowledge  of  ladies,  and  feared  he  knew  no  one  at 
the  Regent's  Court  "  meet  to  be  Queen  of  Eng- 
land." 

1  Kaulek,  12,  15;  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xiii.  i,  54. 


Dec,  1537]  A  GOODLY  PERSON  149 

"  The  widow  of  Count  Egmont,"  he  wrote,  "  was 
a  fair  woman  of  good  report,  and  the  Duke  of  Cleves 
had  a  marriageable  daughter,  but  he  heard  no  great 
praise  of  her  person  or  beauty.  There  is,"  he  added, 
"  the  Duchess  of  Milan,  whom  I  have  not  seen,  but 
who  is  reported  to  be  a  goodly  personage  of  excellent 
beauty."  1 

Five  days  later  Hutton  wrote  again,  to  announce 
the  arrival  of  the  Duchess,  who  entered  Brussels  on 
the  8th,  and  was  received  by  a  great  company  of 
honourable  gentlemen. 

"  She  is,  I  am  informed,  of  the  age  of  sixteen  years, 
very  high  in  stature  for  that  age — higher,  in  fact, 
than  the  Regent — and  a  goodly  personage  of  com- 
petent beauty,  of  favour  excellent,  soft  of  speech, 
and  very  gentle  in  countenance.  She  weareth  mourn- 
ing apparel,  after  the  manner  of  Italy.  The  common 
saying  here  is  that  she  is  both  widow  and  maid.  She 
resembleth  much  one  Mistress  Skelton,^  that  some- 
time waited  in  Court  upon  Queen  Anne.  She  useth 
most  to  speak  French,  albeit  it  is  reported  that  she 
can  speak  both  Italian  and  High  German." 

The  same  evening  Hutton  added  these  further 
details  in  a  postscript  addressed  to  Cromwell's  secre- 
tary, Thomas  Wriothesley : 

"  If  it  were  God's  pleasure  and  the  King's,  I  would 
there  were  some  good  alHance  made  betwixt  His 
Highness  and  the  Emperor,  and  there  is  none  in  these 
parts  of  personage,  beauty,  and  birth,  like  unto  the 
Duchess  of  Milan.  She  is  not  so  pure  white  as  was 
the  late  Queen,  whose  soul  God  pardon,  but  she  hath 
a  singular  good  countenance,  and  when  she  chanceth 
to  smile,  there  appeareth  two  pits  in  her  cheeks  and 
one  in  her  chin,  the  which  becometh  her  right  excel- 
lently well."^ 

1  State  Papers,  Record  Office,  viii.  5. 

2  Anne  Boleyn's  cousin  Mary  Skelton,  who  had  been  a  great 
favourite  with  the  King  (see  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xiii.  i,  24). 

3  State  Papers,  Record  Office,  viii.  7. 

II 


ISO    THE  COURTSHIP  OF  HENRY  VIII.    [Bk.  vi 

The  honest  Enghshman's  first  impressions  of  Chris- 
tina were  evidently  very  favourable.  During  the 
next  week  he  watched  her  carefully,  and  was  much 
struck  by  "  the  great  majesty  of  her  bearing  and  charm 
of  her  manners."  At  the  same  time  he  expressed  his 
earnest  conviction  that,  now  peace  was  concluded 
between  the  Emperor  and  the  French  King,  a  close 
alliance  between  his  own  master  and  the  Emperor 
was  the  more  necessary,  and  suggested  that  a  marriage 
between  Henry  and  the  Duchess,  and  another  be- 
tween the  Princess  Mary  and  the  Duke  of  Cleves, 
would  be  very  advantageous  to  both  monarchs,  who 
would  then  have  all  Germany  at  their  command. 

Cromwell  lost  no  time  in  placing  these  letters  in 
his  master's  hands.  Hutton's  account  of  the  Duch- 
ess's beauty  and  virtues  made  a  profound  impression 
on  the  King,  and,  since  Madame  de  Longueville  was 
beyond  his  reach,  he  determined  to  pay  his  addresses 
to  the  Emperor's  niece.  With  characteristic  impetu- 
osity, he  wrote  to  Wyatt  on  the  22nd  of  January, 
saying  that,  as  the  Duchess  of  Milan's  match  with 
the  Duke  of  Cleves  was  broken  off,  he  thought  of 
honouring  her  with  an  offer  of  marriage.  This  he 
desired  Wyatt  to  suggest  as  of  himself,  in  conversa- 
tion with  the  Emperor  and  his  Ministers,  Granvelle 
and  Covos,  giving  them  a  friendly  hint  to  make  over- 
tures on  behalf  of  the  said  Duchess.^ 

Strangely  enough,  two  years  before  Charles  had 
himself  proposed  this  alliance  between  his  niece  and 
the  King  of  England.  In  May,  1536,  when  he  was 
hurrying  northwards  to  defend  Savoy  against  the 
French,  the  news  of  Anne  Boleyn's  fall  reached  him 
at  VercelH.  Without  a  moment's  delay  he  wrote  to 
^  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xiii.  i,  42. 


Jan.,  1538]  KING  HENRY'S  SUIT  151 

Chapuys,  his  Ambassador  in  London,  saying  that, 
since  Henry,  being  of  so  amorous  a  complexion,  was 
sure  to  take  another  wife,  and  it  was  most  important 
that  he  should  not  marry  in  France,  Chapuys  might 
propose  his  union  with  one  of  the  Emperor's  nieces, 
either  Queen  Eleanor's  daughter,  the  Infanta  Maria 
of  Portugal,  or  the  widowed  Duchess  of  Milan,  "  a 
beautiful  young  lady,  very  well  brought  up,  and 
with  a  rich  dower."  And  then,  as  if  a  qualm  had 
seized  him  at  the  thought  of  sacrificing  Christina  to 
a  man  of  Henry's  character,  he  added  a  postscript 
desiring  the  Ambassador  not  to  mention  the  Duchess 
unless  His  Majesty  should  appear  averse  to  the 
other  .^ 

By  the  time,  however,  that  these  letters  reached 
London,  it  was  plain  that  the  fickle  monarch's  affec- 
tions were  already  fixed  on  Jane  Seymour,  and 
nothing  more  came  of  the  Emperor's  proposal  until, 
in  January,  1538,  Henry  himself  wrote  to  Wyatt. 
Sir  Thomas,  who  knew  his  royal  master  intimately, 
hastened  to  approach  the  Emperor,  and  on  the  2nd  of 
February  Charles  wrote  from  Barcelona  to  Chapuys, 
saying  that,  although  royal  ladies  ought  by  right  to 
be  sought,  not  offered,  in  marriage,  the  King's  lan- 
guage was  so  frank  and  sincere  that  he  was  willing  to 
waive  ceremony,  and  lend  a  favourable  ear  to  his 
brother's  proposal.  Before  these  letters  reached  the 
Imperial  Ambassador,  he  received  a  message  from 
Henry,  saying  that  he  wished  to  treat  of  his  own 
marriage  with  the  Duchess  of  Milan,  being  convinced 
that  a  Princess  born  and  bred  in  Northern  climes 
would  suit  him  far  better  than  the  Portuguese 
Infanta.  The  next  day  Cromwell  paid  a  visit  to 
1  Calendar  of  Spanish  State  Papers,  v.  2,  572. 


152     THE  COURTSHIP  OF  HENRY  VIII.    [Bk.  vi 

Chapuys,  and  confirmed  every  word  of  the  royal 
message.^ 

On  the  eve  of  Valentine's  Day  Henry  saw  Castillon, 
and  told  him  in  bitter  tones  that,  if  his  master  did  not 
choose  to  give  him  Madame  de  Longueville,  he  could 
find  plenty  of  better  matches,  and  meant  to  marry 
the  Duchess  of  Milan  and  conclude  a  close  alliance 
with  the  Emperor .2 

On  the  same  day  the  German  reformer  Melanchthon, 
writing  from  Jena  to  a  Lutheran  friend,  summed  up 
the  situation  neatly  in  the  following  words : 

"  The  Widow  of  Milan,  daughter  of  Christian,  the 
captive  King  of  Denmark,  was  brought  to  Germany 
to  wed  the  young  Duke  of  Juliers.  This  is  now 
changed,  for  Juliers  becomes  heir  to  Guelders,  against 
the  Emperor's  will,  and  the  girl  is  offered  to  the 
Englishman,  whom  the  Spaniards,  aiming  at  universal 
empire,  would  join  to  themselves  against  the  French- 
men and  us.  There  is  grave  matter  for  your  con- 
sideration."^ 

II. 

The  ball  was  now  set  rolling,  but,  as  Chapuys  fore- 
told, there  were  many  difficulties  in  the  way.  For  the 
moment,  however,  all  went  well.  Henry  sent  Hutton 
orders  to  watch  the  Duchess  closely,  and  report  on 
all  her  words,  deeds,  and  looks.  In  obedience  to 
these  commands,  the  Ambassador  hung  about  the 
palace  from  early  morning  till  late  at  night,  was  pre- 
sent at  supper  and  card  parties,  attended  the  Queen 
out  riding  and  hunting,  and  lost  no  opportunity 
of  entering  into  conversation  with  Christina  herself. 

^  Calendar  of  Spanish  State  Papers,  v.  2,  429. 

2  Kaulek,  24;  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xiii.  i,  82. 

3  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xiii.  i,  93. 


Feb.,  i538j         HUTTON'S  ADVANCES  153 

One  evening  towards  the  end  of  February  a  page 
brought  him  some  letters  from  the  Duchess's  servant, 
Gian  Battista  Ferrari,  who  had  friends  among  the 
Itahan  merchants  in  London,  with  a  request  that 
the  Ambassador  would  forw^ard  them  by  his  courier. 
The  next  morning,  after  Mass,  when  the  Queen  passed 
into  the  Council-chamber,  Hutton  took  advantage  of 
this  opportunity  to  thank  the  Duchess  most  humbly 
for  allowing  him  to  do  her  this  small  service .  Christina 
replied,  with  a  gracious  smile,  that  she  would  not  have 
ventured  to  give  him  this  trouble,  had  she  not  been 
as  ready  herself  to  do  him  any  pleasure  that  lay  in 
her  power. 

It  was  stormy  weather.  For  three  days  and  nights 
it  had  rained  without  ceasing,  and  courtiers  and 
ladies  ahke  found  the  time  hang  heavy  on  their  hands. 
''  This  weather  liketh  not  the  Queen,"  remarked 
Christina,  who  was  standing  by  an  open  window 
looking  out  on  the  park.  "  She  is  thereby  penned  up, 
and  cannot  ride  abroad  to  hunt."  As  she  spoke,  the 
wind  drove  the  rain  with  such  violence  into  her  face 
that  she  was  obliged  to  draw  back  farther  into  the 
room,  and  Hutton,  growing  bolder,  asked  if  it  were 
true  that  the  Duchess  herself  loved  hunting. 
"  Nothing  better,"  rephed  Christina,  laughing;  and 
she  seemed  as  if  she  would  gladly  have  prolonged  the 
conversation.  But  then  two  ancient  gentlemen  drew 
near — "  Master  Bernadotte  Court,  her  Grand  Master, 
who,  next  to  Monsieur  de  Courrieres,  is  chief  about 
her  and  another"  —  and,  with  a  parting  bow,  the 
Duchess  retired  to  her  own  rooms. 

"  She  speaketh  French,"  adds  Hutton  in  reporting 
this  interview  to  Cromwell,  "  and  seerneth  to  be  of 
few  words.    And  in  her  speaking  she  hspeth,  which 


154     THE  COURTSHIP  OF  HENRY  VHI.    [Bk.  vi 

doth  nothing  misbecome  her.  I  cannot  in  anything 
perceive  but  she  should  be  of  much  soberness,  very 
wise,  and  no  less  gentle."^ 

Among  the  ladies  who  came  to  Court  for  the 
Carnival  fetes,  Hutton  found  a  friend  in  the 
Duke  of  Aerschot's  sister,  Madame  de  Berghen,  a 
lively  lady  whom  he  had  known  in  the  town  of 
Berghen-op-Zoom,  where  he  had  spent  much  time  as 
Governor  of  the  Merchant  Adventurers.  The  Dutch 
merchants  in  this  city  had  presented  him  with  a 
house,  an  honour  which  the  Ambassador  appreciated 
highly,  although  he  complained  that  it  led  him  into 
great  extravagance,  and  that  the  furniture,  tapestries, 
and  pictures,  necessary  for  its  adornment,  "  plucked 
the  lining  out  of  his  purse,  and  left  him  as  rich  as  a 
newly-shorn  sheep." ^ 

One  day  Madame  de  Berghen  saw  Hutton  in  the 
act  of  delivering  a  packet  of  letters  which  Wyatt  had 
forwarded  from  Barcelona  to  the  Queen,  and  her 
curiosity  was  excited  by  the  warmth  of  Mary's  thanks. 
That  evening  she  invited  the  English  Ambassador  to 
dinner  to  meet  her  kinsman  the  Bishop  of  Liege,  "  a 
goodly  personage,"  remarks  Hutton,  "  but  a  man  of 
little  learning  and  less  discretion,  and,  like  most 
Bishops  in  these  parts,  very  unfit  for  his  office." 
When  this  secular  ecclesiastic  retired,  the  Lady 
Marchioness,  "  whose  tongue  always  wagged  freely," 
asked  Hutton  if  the  letters  which  he  had  delivered  to 
the  Queen  came  from  England,  and  confessed  that 
she  hoped  they  contained  good  news  regarding  the 
Duchess  of  Milan,  whose  beauty,  wisdom,  and  great 
gentleness,  she  could  not  praise  too  highly.  She  told 
him  that  he  would  have  been  amazed  had  he  seen 

1  State  Papers,  Record  Office,  viii.  i6.  ^  Ibid.,  viii.  30. 


March,  1538]  "  MR.   HAUNCE  "  155 

Christina  gorgeously  apparelled  as  she  was  the  day 
before,  and  confided  to  him  that  the  Duchess  was 
having  her  portrait  taken  by  the  Court  painter, 
Bernard  van  Orley,  and  had  promised  to  give  it  to 
her.  Hutton  begged  to  be  allowed  to  borrow  the  pic- 
ture in  order  to  show  it  to  his  wife,  and  told  Cromwell 
that  as  soon  as  he  could  secure  the  portrait  he  would 
send  it  to  England.  According^,  on  the  9th  of 
March  the  Ambassador  received  the  picture,  which 
Madame  de  Berghen  begged  him  to  accept  as  her  gift, 
and  sent  a  servant  to  bear  it  without  delay  to  the 
Lord  Privy  Seal's  house  in  St.  James's.  Late  on  the 
following  evening,  much  to  the  Ambassador's  sur- 
prise, a  young  Shropshire  gentleman,  named  Mr. 
Philip  Hoby,  who  had  lately  entered  Cromwell's  ser- 
vice, appeared  at  his  lodgings,  accompanied  by  the 
King's  painter.  Master  Hans  Holbein.  At  this  time 
the  German  master  was  at  the  height  of  his  reputation. 
Since  1536,  when  he  entered  Henry's  service  as  Court 
painter,  he  had  executed  some  of  his  finest  portraits, 
including  the  famous  picture  of  the  King  in  Whitehall 
Palace,  the  superb  portrait  of  Queen  Jane,  and  that 
of  Cromwell  himself,  which  is  so  marvellous  a  revela- 
tion of  character.  Now  the  Lord  Privy  Seal  sent  him 
across  the  Channel  to  take  a  sketch  of  the  Duchess 
of  Milan,  and  bring  it  back  with  all  possible  despatch. 
Hutton's  first  idea  was  to  send  a  messenger  to  stop 
the  bearer  of  the  Flemish  portrait,  fearing  it  might 
give  a  wrong  impression  of  the  lady,  "  since  it  was 
not  so  perfect  as  the  cause  required,  and  as  the  said 
Mr.  Haunce  could  make  it."  But  his  servant  had 
already  sailed,  and  the  Ambassador  could  only  beg 
Cromwell  to  await  Master  Hans's  return  before  he 
formed  any  opinion  of  the  Duchess.     The  next  morn- 


156    THE  COURTSHIP  OF  HENRY  VHI.    [Bk.  vi 

ing  he  waited  on  the  Queen,  and  informed  her  how 
the  Lord  Privy  Seal,  having  received  secret  over- 
tures from  the  Imperial  Ambassador  for  a  marriage 
between  the  King's  Majesty  and  Her  Grace  of  Milan, 
thought  the  best  way  to  approach  the  King  was  to 
show  him  a  portrait  of  the  Duchess. 

"  And  forasmuch  as  his  lordship  heard  great 
commendation  of  the  form,  beauty,  wisdom,  and 
other  virtuous  qualities,  with  which  God  had  en- 
dowed the  Duchess,  he  could  perceive  no  means  more 
meet  for  the  advancement  of  the  same  than  to  pro- 
cure her  perfect  picture,  for  which  he  had  sent  a 
man  very  excellent  in  the  making  of  physiognomies." 

After  long  and  elaborate  explanation,  Hutton  asked 
humbly  if  his  lordship's  servant  might  salute  the 
Duchess,  and  beg  her  to  appoint  a  time  and  place  for 
the  painter  to  accomplish  his  task. 

Mary  was  evidently  greatly  surprised  to  hear  of 
the  Ambassador's  errand.  She  started  from  her 
chair  in  amazement,  but,  quickly  recovering  com- 
posure, she  sat  down  again,  and  listened  atten- 
tively till  Hutton  had  done  speaking.  Then  she 
thanked  him  and  Lord  Cromwell  for  their  good-will 
to  the  Emperor,  and  said  that  she  had  no  objection 
to  grant  his  request,  and  that  he  should  see  the 
Duchess  herself.  With  these  few  words  she  rose 
and  passed  into  the  Council-chamber.  Presently 
Christina  entered  the  room,  attended  by  two  ladies. 
She  listened  graciously  to  Hutton's  message,  ex- 
pressed her  gratitude  to  Lord  Cromwell  for  his  kind 
intentions,  and  sent  Benedetto  da  Corte  back  with 
him  to  meet  the  English  gentleman.  Fortunately, 
Philip  Hoby  was  a  pleasant  and  cultivated  young 
man  who  could  speak  Italian  fluently.  He  con- 
versed for  some  time  with  Messer  Benedetto,  much 


March,  1538]      HOLBEIN'S   PORTRAIT  157 

to  Hutton's  envy  and  admiration,  and  at  two  o'clock 
that  afternoon  was  conducted  by  him  into  the 
presence  of  the  Duchess. 

Cromwell  had  given  Hoby  minute  instructions  as 
to  his  behaviour  on  this  occasion,  and  had  composed 
a  long  and  elaborate  speech  which  he  was  to  deliver 
to  Christina  herself. 

''  The  said  Philip  shall,  as  of  himself,  express  a 
wish  that  it  might  please  the  King,  now  a  widower, 
to  advance  Her  Grace  to  the  honour  of  Queen  of 
England,  considering  her  virtuous  quahties  were  a 
great  deal  more  than  ever  was  notified,  and  for  a  great 
confirmation  of  amity  and  love  to  continue  between 
the  Emperor's  Majesty  and  the  King's  Highness." 

Hoby  was  charged  to  take  careful  note  of  the 
Duchess's  answers,  gestures,  and  expression,  and 
was  especially  to  note  if  she  seemed  favourably 
inchned  to  these  proposals,  in  order  that  he  might 
be  able  to  satisfy  Henry's  anxiety  on  the  subject.^ 

Philip  Hoby  was  too  accompHshed  a  courtier  not 
to  discharge  his  errand  with  tact  and  courtesy.  The 
Duchess  was  graciously  pleased  to  accede  to  his 
request,  and  at  one  o'clock  the  next  day  Holbein  was 
ushered  by  Messer  Benedetto  into  his  mistress's 
presence.  The  time  allowed  for  the  sitting  was  short, 
but  Master  Hans  was  an  adept  at  his  art,  and  had 
already  taken  drawings  in  this  swift  and  masterly 
fashion  of  all  the  chief  personages  at  the  English  Court. 

"  Having  but  three  hours'  space,"  wrote  Hutton, 
"  he  showed  himself  to  be  master  of  that  science. 
For  his  picture  is  very  perfect;  the  other  is  but 
slobbered  in  comparison  to  it,  as  by  the  sight  of 
both  your  lordship  shall  well  perceive."^ 

1  British  Museum,  Additional  Manuscripts,  5,498,  f.  2  ;  Calendar 
of  State  Papers,  xiii.  i,  130. 

~  State  Papers,  Record  Office,  viii.  17-19. 


158     THE  COURTSHIP  OF  HENRY  VHI.    [Bk.  vi 

An  hour  afterwards  Hoby  and  the  painter  both 
took  leave  of  the  Duchess  and  started  for  Eng- 
land. In  order  to  avoid  suspicion  and  observe  the 
strict  secrecy  enjoined  by  Cromwell,  Hoby  did  not 
even  seek  a  farewell  audience  from  the  Regent, 
who  contented  herself  with  sending  friendly  greetings 
to  the  Lord  Privy  Seal,  saying  that  he  should  hear 
from  her  more  at  large  through  the  Imperial  Am- 
bassadors. 

The  precious  sketch,  from  which  Holbein  afterwards 
made  "  the  great  table  "^  which  hung  in  the  Palace  of 

1  Holbein's  portrait  is  described  in  the  Catalogues  of  the  King's 
pictures  at  Westminster  in  1542  and  1547  as  "  No.  12.  A  greate 
Table  with  the  picture  of  the  Duchess  of  Myllane,  being  her 
whole  stature."  After  Henry's  death  it  passed  into  the  hands 
of  Fitzalan,  Earl  of  Arundel,  the  King's  Lord  Chamberlain  and 
godson,  who  married  Lady  Katherine  Grey,  and  acquired  the 
Palace  of  Nonsuch,  with  most  of  its  contents.  When  he  died, 
in  1580,  it  became  the  property,  first  of  his  elder  daughter  Jane, 
wife  of  Lord  Lumley,  and  then  of  her  great-nephew,  Thomas 
Howard,  Earl  of  Arundel.  This  great  collector  took  the  Duchess 
of  Milan's  portrait  with  him  abroad  during  the  Civil  Wars,  and 
after  his  death,  in  1645,  it  hung,  with  many  other  Holbeins,  in 
the  house  of  his  widow  at  Amsterdam.  Lady  Arundel  left  the 
whole  collection  to  her  son,  Henry  Howard,  who  became  the  sixth 
Duke  of  Norfolk,  and  Holbein's  portrait  remained  in  the  family 
until,  in  1909,  it  was  acquired  by  the  National  Gallery  for  the 
sum  of  ^72,000.  A  second  portrait  of  the  Duchess  of  Milan,  a 
half-length,  is  mentioned  in  Henry  VIH.'s  Catalogues  ("No.  138. 
A  Table  with  a  picture  of  the  Duchess  of  Myllane  "),  and  was  dis- 
covered by  Sir  George  Scharf  in  a  waiting-room  near  the  private 
chapel  at  Windsor.  This  is  probably  the  portrait  by  Van  Orley 
which  Hutton  sent  to  England  before  Holbein's  arrival  at  Brussels. 
The  attitude  of  the  sitter,  her  dress  and  features,  arc  the  same 
as  in  Holbein's  picture,  but  the  face  is  less  finely  modelled  and 
lacks  charm  and  expression.  The  hands  are  in  a  slightly  different 
position,  and  instead  of  one  big  ruby  ring  she  wears  three  rings 
— a  cameo  and  a  gold  ring  on  the  right  hand,  and  a  black  ring,  the 
badge  of  widowhood,  on  the  third  finger  of  the  left  hand.  This 
curious  and  interesting  portrait  is  plainly  the  work  of  an  inferior 


March,  1538.       AT   HAMPTON    COURT  159 

Westminster  until  Henry's  death,  was  safely  de- 
livered into  Cromwell's  hands,  and  shown  by  him  to 
the  King  on  the  i8th  of  March.  Henry  was  singu- 
larly pleased  with  the  portrait,  and,  as  his  courtiers 
noticed,  seemed  to  be  in  better  humour  than  for 
months  past.  For  the  first  time  since  Queen  Jane's 
death  he  sent  for  his  musicians,  and  made  them  play 
to  him  all  the  afternoon  and  evening.  Two  days 
afterwards  he  went  to  Hampton  Court,  and  "  gave 
orders  for  new  and  sumptuous  buildings  "  at  this 
riverside  palace.  After  that  he  returned  to  White- 
hall by  water,  accompanied  by  his  whole  troop  of 
musicians,  paid  a  visit  to  his  brother-in-law's  wife, 
Katherine,  Duchess  of  Suffolk,  and  resumed  his  old 
habit  of  going  about  with  a  few  of  his  favourites  in 
masks — ''  a  sure  sign,"  remarked  Chapuys,  ''  that  he 
is  going  to  marry  again." 

The  Imperial  Ambassadors,  Chapuys  and  his 
colleague  Don  Diego  Mendoza,  were  now  treated  with 
extraordinary  civility.  They  were  invited  to  Hamp- 
ton Court,  where  Henry  entertained  them  at  a 
splendid  banquet,  and  showed  them  his  *'  fine  new 
lodgings  "  and  the  priceless  tapestries  and  works  of 
art  with  which  Cardinal  Wolsey  had  adorned  this 
magnificent  house.  The  next  day  they  were  taken 
to  the  royal  manor  of  Nonsuch  to  see  the  little  Prince, 
''  one  of  the  prettiest  children  you  ever  saw,  and  his 
sister.  Madam  Ehzabeth,  who  is  also  a  sweet  little 
girl."     Then  they  went  on  to  Richmond  to  visit  Prin- 

artist,  and,  as  the  Ambassador  justly  remarked,  bears  no  com- 
parison with  Holbein's  Duchess — "  surely,"  in  the  words  of  his 
biographer,  "  one  of  the  most  precious  pictures  in  the  world  " 
(Wornum's  "  Life  of  Holbein,"  p.  322;  L.  Cust  in  the  Burlington 
Magazine.,  August,  191 1,  p.  278;  and  Sir  G.  Scharf  in  "  Archseo- 
logia,"  xl.  205). 


i6o    THE  COURTSHIP  OF  HENRY  VHI.    [Bk.  vi 

cess  Mary,  who  played  to  them  with  rare  skill  on  both 
spinet  and  lute,  and  spoke  of  her  cousin  the  Emperor 
in  terms  of  the  deepest  gratitude.  The  French 
Ambassadors,  Castillon  and  the  Bishop  of  Tarbes, 
who  arrived  at  Hampton  Court  just  as  the  Imperial 
Envoys  were  leaving,  were  received  with  marked 
coolness,  a  treatment,  as  Chapuys  shrewdly  remarks, 
"  no  doubt  artfully  designed  to  excite  their  jealousy."  ^ 
The  sight  of  Holbein's  portrait  revived  Henry's  wish 
to  see  Christina,  and  he  pressed  Chapuys  earnestly  to 
induce  his  good  sister  the  Queen  of  Hungary  to  bring 
her  niece  to  meet  him  at  Calais.  But  on  this  point  Mary 
was  obdurate.  She  told  the  Ambassador  that  this 
was  out  of  the  question,  and  although  she  wrote  civilly 
to  the  Lord  Privy  Seal,  thanking  him  for  his  good  offices, 
she  complained  bitterly  to  Chapuys  of  Cromwell's 
extraordinary  proceeding  in  sending  the  painter  to 
Brussels,  and  laid  great  stress  on  her  condescension 
in  allowing  him  to  take  her  niece's  portrait.  So  far 
Charles  himself  had  never  written  fully  to  his  sister 
on  the  subject,  and  Mary  asked  Chapuys  repeatedly 
if  these  proposals  really  came  from  the  Emperor, 
and  if  the  King  and  Cromwell  were  sincere.  As  for 
her  part,  she  believed  these  flattering  words  were 
merely  intended  to  deceive  her.  Chapuys  could  only 
assure  her  that  both  Henry  and  his  Minister  were 
very  much  in  earnest.  When  the  courier  arrived 
from  Spain,  the  King  was  bitterly  disappointed 
because  there  was  no  letter  from  Charles,  and  sent 
Cromwell  twice  to  implore  the  Ambassadors,  for 
God's  sake,  to  tell  him  if  they  had  any  good  news 
to  impart.  On  Lady  Day  the  Minister  came  to 
Chapuys 's  lodgings,  and,  after  two  hours'  earnest  con- 
1  Calendar  of  Spanish  State  Papers,  v.  2,  523. 


March,  1538]      CHRISTINA'S  CHARM  161 

versation,  went  away  "  somewhat  consoled."  The 
next  day  Henry  sent  for  the  Ambassadors,  and  dis- 
cussed the  subject  in  the  frankest,  most  familiar 
manner,  ending  by  saying  with  a  merry  laugh : 
"  You  think  it  a  good  joke,  I  trow,  to  see  me  in  love 
at  my  age  !" 

In  his  impatience,  Henry  complained  that  Hutton 
was  remiss  in  his  duties,  and  did  not  say  enough 
about  the  Duchess  in  his  despatches.  Yet  the 
excellent  Ambassador  was  unremitting  in  his  attend- 
ance on  Her  Grace,  and  spent  many  hours  daily  at 
Court,  watching  her  closely  when  she  danced  or  played 
at  cards,  and  telHng  the  King  that  he  "  felt  satisfied 
that  her  great  modesty  and  gentleness  proceeded  from 
no  want  of  wit,  but  that  she  was  rather  to  be  esteemed 
wisest  among  the  wise."^ 

From  the  day  of  Hoby's  visit  Christina  treated 
Hutton  with  marked  friendliness,  and  threw  aside 
much  of  her  reserve  in  talking  with  him.  On  the 
bright  spring  days,  when  the  Queen  and  her  niece 
hunted  daily  in  the  forest,  the  Englishman  seldom 
failed  to  accompany  them.  He  admired  the  Duchess's 
bold  horsemanship,  and  was  much  struck  by  the 
evident  delight  which  she  and  her  aunt  took  in 
this  favourite  sport.  By  way  of  ingratiating  him- 
self with  Mary,  he  presented  her  with  four  couple 
of  English  hounds,  "  the  fairest  that  he  had  ever 
seen,"  and  a  fine  gelding,  which  made  Christina 
remark  that  he  had  done  the  Queen  a  great  pleasure, 
and  that  she  had  never  seen  her  aunt  so  well  mounted. 
Hutton  hastened  to  reply  that,  since  Her  Grace  was 
good  enough  to  admire  the  horse,  he  would  do  his 
utmost  to  secure  another  as  good  for  her  own  use, 
1  State  Papers,  Record  Office,  viii.  21. 


i62     THE  COURTSHIP  OF  HENRY  VHI.   [Bk.  vi 

which  offer  she  accepted  graciously.^  All  these  in- 
cidents naturally  provoked  attention,  and,  in  spite 
of  the  secrecy  with  which  the  negotiations  were 
carried  on,  the  King's  marriage  with  the  Duchess  of 
Milan  was  freely  discussed  both  in  Flanders  and  in 
England. 

"  Few  Enghshmen,"  wrote  the  Duke  of  Norfolk 
to  Cromwell  on  the  6th  of  April,  "  will  regret  the 
King  of  Scots'  marriage  to  Madame  de  Longueville, 
hoping  that  one  of  Burgundian  blood  may  have  the 
place  she  might  have  had."^ 

And  the  report  that  after  Easter  the  King  was  going 
to  meet  his  future  bride  at  Calais  became  so  persistent 
that  even  Castillon  believed  it,  and  complained  to 
his  royal  master  of  the  strange  alteration  in  Henry's 
behaviour,  and  of  the  marvellous  haughtiness  and 
coldness  with  which  he  was  now  treated.^ 


HI. 

On  the  27th  of  March  the  Imperial  Ambassadors 
dined  at  the  Lord  Privy  Seal's  house,  to  meet 
Archbishop  Cranmer,  Chancellor  Audley,  Thomas 
Brandon,  Duke  of  Suffolk,  the  Lord  High  Admiral 
Southampton,  and  two  other  Bishops,  who  were  the 
Commissioners  appointed  to  treat  of  two  royal  mar- 
riages. One  of  these  was  the  long-planned  union  of 
Princess  Mary  with  the  Infant  Don  Louis  of  Portugal, 
brother  of  the  reigning  King,  which  was  the  ostensible 
object  of  Don  Diego's  mission  to  England.  The  other 
was  the  King's  own  marriage  with  the  Duchess,  which 
Henry  sent  word  must  be  arranged  at  once,  since 

1  State  Papers,  Record  Office,  viii.  30. 

2  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xiii.  i,  263. 

3  Kaulek,  29,  33,  35. 


March.  1538]    MARRIAGE  NEGOTIATIONS         163 

until  this  was  concluded  he  absolutely  refused  to 
treat  of  his  daughter's  alHance  with  the  Infant.  As 
they  sat  down  at  table,  by  way  of  Benedicite y  re- 
marks Chapuys,  the  King's  deputies  began  by  re- 
joicing to  think  they  had  not  to  deal  with  Frenchmen, 
and  pouring  scorn  on  their  mendacious  habits.  But 
before  the  end  of  the  meeting  many  difficulties  had 
arisen.  First  of  all  the  English  Commissioners  de- 
manded that  the  Count  Palatine  should  renounce  all 
his  wife's  rights  to  the  crown  of  Denmark  without 
compensation.  Then  the  question  of  the  Papal 
dispensation,  which  was  necessary  owing  to  Chris- 
tina's relationship  to  Katherine  of  Aragon,  was 
mooted,  and,  as  Chapuys  soon  realized,  was  likely  to 
prove  an  insuperable  difficulty,  since  nothing  would 
induce  Henry  to  recognize  the  Pope's  authority.^ 

During  the  next  few  weeks  several  meetings  be- 
tween the  Commissioners  took  place,  and  the  Am- 
bassadors were  repeatedly  admitted  to  confer  with 
the  King  and  his  Privy  Council ;  but  little  progress 
was  made,  and  Chapuys  informed  the  Regent  that 
there  was  even  less  hope  of  agreement  than  there 
had  been  at  first.  Henry  on  his  part  complained 
loudly  of  the  coldness  of  the  Imperial  Envoys,  and 
of  their  evident  desire  to  push  forward  the  Portuguese 
marriage  and  drop  his  own,  which  was  the  one  thing 
for  which  he  really  cared  .^  An  attempt  to  effect 
some  mode  of  reconciHation  between  him  and  the 
Pope  only  incensed  Henry,  who  sent  two  Doctors  of 
Law,  Bonner  and  Haynes,  to  Madrid,  to  protest 
against  the  meeting  of  a  General  Council,  and  to 
point  out  how  the  Bishops  of  Rome  wrested  Scripture 

^  Calendar  of  Spanish  State  Papers,  v.  2,  524. 
2  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xiii.  i,  258. 


i64     THE  COURTSHIP  OF  HENRY  VOL   [Bk.  VI 

to  the  maintenance  of  their  lusts  and  worldly  ad- 
vantage. And  he  told  Don  Diego  angrily  that  the 
meeting  of  a  Council  would  do  him  the  worst  injury 
in  the  world,  since  if  he  refused  to  attend  it  he  would 
be  cut  off  from  the  rest  of  Christendom.^  To  add  to 
the  King's  ill-temper,  he  was  suffering  from  a  return 
of  the  ulcers  in  the  leg  from  which  he  had  formerly 
suffered,  and  for  some  days  his  condition  excited 
serious  alarm. 

On  his  recovery,  Castillon,  who  had  been  looking 
on  with  some  amusement  while  the  Emperor's  folk 
were  "  busy  brewing  marriages,"  approached  His 
Majesty  with  flattering  words,  and  tried  to  instil 
suspicions  of  Cromwell  into  his  mind.  Henry  swal- 
lowed the  bait  greedily,  and  the  French  Ambassador's 
remarks  on  his  favourite's  "  great  Spanish  passion  " 
rankled  in  his  mind  to  so  great  an  extent  that  he  sent 
for  Cromwell  and  rated  him  soundly,  telling  him 
that  he  was  quite  unfit  to  meddle  in  the  affairs  of 
Kings.  The  wily  Frenchman,  satisfied  that  the  only 
way  of  managing  this  wayward  monarch  was  to 
make  him  fall  in  love,  took  advantage  of  his  present 
mood  to  speak  to  him  of  the  Queen  of  Scotland's 
sister,  Louise  de  Guise,  whom  he  described  as  being 
quite  as  beautiful  as  herself,  with  the  additional 
advantage  of  being  a  maid,  and  not  a  widow.  Henry, 
who  was  on  his  way  to  Mass  when  Castillon  made 
this  suggestion,  slapped  him  familiarly  on  the  back, 
and  laughed,  saying  he  must  hear  more  of  this  young 
lady.  The  next  day  the  Comptroller  of  the  King's 
Household  was  sent  to  ask  the  Ambassador  for  par- 
ticulars about  Mademoiselle  de  Guise,  and  was  told 
that  she  was  so  like  Madame  de  Longueville  that  you 
*  Calendar  of  Spanish  State  Papers,  v.  2,  526,  558. 


May,  1538]  LOUISE  DE  GUISE  165 

would  hardly  know  the  sisters  apart,  and  that  a 
Scotchman  who  had  seen  both,  wondered  how  King 
James  could  prefer  Mary  to  so  lovely  a  creature  as 
Louise.  The  French  Ambassador  now  found  him- 
self overwhelmed  with  attentions.  The  King  sent 
him  presents  of  venison  and  artichokes  from  his 
gardens,  invited  him  to  spend  Sunday  at  Green- 
wich, and,  when  the  plague  broke  out  in  London, 
lent  him  the  beautiful  old  house  in  Chelsea  which 
had  belonged  to  Sir  Thomas  More,  as  a  country 
residence.^ 

The  wedding  of  King  James  was  finally  celebrated 
at  Chateaudun  on  the  9th  of  May,  and,  hearing  that 
the  Duke  of  Guise  and  his  fair  daughter  Louise  had 
accompanied  the  new  Queen  to  Havre,  Henry  sent 
Philip  Hoby  across  the  Channel  to  see  Mademoiselle  de 
Guise  and  have  her  picture  painted.  These  orders 
were  duly  executed,  and  Louise's  portrait,  probably 
painted  by  Holbein,  was  placed  in  the  King's  hands. 
But,  although  Henry  "  did  not  find  the  portrait  ugly," 
he  was  now  anxious  to  see  Louise's  younger  sister, 
Renee,  who  was  said  to  be  still  more  beautiful,  and 
would  not  be  put  off  when  Castillon  told  him  that 
she  was  about  to  take  the  veil  in  a  convent  at  Reims. 

"  No  doubt,"  remarked  Montmorency,  the  Con- 
stable of  France,  "  as  King  Henry  has  made  himself 
Pope  in  his  own  country,  he  would  prefer  a  nun  to 
any  other  Princess."^ 

Nothing  would  now  satisfy  Henry  but  that  the 
French  King  or  Queen  should  meet  him  at  Calais 
with  the  Duke  of  Guise's  daughters.  Mademoiselle  de 
Lorraine,  and  Mademoiselle  de  Vendome,  who  had 
all    been    recommended    to    his    notice.     When    the 

1  Kaulek,  48,  50,  53,  58,  70.         ^  Ibid.,  58,  73;  Pimodan,  73. 


i66     THE  COURTSHIP  OF  HENRY  VHI.    [Bk.  VI 

English  Envoy,  Brian,  proposed  this  to  Queen 
Eleanor,  she  replied  indignantly  that  she  was  not  a 
keeper  of  harlots,  and  the  Constable  told  Castillon 
once  more  that  French  Princesses  were  not  to  be 
trotted  out  like  hackneys  at  a  fair.  At  last  the 
Ambassador,  tired  of  repeating  that  this  plan  was 
impossible,  asked  Henry  if  the  Knights  of  King 
Arthur's  Round  Table  had  ever  treated  ladies  in  such, 
a  fashion.  This  brought  the  King  to  his  senses. 
He  reddened  and  hesitated,  and,  after  rubbing  his 
nose  for  some  moments,  said  that  his  proposal  might 
have  sounded  a  little  uncivil,  but  he  had  been  so 
often  deceived  in  these  matters  that  he  could  trust 
no  one  but  himself.^ 

Still  Henry  would  not  give  up  all  hope  of  winning 
the  fair  Louise,  and   towards  the  end   of  August   he 
sent  Philip  Hoby  on  a  fresh  errand  to  Joinville.     As 
before,  he  was  to  take  Holbein  with  him,  and,  after 
viewing  well  the    younger    sister,   ask    the    Duchess 
of  Guise  for  leave  to  take  the  portraits  of  both  her 
daughters,  Louise  and  Renee,  ''  in  one  faire  table." 
Hoby  was  to  explain  that  he  had  business  in  these 
parts,  and  that,  since  he  had  already  made  acquaint- 
ance with  Mademoiselle  de  Guise  at  Havre,  he  could 
not  pass  Joinville  without  saluting  her.     On  leaving 
Joinville  he  was  to  proceed  to  the  Duke  of  Lorraine's 
Court,  and   inform  him   that   the   Lord   Privy  Seal, 
having  heard  that  His  Excellency  had  a  daughter  of 
excellent  quality,  begged  that  the  King's  painter  might 
be  allowed  to  take  her  portrait.   On  the  30th  of  August 
the    travellers   reached  Joinville,  as    we    learn   from 
the    following    letter    addressed    by    the    Duchess   of 
Guise  to  her  eldest  daughter  in  Scotland : 

1  Kaulek,  70,  79,  81;  Spanish  State  Papers,  vi.  i,  9. 


Aug..  I538J      HOLBEIN  AT  JOINVILLE  167 

"  It  is  but  two  days  since  the  King  of  England's 
gentleman  who  was  at  Havre,  and  the  painter,  were 
here.  The  gentleman  came  to  see  me,  pretending 
that  he  was  on  his  way  to  find  the  Emperor,  and, 
having  heard  that  Louise  was  ill,  would  not  pass  by 
without  inquiring  after  her,  that  he  might  take 
back  news  of  her  health  to  the  King  his  master.  He 
begged  to  be  allowed  to  see  her,  which  he  did,  although 
it  was  a  day  when  the  fever  was  on  her,  and  repeated 
the  same  words  which  he  had  already  said  to  me. 
He  then  told  me  that,  as  he  was  so  near  Lorraine, 
he  meant  to  go  on  to  Nancy  to  see  the  country.  I 
have  no  doubt  that  he  was  going  there  to  draw 
Mademoiselle's  portrait,  in  the  same  way  that  he  has 
drawn  the  others,  and  so  I  sent  down  to  the  gentle- 
man's lodgings,  and  found  that  the  said  painter 
was  there.  Since  then  they  have  been  at  Nancy, 
where  they  spent  a  day  and  were  well  feasted  and 
entertained,  and  at  every  meal  the  maitre  d'hotel 
ate  with  them,  and  many  presents  were  made  them. 
That  is  all  I  know  yet,  but  you  see  that,  at  the  worst, 
if  you  do  not  have  your  sister  for  a  neighbour,  you 
may  yet  have  your  cousin."^ 

This  time  Hoby's  journey  was  evidently  unsuccess- 
ful. Louise  was  ill  of  intermittent  fever,  and  Renee 
had  already  been  sent  to  the  convent  at  Reims, 
where  she  was  afterwards  professed;  and  it  is  clear 
from  Antoinette's  letters  that  she  had  no  wish  to 
marry  either  of  her  daughters  to  Henry.  A  month 
before,  on  the  3rd  of  August,  she  wrote  to  the  Queen 
of  Scotland:  "  I  have  heard  nothing  more  of  the 
proposals  which  you  know  of";  and  again  on  the 
1 8th:  "  I  have  begged  your  father  to  speak  of  these 
affairs  to  the  King,  that  we  may  be  rid  of  them  if 
possible,  for  no  one  could  ever  be  happy  with  such 
a  man."  2 

As   for  Anne   de   Lorraine,  in  spite  of  many  ex- 
cellent quahties,  she   lacked   the  beauty  and   charm 
^  Balcarres  Manuscripts,  ii.  20.  2  jbi^.,  ii.  10. 


i68     THE  COURTSHIP  OF  HENRY  VIII.    [Bk.  vi 

of  her  cousins,  and,  as  her  aunt  Antoinette  said, 
"  elle  est  bien  honnete,  mais  pas  si  belle  que  je 
voudrais."^ 

The  result  of  these  disappointments  was  to  revive 
Henry's  wish  to  marry  Christina.  Several  times  in 
the  course  of  the  summer  Castillon  remarked  that 
this  monarch  was  still  hankering  after  the  Duchess  of 
Milan,  and  had  repeatedly  tried  to  induce  the  Regent 
to  bring  her  niece  to  meet  him  at  Brussels.  "  The 
King  my  master,"  said  Cromwell  to  Chapuys,  "  will 
never  marry  one,  who  is  to  be  his  companion  for  life, 
without  he  has  first  seen  and  known  her."^  In  a 
long  and  careful  paper  of  instructions  which  Henry 

1  There  has  been  some  confusion  as  to  the  date  of  Hol- 
bein's visit  to  Joinville,  owing  to  a  mistake  in  the  Calendar 
of  State  Papers  (xiii.  i,  130),  where  Cromwell's  instructions 
to  Hoby  for  his  journeys  to  Brussels  and  France  are  entered 
under  the  date  of  February,  1538.  But  the  Duchess  of  Guise's 
letter  (see  Appendix),  as  well  as  the  payment  of  ;^io  made  by 
Sir  Brian  Tuke,  Treasurer  of  the  Household,  to  Hans  Holbein  on 
the  30th  of  December,  1538,  "  for  going  to  the  parts  of  High 
Burgony  about  certain  of  the  King's  business,"  make  it  clear 
that  this  journey  took  place  at  the  end  of  August  (G.  Scharf, 
"  Archaiologia,"  xxxix.  7).  From  Lorraine  the  painter  went  on 
to  Bale,  where  he  spent  some  months,  and  returned  to  England 
at  Christmas.  The  original  documents  in  the  British  Museum 
(Additional  Manuscripts,  5,498,  f.  i)  bear  no  date,  and  are  on 
separate  sheets,  and  the  heading  of  the  instructions  regarding 
the  journey  to  Brussels  was  added  by  a  later  hand,  and  is  thus 
worded  :  "  Instructions  given  by  the  L.  Cromwell  to  Philip  Hoby^ 
sent  over  by  him  to  the  Duchess  of  Lorraine,  then  Duchess  of 
Milan  " — i.e.,  Christina,  Duchess  of  Lorraine,  at  that  time  Duchess 
of  Milan.  But  the  editor  of  the  Calendars  inserted  the  words 
"  to  the  "  between  "  then  "  and  "  Duchess  of  Milan,"  thus  making 
it  appear  that  Hoby  went  first  to  Lorraine,  and  then  to  the  Duchess 
of  Milan,  whereas  the  journey  to  Brussels  took  place  in  March, 
and  that  to  Lorraine  in  August.  Since  this  chapter  was  written, 
the  subject  has  been  fully  dealt  with  by  Mr.  A.  B.  Chamberlain 
in  the  Burlington  Magazine,  April,  191 2. 

2  Calendar  of  Spanish  State  Papers,  v.  2,  531. 


Aug.,  1538J  HENRY'S  SCRUPLES  169 

drew  up  for  the  Ambassador  Wyatt,  he  lays  great 
stress  on  this  point. 

"  His  Grace,  prudently  considering  how  that  mar- 
riage is  a  bargain  of  such  nature  as  may  endure  for 
the  whole  life  of  man,  and  a  thing  whereof  the 
pleasure  and  quiet,  or  the  displeasure  and  torment, 
doth  much  depend,  thinketh  it  to  be  most  necessary, 
both  for  himself  and  the  party  with  whom  it  shall 
please  God  to  join  him  in  marriage,  that  the  one 
might  see  the  other  before  the  time  that  they  should 
be  so  affianced,  which  point  His  Highness  hath 
largely  set  forth  heretofore  to  the  Emperor's  Am- 
bassador."^ 

But  on  her  side  Mary  was  equally  inflexible. 
Nothing  would  induce  her  to  take  a  step  forward 
in  this  direction,  and  even  Hutton  began  to  realize 
how  coldly  the  marriage  overtures  were  received  at 
Brussels.  The  Queen  never  failed  to  ask  after  the 
King's  health  or  to  express  her  anxiety  for  the 
strengthening  of  the  ancient  friendship  between  the 
realm  of  England  and  the  House  of  Burgundy;  but 
when  the  Ambassador  ventured  to  allude  to  the 
subject  of  her  niece's  preferment,  she  invariably 
gave  an  evasive  reply.  Since  both  the  Queen  and 
the  Duchess  spent  much  of  the  summer  hunting 
in  the  Forest  of  Soignies,  or  in  more  distant  parts, 
Hutton  seldom  had  an  opportunity  of  seeing  Chris- 
tina. Her  servants  were  still  very  friendly,  especi- 
ally the  Lord  Benedick  Court,  as  Hutton  calls  the 
Italian  master  of  her  household.  One  evening  in 
June,  when  Hutton  had  been  at  Court,  Benedetto 
came  back  to  supper  w^th  him,  whether  of  his  own 
accord  or  at  his  mistress's  command  the  English- 
man could  not  tell.     As  they  walked  along  the  street, 

1  Nott's  "  Life  of  Wyatt,"  ii.  488. 


I70    THE  COURTSHIP  OF  HENRY  VHI.    [Bk.  vi 

Benedetto  asked  the  Ambassador  if  he  had  brought 
the  Queen  any  good  news  about  the  Duchess.  Hutton 
repHed  that  the  first  good  news  must  come  from  the 
Emperor,  and,  to  his  mind,  was  a  long  time  upon 
the  road.  The  old  man  looked  up  to  heaven,  and  said 
devoutly:  "  I  pray  God  that  I  may  live  to  see  her 
given  to  your  master,  even  if  I  die  the  next  day. 
But,"  he  added  significantly,  "  there  is  one  doubt  in 
the  matter."  Hutton  asked  eagerly  what  this  might 
be,  upon  which  Benedetto  explained  that,  as  the 
King's  first  wife,  the  Lady  Katherine,  was  near  of 
kin  to  the  Duchess,  the  marriage  could  not  be 
solemnized  without  the  Pope's  dispensation,  and  this 
he  feared  His  Majesty  would  never  accept.  The 
Ambassador  replied  warmly  that  he  did  not  know 
what  might  be  against  the  Bishop  of  Rome's  laws, 
but  that  he  was  quite  sure  his  master  would  do 
nothing  against  God's  laws.  Then  they  sat  down  to 
supper  with  other  guests,  and  nothing  further  was 
said  on  the  subject.  But  the  old  Italian  knew  what 
he  was  talking  about,  and  the  Papal  dispensation 
proved  to  be  the  one  insuperable  obstacle  which  stood 
in  the  way  of  a  settlement.^ 

Another  of  Christina's  servants,  Gian  Battista 
Ferrari,  paid  a  visit  to  England  this  summer,  and 
brought  back  glowing  accounts  of  the  beauties  of 
London  and  the  splendours  of  King  Henry's  Court. 
He  had  an  Itahan  friend  named  Panizone,  who  was 
one  of  the  royal  equerries,  and  had  been  sent  over 
to  England  with  some  Barbary  horses  from  the 
Gonzaga  stables.  Panizone  introduced  him  to  Crom- 
well, who  entertained  him  hospitably,  and  sent  him 
back  to  tell  his  mistress  all  that  he  had  seen  and 
^  State  Papers,  Record  Office,  viii.  33. 


Sept.,  1538]  DEATH  OF  HUTTON  171 

done  at  the  Court  of  Whitehall.  Christina  was  ex- 
ceedingly curious  to  hear  Battista's  account  of  his 
visit,  and  was  surprised  when  he  told  her  that  Eng- 
land was  as  beautiful  as  Italy.  When  she  proceeded 
to  inquire  if  he  had  seen  the  King,  Battista  repHed 
that  he  had  been  fortunate  enough  to  be  received 
by  His  Majesty,  and  broke  into  ecstatic  praises  of 
Henry's  comeliness,  gracious  manners,  and  liber- 
ality. The  Duchess  said  that  she  had  often  heard 
praises  of  His  Grace,  and  was  glad  to  know  from 
Battista's  lips  that  the}^  were  true.  After  supper 
she  sent  for  him  again,  and  he  informed  her  that 
Chapuys  had  told  him  the  marriage  would  shortly 
be  concluded.  ''  At  this  it  seemeth  she  did  much 
rejoice."  So  at  least  Battista  assured  Hutton.^ 
Ferrari  himself  was  evidently  very  anxious  to  see 
his  mistress  Queen  of  England,  and  in  a  letter  which 
he  addressed  on  the  7th  of  September  to  his  friend, 
"  Guglielmo  Panizone  scudier  del  Invictissimo  Re 
d'  Inghilterra  a  Londra,  alia  Corte  di  sua  Maesta," 
he  wrote,  "  Madama  the  Duchess,  my  mistress, 
loves  the  King  truly,"  and  proceeded  to  send  com- 
mendations to  the  Lord  Privy  Seal,  Signor  Filippo 
(Hoby),  Portinari,  and  others.  This  letter  contained 
one  sad  piece  of  news.  "  The  Ambassador  here  is 
said  to  be  dying ;  I  am  grieved  because  of  the  friend- 
ship between  us  and  his  excellent  qualities.  The  next 
one  we  have  will,  I  hope,  be  yourself."  ^  Battista's 
news  was  true.  Honest  John  Hutton,  the  popular 
Governor  of  the  Merchant  Adventurers,  fell  ill  at 
Antwerp,  and  died  there  on  the  5th  of  September. 
His  genial  nature  had  made  him  a  general  favourite, 

^  State  Papers,  Record  Office,  viii.  40. 
2  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xiii.  2,  119, 


172     THE  COURTSHIP  OF  HENRY  VHI.    [Bk.  vi 

and  he  was  lamented  by  everyone  at  Court.  "  It  is 
a  great  loss,"  wrote  Don  Diego  to  Cromwell,  "  because 
he  w^as  so  good  a  servant  and  so  merry  and  honest 
a  soul."  To  his  own  master,  the  Emperor,  he  re- 
marked that  the  English  Ambassador  who  had  just 
died  was  a  jovial,  good-natured  man,  but  more  fit 
for  courtly  functions  and  social  intercourse  than 
grave  political  business,  for  which  he  had  neither 
taste  nor  capacity.^ 

IV. 

The  meeting  of  the  Emperor  and  King  of  France 
at  Aigues-Mortes  in  July,  1538,  produced  a  marked 
change  in  the  political  situation.  This  interview, 
which  the  Pope  had  failed  to  bring  about  at  Nice, 
was  finally  effected  by  Queen  Eleanor,  and  the  two 
monarchs,  who  had  not  met  since  Francis  was  a 
prisoner  at  Madrid,  embraced  each  other,  dined 
together,  and  ended  by  swearing  an  inviolable  friend- 
ship. The  truce  was  converted  into  a  lasting  peace, 
and  several  marriages  between  the  two  families  were 
discussed  in  a  friendly  and  informal  manner. 

**  Never,"  wrote  the  Constable  to  Castillon,  "  were 
there  two  faster  friends  than  the  King  and  Emperor, 
and  I  do  not  for  a  moment  imagine  that  His  Imperial 
Majesty  will  ever  allow  the  Widow  of  Milan  to  marry 
King  Henry  !  So  do  not  believe  a  single  word  that 
you  hear  in  England  I"^ 

This  unexpected  reconciliation  was  a  bitter  pill 
to  Henry  and  Cromwell.  The  French  and  Imperial 
Ambassadors  at  Whitehall  exchanged  the  warmest 
congratulations,  and  did  not  fail  to  indulge  in  a 
hearty  laugh  at  King  Henry's  expense.  On  the 
2ist  of  August  Chapuys  and  Don  Diego  followed  the 

1  Calendar  of  Spanish  State  Papers,  vi.  i,  42.        -  Kaulek,  77. 


Aug.,  1538]  CROMWELL  AND  CHAPUYS  173 

Court  to  Ampthill,  where  the  King  was  hunting,  and 
were  entertained  by  Cromwell  at  one  of  his  own 
manors.  As  they  sat  down  to  dinner,  the  Lord  Privy 
Seal  asked  brusquely  if  it  were  true  that  the  King 
and  Emperor  had  made  peace,  to  which  the  Ambas- 
sadors repHed  in  the  affirmative.  He  then  proceeded 
to  start  a  variety  of  disagreeable  topics.  First  he 
remarked  that  he  heard  the  Turk  was  already  in 
Belgrade ;  next  he  said  that  the  young  Duke  of  Cleves 
had  taken  possession  of  Guelderland,  upon  which 
Chapuys  retaliated  by  expatiating  on  the  perfect 
friendship  and  understanding  between  Charles  and 
Francis.  After  dinner  they  were  admitted  into 
the  King's  presence,  and  informed  him  that  the 
Queen  of  Hungary  had  received  the  powers  necessary 
for  the  conclusion  of  the  Duchess's  marriage,  and 
wished  to  recall  Don  Diego  in  order  that  he  might 
draw  up  the  contract.  Henry  expressed  great  sorrow 
at  parting  from  the  Spaniard,  and,  drawing  him  apart, 
begged  him  to  induce  the  Queen  to  treat  directly 
with  him,  repeating  two  or  three  times  that  he  was 
growing  old,  and  could  not  put  off  taking  a  wafe  any 
longer.  Meanwhile  Cromwell  was  telling  Chapuys, 
in  another  corner  of  the  hall,  how  much  annoyed  the 
King  had  been  to  hear  that  the  Emperor  was  treating 
of  his  niece's  marriage  with  the  Duke  of  Cleves, 
which  would  make  people  say  either  that  she  had 
refused  the  King  or  else  had  only  accepted  Henry 
after  refusing  Cleves.  Chapuys  stoutly  denied  the 
truth  of  this  report,  and  Cromwell  confessed  that  the 
King  was  very  eager  for  the  marriage,  and,  if  there  were 
any  difficulty  about  the  Duchess's  dowry,  he  would 
gladly  give  her  20,000  crowns  out  of  his  own  purse. ^ 

1  Calendar  of  Spanish  State  Papers,  vi.  15-31. 


174    THE  COURTSHIP  OF  HENRY  VOL    [Bk.  vi 

As  the  Ambassadors  were  putting  on  their  riding- 
boots,  Cromwell  ran  after  Don  Diego  with  a  present 
from  his  master  of  £400,  after  which  they  returned 
to  London  and  dined  in  Chelsea  with  Castillon,  to 
meet  Madame  de  Montreuil,  the  lady-in-waiting 
of  the  late  Queen  Madeleine  of  Scotland,  who  was  re- 
turning to  France.  They  all  spent  a  merry  evening, 
laughing  over  King  Henry's  matrimonial  plans,  and 
Castillon  declared  that  the  King  and  Lord  Privy  Seal 
were  so  much  perturbed  at  his  master's  alliance  with 
the  Emperor  that  they  hardly  knew  if  they  were  in 
heaven  or  on  earth  .^ 

Don  Diego  arrived  in  Flanders  to  find  general  re- 
joicings— "  gun-shots  and  melod}^  and  jousting  were 
the  order  of  the  day  " — and  an  English  merchant 
declared  that  the  proud  Spaniards  were  ready  to 
challenge  all  the  world.  Queen  Mary  marked  the 
occasion  by  honouring  her  favourite.  Count  Henry  of 
Nassau,  with  a  visit  at  his  Castle  of  Breda  in  Holland. 
The  beautiful  gardens  and  vast  orchards  planted 
in  squares,  after  the  fashion  of  Italy,  which  excited 
the  Cardinal  of  Aragon's  admiration,  were  in  their 
summer  beauty,  and  a  series  of  magnificent  fetes 
were  given  in  honour  of  the  Queen  and  her  companion, 
the  Duchess  of  Milan.  The  Count  was  assisted  in 
doing  the  honours  by  his  third  wife,  the  Marchioness 
of  Zeneta,  a  rich  Spanish  heiress,  whom  the  Emperor 
had  given  him  in  marriage,  and  his  son  Rene,  Prince 
of  Orange.  The  presence  of  Christina  at  Breda  on 
this  occasion,  and  the  attentions  that  were  paid  her 
by  her  hosts,  naturally  gave  rise  to  a  report  that  she 
was  about  to  wed  the  Prince,  and  Cromwell  told 
Don  Diego  before  he  left  Dover  that  this  rumour  had 

^  Calendar  of  Spanish  State  Papers,  vi.  41. 


Sept..  i538j         STEPHEN  VAUGHAN  175 

caused  the  King  great  annoyance.^  But  the  fes- 
tivities at  Breda  met  with  a  tragic  close.  On  the 
day  after  the  royal  ladies  left  the  castle,  Henry  of 
Nassau  died  very  suddenly,  and  Don  Diego  heard 
the  sad  news  when  he  reached  the  castle  gates,  on 
his  way  to  salute  his  kinswoman,  the  Marchioness. 

The  Ambassador  now  hastened  to  Court,  and  craved 
an  audience  of  the  Queen  to  deliver  King  Henry's 
letters;  but  he  found  her  little  inclined  to  attend  to 
business,  and  engaged  in  preparations  to  pay  a  visit 
to  King  Francis,  who  had  gallantly  invited  her  to 
a  hunting-party  at  Compiegne.  At  first  there  had 
been  some  doubt  if  the  Duchess  should  be  of  the 
party,  but  Queen  Eleanor  was  eager  to  see  her  niece, 
and  Christina  was  nothing  loth  to  take  part  in  these 
brilliant  festivities.  Meanwhile  Henry's  renewed  im- 
patience to  conclude  his  marriage  was  shown  by  the 
promptitude  with  which  another  Ambassador  was 
sent  to  take  Hutton's  place. 

On  the  27th  of  September  the  new  Envoy,  Stephen 
Vaughan,  was  admitted  into  the  Queen's  presence, 
and  begged  for  an  answer  to  the  letters  delivered  by 
Don  Diego.  Mary  told  him  that  he  might  inform 
His  Majesty  that  there  was  no  truth  in  the  reports 
of  her  niece's  marriage,  and  that,  if  any  coolness  had 
arisen  between  them,  it  was  the  King's  own  fault 
for  seeking  a  wife  in  other  places.  Hoby's  mission 
to  Joinville  and  Nancy  was,  it  is  plain,  well  known 
at  Brussels.  But  the  Queen  kept  her  counsel,  and 
told  Vaughan  that,  if  his  master  was  still  in  the  same 
mind,  she  would  urge  the  Emperor  to  hasten  the 
conclusion  of  the  treaty.  Only  she  must  beg  the 
Ambassador  to  have  a  httle  patience,  as  her  time 

1  Calendar  of  Spanish  State  Papers,  vi.  46. 


176     THE  COURTSHIP  OF  HENRY  VHI.    [Bk.  vi 

was  fully  occupied  at  this  moment.  But  the  next 
day  he  was  again  put  off,  and  told  the  Queen  would 
see  him  when  she  reached  Mons.  Accordingly, 
Vaughan  and  his  colleague,  Thomas  Wriothesley, 
Cromwell's  confidential  secretary,  arrived  at  this 
town  on  the  8th,  only  to  be  told  by  Don  Diego  that 
they  must  await  the  Queen's  pleasure  at  Valen- 
ciennes. The  Spanish  Ambassador  did  his  best  to 
atone  for  their  disappointment  by  giving  them  an 
excellent  dinner,  and  lending  them  two  of  his  own 
horses  with  velvet  saddles  and  rich  trappings  for 
the  journey.^ 

At  length,  at  eight  on  Sunday  morning,  the  6th 
of  October,  they  were  conducted  into  the  Queen's 
presence  by  the  Grand  Falconer,  Molembais,  and 
Vaughan,  who  spoke  French  fluently,  explained 
Henry's  reasons  for  arranging  the  marriage  treaty 
without  delay.  Mary  repUed  briefly  that  she  had 
already  written  to  accede  to  the  King's  request,  and 
that  no  further  steps  could  be  taken  until  after  her 
meeting  with  the  French  King.  Dinner  was  being 
served  while  she  spoke  these  words,  and,  as  the  meat 
was  actually  coming  in,  the  Ambassadors  were 
compelled  to  retire.  Before  they  left  the  room, 
however,  they  saluted  the  Duchess,  who  was  standing 
near  her  aunt,  and  ventured  to  tell  her  how  much 
my  Lord  Privy  Seal  remained  her  humble  servant, 
although,  as  she  no  doubt  knew,  his  overtures  had 
been  so  coldly  received.  Christina  smiled  and 
thanked  them  for  their  good-will  with  a  gentle  grace, 
which  went  far  to  mollify  their  ruffled  feelings,  and 
made  Wriothesley  write  home  that  all    Hutton   had 

^  State  Papers,  Record  Office,  viii.  53,  56 ;  Calendar  of  State 
Papers,  xiii.  2,  214. 


Oct.,  1538]  ATCOMPIEGNE  177 

said  of  the  Duchess's  charms  was  true.  "  She  is  as 
goodly  personage,  of  stature  higher  than  either  of  us, 
and  hath  a  very  good  woman's  face,  competently 
fair  and  well  favoured,  but  a  little  brown."  ^ 

As  if  to  make  amends  for  these  delays,  the  great 
lords  in  attendance  overwhelmed  the  Ambassadors 
with  civilities.  Aerschot  invited  them  to  dinner; 
Count  Biiren  embraced  them  warmly  and  asked  affec- 
tionately after  the  King;  De  Praet,  Molembais,  and 
Iselstein,  escorted  them  to  the  door,  and  Don  Diego 
made  them  a  present  of  w^ne.  When  VVriothesley 
fell  ill  of  fever  at  Cambray,  the  Queen  sent  her  own 
physician  to  attend  him,  and  begged  him  either  to 
remain  there  or  return  to  Brussels.  This  he  refused 
to  do,  and  travelled  on  by  slow  stages  to  Compiegne, 
hoping  to  obtain  another  audience  there.  But  the 
roads  were  bad,  and  two  leagues  from  Cambray  one 
of  the  carts  broke  down,  leaving  the  English  without 
household  stuff  or  plate  when  Don  Diego  came  to 
supper  .2 

On  Tuesday  news  reached  Cambray  that  King 
Francis  was  on  his  way  to  salute  the  Queen,  and 
Mary  rode  out  to  meet  him,  leaving  the  Duchess  of 
Milan  at  home  with  others,  who  like  herself,  remarks 
Wriothesley,  had  no  great  liking  for  Frenchmen.^  But 
the  King's  greeting  was  most  cordial,  and  when,  on 
the  following  day.  Queen  Eleanor  arrived  with  a  great 
train  of  lords  and  ladies,  there  was  much  feasting 
and  merriment,  until  on  the  loth  the  whole  party 
started  for  Compiegne. 

It  was  a  brilliant  company  that  met  in  the  ancient 

^  State  Papers,  Record  Office,  viii.  56-60. 
^  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xiii.  2,  245,  247. 
^  State  Papers,  Record  Of&ce,  viii.  67. 


178     THE  COURTSHIP  OF  HENRY  VHI.    [Bk.  vi 

castle  of  the  French  Kings,  in  the  forest  on  the  banks 
of  the  Oise,  near  the  bridge  where,  a  hundred  years 
before,  Jeanne  d'Arc  had  made  her  last  heroic  stand. 
King  Francis  had  summoned  all  the  Princes  and  Prin- 
cesses of  the  blood  to  do  honour  to  the  Queen  of 
Hungary,  and  the  neighbouring  villages  were  filled 
to  overflowing  with  Court  officials  and  servants. 
There  was  the  King  himself,  a  fine  figure  in  cloth  of 
gold  and  nodding  plumes,  gallant  as  ever  in  spite  of 
ill-health  and  advancing  years,  with  a  glance  and 
smile  to  spare  for  every  fair  lady;  and  there  was  his 
consort.  Queen  Eleanor,  too  often  neglected  by  her 
fickle  lord,  but  now  radiant  with  happiness,  and  in  her 
beautiful  robes  and  priceless  pearls,  as  winning  and 
almost  as  fair  as  when  she  fascinated  the  young 
Palatine  twenty  years  ago.  The  sense  of  family 
affection  was  as  strong  in  Eleanor  as  in  all  the  Habs- 
burgs,  and  she  was  overjoyed  to  meet  her  sister  and 
embrace  the  daughter  of  the  beloved  and  lamented 
Isabella.  With  her  came  the  King's  daughter  Mar- 
garet, the  homely- featured  but  pleasing  and  accom- 
phshed  Princess  for  whom  a  royal  husband  was  still 
to  be  found,  and  who,  the  courtiers  whispered,  might 
now  wed  the  Prince  of  Spain. 

Her  brothers  were  there  too — the  dull  and  morose 
Henry,  who  had  succeeded  his  elder  brother  as 
Dauphin  two  years  before,  but  had  never  recovered 
from  the  effects  of  his  long  captivity  in  Spain;  and 
the  more  lively  but  weak  and  vicious  Charles  of 
Angouleme,  now  Duke  of  Orleans,  whom  Eleanor  was 
so  anxious  to  see  married  to  the  Duchess  of  Milan. 
With  them  was  the  Dauphin's  Itahan  wife,  Catherine 
de'  Medici,  whose  wit  and  grace  atoned  in  her  father- 
in-law's  eyes  for  her  lack  of  beauty,  although  her 


Oct..  13381      A  BRILLIANT  COMPANY  179 

husband's  heart  was  given  to  Diane  de  Poitiers, 
and  a  childless  marriage  made  her  unpopular  in  the 
eyes  of  the  nation.  But  a  galaxy  of  fair  ladies  sur- 
rounded the  King  and  Queen.  Chief  among  them 
was  Madame  d'fitampes,  whose  dazzling  charms  had 
captivated  the  fickle  King,  and  w^ho  now  reigned 
supreme  both  in  Court  and  Council.  Of  the  youthful 
ladies  whose  charms  had  aroused  King  Henry's  in- 
terest, only  Mademoiselle  de  Vendome  was  here.  The 
fair  Louise  had  not  3^et  recovered  from  her  illness,  and 
the  Duchess  of  Guise  was  nursing  her  at  Joinville. 
But  both  her  father,  Claude  of  Guise,  the  Governor 
of  Burgundy,  and  his  brother,  the  Cardinal  of  Lor- 
raine, were  present,  and  held  a  high  place  in  the  King's 
favour.  Claude's  elder  brother,  the  Duke  of  Lorraine, 
had  lately  been  to  meet  the  Emperor  at  Aigues- 
Mortes  and  plead  his  claims  to  Guelders,  but  on  his 
return  he  fell  ill  with  a  severe  attack  of  gout,  and 
was  unable  to  obey  the  King's  summons.  In  his 
stead  he  sent  Duchess  Renee  his  wife,  another 
Bourbon  Princess,  a  daughter  of  Gilbert  de  Mont- 
pensier  and  sister  of  the  famous  Constable.  Her 
daughter  Anne  remained  at  home  to  nurse  the  Duke, 
but  her  eldest  son,  Francis,  came  with  his  mother  to 
Compiegne.  This  cultured  and  polished  Prince,  who 
bore  the  King's  name,  had  been  brought  up  at  the 
French  Court,  and  could  ride  and  joust  as  well  as  any 
of  his  peers ;  but  he  was  quite  thrown  into  the  shade 
by  his  cousin,  Antoine  de  Bourbon,  Duke  of  Vendome, 
the  darling  of  the  people  and  the  idol  of  all  the  ladies. 
A  head  and  shoulders  taller  than  the  Dauphin  and  his 
brother,  Antoine  was  the  cynosure  of  all  eyes  at  Court 
festivals.  The  elegance  of  his  attire,  the  inimitable 
grace  w^ith  which  he  raised  his  hat,  his  wit  and  gaiety. 


i8o     THE  COURTSHIP  OF  HENRY  VIII.   [Bk.  VI 

fascinated  every  woman,  while  the  gilded  youth  of 
the  day  copied  the  fashion  of  his  clothes  and  the 
precise  angle  at  which  he  wore  the  feather  in  his  cap. 
Frivolous,  volatile,  and  recklessly  extravagant,  Ven- 
dome  wore  his  heart  on  his  sleeve,  and  was  ready  to 
enter  the  lists  for  the  sake  of  any  fair  lady.  He  fell 
desperately  in  love  with  the  Duchess  of  Milan  at  first 
sight,  and  devoted  himself  to  her  service.  As  premier 
Prince  of  the  blood,  he  rode  at  Christina's  side,  and  led 
her  out  to  dance  in  the  eyes  of  the  Court.  Together  they 
joined  in  the  hunting-parties  that  were  organized  on 
a  vast  scale  in  the  Forest  of  Compiegne,  and  while  all 
the  French  were  lost  in  admiration  at  the  fine  horse- 
manship of  the  royal  ladies,  Antoine  de  Bourbon 
threw  himself  at  the  Duchess's  feet,  and  declared 
himself  her  slave  for  life.  But  whether  this  gay 
cavalier  was  too  wild  and  thoughtless  for  her  taste, 
or  whether  her  heart  was  already  given  to  another, 
Christina  paid  httle  heed  to  this  new  suitor,  and 
remained  cold  to  his  impassioned  appeals.  "  The 
Duke  of  Vendome,"  wrote  Wriothesley  to  Cromwell, 
"  is  a  great  wooer  to  the  Duchess,  but  we  cannot  hear 
that  he  receiveth  much  comfort."^ 

On  the  17th  of  October  the  Constable  de  Mont- 
morency prevailed  on  the  royal  party  to  accompany 
him  to  his  sumptuous  home  at  Chantilly,  nine  leagues 
farther  on  the  road  to  Paris.  This  brave  soldier  and 
able  Minister  had  grown  up  in  the  closest  intimacy 
with  the  Royal  Family,  and  was  habitually  addressed 
as  ''  bon  pere  "  by  the  King's  children,  but  had,  un- 
fortunately, excited  the  hatred  of  the  reigning 
favourite,  the  Duchess  of  Etampes,  who  called  him 

1  State  Papers,  Record  Office,  viii.  78 ;  Calendar  of  State 
Papers,  xiii.  2,  255. 


Oct.,  1538]      A  VISIT  TO  CHANTILLY  181 

openly  *'  un  grand  coquin/'  and  declared  that  he  tried 
to  make  himself  a  second  monarch.  On  the  other  hand, 
his  constant  loyalty  to  Queen  Eleanor  gratified  Mary 
of  Hungary,  who  now  gladly  accepted  his  invitation 
to  Chantilly. 

Anne  de  Montmorency  was  as  great  a  patron  of 
art  as  his  royal  master,  and  during  the  last  fifteen 
years  he  had  transformed  his  ancestral  home  into  a 
superb  Renaissance  palace.  The  halls  were  decorated 
with  frescoes  by  Primaticcio ;  the  gardens  were  adorned 
with  precious  marbles  and  bronzes,  with  busts  of  the 
Caesars  and  statues  of  Mars  and  Hercules,  with  foun- 
tains of  the  finest  Urbino  and  Palissy  ware.  Por- 
traits by  Clouet,  priceless  manuscripts  illuminated  by 
French  and  Burgundian  masters,  and  enamels  by 
Leonard  Limousin,  were  to  be  seen  in  the  galleries. 
But  what  interested  Mary  and  Christina  most  of  all 
were  the  tapestries  woven  at  Brussels  from  Raphael 
of  Urbino 's  cartoons,  which  the  Constable  had  rescued 
after  the  sack  of  Rome,  and  which  he  restored  some 
years  later  to  Pope  Julius  1 11.^ 

After  entertaining  his  guests  magnificently  during 
two  days,  the  Constable  accompanied  them  on  a 
hunting  -  party  in  the  forest,  and  finally  brought 
them  back  to  Compiegne  on  the  19th  of  October. 
Here  the  Queen  of  Hungary's  return  was  im- 
patiently awaited  by  the  English  Ambassadors,  who 
found  themselves  in  a  miserable  plight.  The  town 
was  so  crowded  that  they  had  to  be  content  with  the 
meanest  lodgings;  the  hire  of  post-horses  cost  forty 
pounds,  and  provisions  were  so  scarce  that  a  partridge 
or  woodcock  sold  for  tenpence,  and  an  orange  for 
more  than  a  groat.     The  King's  Ambassadors  at  the 

^  F.  Decrue,  "  Anne  de  Montmorency,"  415,  418,  491. 

13 


i82     THE  COURTSHIP  OF  HENRY  VHI.    [Bk.  vi 

French   Court — Sir  Anthony   Browne,    and    Bonner, 
the   Bishop-elect  of  Hereford — who  joined  them  at 
Compiegne  on  the  14th,  were  in  still  worse  case  ;  for 
they   could   get   no   horses   for   love   or   money,   and 
spent   six   da3^s   without   receiving   a   visit   from   the 
Court  officials .    These  outraged  personages  stood  at  the 
window,  and  saw  the  French  Councillors,  and  even  the 
Constable,  go  by,  without  giving  them  the  smallest  sign 
of  recognition.     At  least,  Vaughan  and  Wriothesley 
were  treated  with  the  utmost  civility  by  the  Flemish 
nobles,    and    their    audience    was    only    deferred    on 
account  of  the  Queen's  visit  to  Chantilly.     Don  Diego 
was  courtesy  itself,  and,  before  he  started  for  Spain, 
wrote  a  letter  to  Cromwell,  assuring  him  that  Queen 
Mary  was  the  truest  friend  and  sister  his  master  could 
have,   but   that   it   had   been   impossible   for  her  to 
attend  to  business  when  her  days  were  spent  in  fes- 
tivities and  family  meetings.^      At  length,  on  Sunday, 
the    20th,    the   Ambassadors   were   received    by    the 
Queen,  and  introduced  Browne  and  Bonner,  as  well 
as    Dr.    Edward    Carne,    a    learned    lawyer    whom 
Henry  had  sent  to  assist  in  drawing  up  the  marriage 
treaty.     Mary  informed  them  that  Francis  was  bent 
on  taking  her  to  the  Duke  of  Vendome's  house  at  La 
Fere  on  the  way  home,  but  begged  Wriothesle}^,  who 
was  still  unwell,  to  go  straight  to  Brussels.     The  next 
day  Browne  started  for  England,  sa3dng  that  it  was 
impossible  to  follow  a  King  who  "  goes   out  of  all 
highways,"  and   on   the    22nd   Wriothesley   and   his 
companions  set  out  on  their  return  to  Brussels.^ 

^  State  Papers,  xiii.  2,  238. 
-  Ibid.,  xiii.  2,  247.  248. 


Oct.,  1538]  MARRIAGE-MAKING  183 

V. 

By  the  end  of  October  the  EngUsh  Envoys  were 
back  at  Brussels,  rejoicing  to  be  once  more  in  com- 
fortable quarters.  Here  they  found  great  fear  and 
distrust  of  France  prevailing,  and  much  alarm  was 
expressed  lest  the  Queen  should  have  been  induced 
to  give  the  Duchess  of  Milan  in  marriage  to  a  French 
Prince.  This,  however,  was  not  the  case,  and  the 
Enghsh  Ambassadors  were  satisfied  that  beyond 
feasting  and  merrymaking  nothing  had  been  done. 
A  friendly  gentleman,  Monsieur  de  Brederode,  told 
them  that  there  had  been  some  attempt  at  marriage- 
making  among  the  women.  Queen  Eleanor  still 
pressed  her  sister  earnestly  to  further  the  mar- 
riage of  Christina  with  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  as  the 
best  way  of  insuring  a  lasting  peace,  and  had  revived 
her  old  dream  of  marrying  her  daughter,  Maria  of 
Portugal,  to  the  Prince  of  Spain.  But  Mary  turned 
a  deaf  ear  to  all  these  proposals,  saying  that  she  could 
not  consider  them  without  Charles's  approval.  At 
La  Fere,  in  the  valley  of  the  Oise,  Francis  entertained 
his  guests  at  a  splendid  banquet,  after  which  he  pre- 
sented Mary  with  a  very  fine  diamond,  and  Christina 
with  a  beautiful  jewel,  besides  lavishing  rings,  brace- 
lets, brooches,  caps,  and  pretty  trinkets  from  Paris 
and  Milan,  Lisbon  and  Nuremberg,  on  the  ladies  of 
their  suite.  Here  he  took  leave  of  his  guests,  but 
the  Duke  of  Vendome  insisted  on  escorting  the  Queen 
and  her  niece  as  far  as  Valenciennes. -"^ 

On  Monday,  the  4th  of  November,  Mary  and  Chris- 
tina reached  Brussels,  and  were  received  with  warm 
demonstrations  of  affection.     Now,  "  after  all  these 

^  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xiii.  2,  261. 


i84    THE  COURTSHIP  OF  HENRY  VHI.    [Bk.  vi 

gay  and  glorious  words,"  the  English  Ambassadors 
confidently  hoped  to  see  some  end  to  their  toil.  But 
they  soon  realized  that  their  hopes  were  doomed  to 
disappointment.  First  the  Queen  was  too  tired  to 
receive  them;  then  nothing  could  be  done  until  the 
return  of  the  Duke  of  Aerschot,  who  was  her  chief 
adviser.  At  length,  on  the  i6th,  the  first  conference 
took  place  at  the  Duke's  house.  The  Captain  of  the 
Archers,  Christina's  old  friend  De  Courrieres,  con- 
ducted the  Ambassadors  to  the  room  where  the  Com- 
missioners were  awaiting  them — Aerschot,  Hoog- 
straaten,  Lalaing,  and  the  Chancellor  of  Brabant,  Dr. 
Schoren,  "  a  very  wise  father."  After  a  lengthy 
preamble,  setting  forth  the  powers  committed  to  the 
Regent,  the  terms  of  the  contract  were  discussed. 
The  chief  points  on  which  Wriothesley  insisted  were 
that  Henry  should  be  allowed  to  see  his  bride,  that 
the  payment  of  her  dowry  should  be  assigned  to 
Flanders  instead  of  Milan,  and  that  Christina's  title 
to  Denmark  should  be  recognized,  although,  re- 
marked the  Ambassador,  "  for  my  little  wit  I  care  not 
if  this  last  condition  were  scraped  out  of  the  book."^ 
The  Duchess's  claim  to  the  throne  of  Denmark,  as 
Wriothesley  realized,  was  so  remote  that  it  seemed 
hardly  worth  discussing.  The  dowry  and  the  ques- 
tion of  the  Papal  dispensation  were  the  two  real 
stumbling-blocks,  and  he  advised  Cromwell,  if  the 
King  was  really  anxious  to  secure  this  desirable  wife, 
not  to  press  the  former  point,  money  being  so  scarce 
in  Spain  and  the  Netherlands  that  the  Emperor 
would  rather  leave  his  niece  unwed,  than  part  with 
so  large  a  sum.  At  the  close  of  the  sitting  the  Duke 
of  Aerschot  begged  Wriothesley  to  stay  to   dinner, 

^  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xiii.  2,  255. 


Nov.,  1538]       KING  HENRY'S  ANGER  185 

and  gave  him  the  chief  place  at  table  and  pre-eminence 
in  all  things.  The  fare  was  abundant;  four  courses 
of  ten  dishes  were  served  in  silver,  with  "  covers  of  a 
marvellous  clean  and  honourable  sort,"  and  carvers 
and  waiters  stood  around,  and  attended  as  diligently 
to  the  Ambassador's  wants  as  if  he  were  a  Prince. 
Later  in  the  evening  the  Duke's  brother-in-law,  the 
Marquis  of  Berghen,  who  was  always  well  disposed 
to  the  English,  came  to  supper,  and  chatted  pleasantly 
for  some  time,  but  shocked  Wriothesley  by  asking  him 
if  it  were  true  that  all  religion  was  extinct  in  Eng- 
land, that  Mass  was  abolished,  and  that  the  bones 
of  saints  were  publicly  burned.  Cromwell's  Com- 
missioner, w^ho  had  himself  plundered  the  shrines  of 
St.  Swithun  at  Winchester  and  of  St.  Thomas  at 
Canterbury,  could  hardly  deny  this  latter  charge, 
although  he  declared  stoutly  that  only  such  money- 
making  devices  and  tricks  of  the  friars  as  the  Rood 
of  Boxley  and  the  tomb  of  Becket  had  been  un- 
masked. But,  in  spite  of  the  outward  civility  with 
which  the  Ambassador  was  treated,  he  realized  that 
all  good  Catholics  in  Flanders  looked  on  him  with 
horror  and  disgust. 

All  through  the  summer  abbeys  and  shrines  had 
been  going  down  fast.  "  Dagon  is  everywhere  fall- 
ing," wrote  a  Kentish  fanatic,  and,  as  Castillon  said, 
by  the  end  of  the  year  hardly  a  single  abbey  was  left 
standing.  The  recent  trend  of  political  events  had 
served  to  excite  the  King's  worst  passions,  and  when 
the  French  Ambassador  went  to  see  him  early  in 
November,  he  found  him  in  a  towering  rage.  The 
French  had  treated  his  Ambassadors  abominably; 
the  Emperor  and  King  were  plotting  together  to  take 
the  Duchess  of  Milan  away  from  him  and  give  her  to 


i86    THE  COURTSHIP  OF  HENRY  VIII.    [Bk.  vi 

Monsieur  de  Vendome,  which,  "  if  it  be  done,  would 
finish  the  picture."^  Late  on  this  same  evening,  Lord 
Exeter,  a  grandson  of  Edward  IV.  and  head  of  the 
noble  house  of  Courtenay,  and  his  cousin,  Lord  Mon- 
tague, the  son  of  Lady  Salisbury  and  brother  of 
Cardinal  Pole,  were  thrown  into  the  Tower  on  the 
charge  of  high-treason.  All  that  the  most  prolonged 
cross-examination  of  their  servants  and  friends  could 
bring  out  to  prove  their  guilt,  was  that  in  my  Lord 
of  Exeter's  garden  at  Horsley  Place,  in  Surrey,  Sir 
Edward  Nevill  had  been  heard  singing  merr}^  songs 
against  the  knaves  that  ruled  about  the  King,  and, 
clenching  his  fist,  had  cried:  "  I  trust  to  give  them  a 
buffet  and  see  honest  men  reign  in  England  one  day." 
But  the  King  had  long  ago  told  the  French  Ambas- 
sador that  he  was  determined  to  exterminate  the  White 
Rose,  and,  as  Castillon  remarked,  no  pretext  was  too 
flimsy  to  bring  men  to  the  block.  On  the  9th  of 
December,  Exeter,  Montague,  and  Nevill,  all  died  on 
the  scaffold,  and  Castillon  wrote  to  King  Francis: 
"  No  one  knows  who  will  be  the  next  to  go."  Terror 
reigned  throughout  the  land,  and  no  one  of  noble  birth 
was  safe .2  Mary  of  Hungary  might  well  shudder  at 
the  thought  of  giving  her  niece  to  such  a  man.  But 
every  day  her  position  became  more  difficult.  Soon 
after  her  return  from  Compiegne  she  wrote  to  Charles, 
urgently  begging  for  instructions  as  to  how  she  was 
to  proceed  with  the  English  Ambassadors.  If  the 
King  persists  in  treating  of  the  Duchess's  marriage, 
is  she  to  consent  or  to  refuse  altogether  ?  And  if 
so,  on  what  pretext  ?  Is  she  to  discuss  the  question 
of  the  Papal  dispensation,  which  Henry  will  never 

1  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xiii.  2,  289. 

2  Ibid.,  xiii.  2,  291,  296. 


Jan.,  1539]  MARY'S  APPEAL  187 

consent  to  receive  from  the  Pope,  but  without  which 
the  Emperor  cannot  possibly  allow  the  union .^  In 
reply  to  this  letter,  Charles  wTote  from  Toledo,  on  the 
5th  of  December,  telling  her  to  temporize  with  the 
English,  and  to  consult  her  Council  on  the  best 
method  of  procedure.^ 

A  carefully- worded  paper,  in  Mary^'s  ow^n  hand- 
writing, setting  forth  the  results  of  the  deliberation 
with  the  Council  in  clear  and  concise  language,  was 
forwarded  to  the  Emperor  earl}^  in  January: 

*'  If  the  King  of  England  would  seriously  mend  his 
ways  and  proceed  to  conclude  the  marriage  in  earnest, 
not  merely  to  sow  dissension  between  His  Majesty 
and  the  King  of  France,  this  would  no  doubt  be  the 
most  honourable  alliance  for  the  Duchess  and  the 
most  advantageous  for  the  Low  Countries;  but  there 
is  no  evidence  of  this — rather  the  reverse,  as  your 
Ambassador  in  France  tells  us,  from  what  he  hears  of 
the  conversations  held  by  King  Henry  with  the  French 
Envoy  in  London.  The  Queen  considers  this  point  to 
be  entirely  settled,  and  it  remains  only  to  know  Your 
Majesty's  wishes.  Are  w^e  to  dissemble  with  the 
English  as  we  have  done  till  now,  which,  however, 
is  very  difficult,  or  are  we  to  break  off  negotiations 
altogether  ?  This  can  best  be  done  by  putting  for- 
ward quite  reasonable  terms,  but  which  are  not  agree- 
able to  the  King.  The  Queen  begs  His  Majesty  to  tell 
her  exactty  what  she  is  to  do,  remembering  that  the 
King  of  England,  when  he  cannot  ally  himself  with 
the  Emperor  or  in  France,  may  seek  an  alliance  with 
Cleves,  and  will  be  further  alienated  from  religion,  and 
may  do  much  harm  by  putting  himself  at  the  head  of 
the  German  Princes — all  of  which  she  prays  Your 
Majesty  to  consider."^ 

But  no  reply  to  this  appeal  came  for  man}^  weeks. 
In  vain  Mary  implored  Charles  to  put  an  end  to  this 

^  Calendar  of  Spanish  State  Papers,  vi.  i,  96. 

2  Lanz,  ii.  686. 

3  Papiers  d'Etat,  82,  20,  Archives  du  Royaume,  Bruxelles. 


i88     THE  COURTSHIP  OF  HENRY  VHI.    [Bk.  vi 

interminable  procrastination,  and  relieve  her  from  the 
necessity  of  dissembling  with  the  English  Ambassa- 
dors, who  never  left  her  in  peace. 

"  Once  more,  Monseigneur,"  she  wrote  at  the  end 
of  January,  "  I  implore  you  tell  me  if  I  am  to  allow 
these  conferences  to  drag  on,  for  it  is  impossible  to  do 
this  any  longer  without  the  most  shameless  dissimula- 
tion."^ 

Still  no  answer  came  from  Spain,  and  the  solemn 
farce  was  prolonged.  During  the  next  two  months 
frequent  meetings  between  the  Commissioners  were 
held  at  Brussels,  and  the  Queen  herself  was  often 
present.  "  Indeed,"  wrote  Wriothesley,  "  she  is  one 
and  principal  in  it,  and  how  unmeet  we  be  to  match 
with  her  ourselves  do  well  acknowledge. "^  But  little 
progress  was  made,  although  Henry,  in  his  anxiety 
for  the  marriage,  offered  to  give  the  Duchess  as  large 
a  dowry  as  any  Queen  of  England  had  ever  enjoyed. 
On  St.  Thomas's  Day  he  informed  the  French  Ambas- 
sador in  the  gallery  at  Whitehall  that  his  marriage 
was  almost  concluded. 

"  All  the  same,"  wrote  Castillon  to  the  Constable, 
I  know  that  he  would  gladly  marry  Madame  de 
Guise  had  he  the  chance.  If  you  think  the  King  and 
Emperor  would  enjoy  the  sport  of  seeing  him  thus 
virolin-virolant ,  I  can  easily  get  it  up,  provided  you 
show  his  Ambassador  a  httle  civility,  and  make  the 
Cardinal  and  Monsieur  de  Guise  caress  him  a  little."^ 

But  two  days  after  this  interview  Henry  addressed 
a  pathetic  appeal  to  the  Regent  on  his  behalf,  saying 
that  "  old  age  was  fast  creeping  on,  and  time  was  slip- 
ping and  flying  marvellously  away . ' '  Already  the  whole 
year  had  been  wasted  in  vain  parleyings,  and,  since 

^  Lanz,  ii.  296.  -  State  Papers,  Record  Office,  viii.  72. 

^  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xiii.  2,  467,  468. 


MARY,  QUEEN   OF   HUNGARY 
By   Bernard  van   Orley   (Cardon   Collection; 


To  face  p. 


Jan.,  1539]  FAIR    WORDS  1 89 

neither  money  nor  prayers  could  redeem  this  precious 
time,  he  could  wait  the  Emperor's  pleasure  no  longer, 
but  must  seek  another  bride.  If  this  appeal  produced 
no  effect,  he  told  Wriothesley  to  take  leave  of  the 
Duchess,  and  declare  to  her  the  great  affection  which 
the  King  bore  her,  and  how  earnestl}"  he  had  desired 
to  make  her  his  wife,  but,  since  this  was  plainly  impos- 
sible, he  must  "  beg  her  not  to  marvel  if  he  joined 
with  another."^  When  this  letter  reached  Brussels, 
Mary  and  Christina  were  absent  on  a  hunting  ex- 
pedition, but  on  New  Year's  Eve  the}^  returned. 
The  Queen  received  Wriothesley  the  next  morning, 
and,  after  listening  patiently  to  the  long  discourse 
in  which  he  delivered  his  master's  message,  said  that 
she  was  still  awaiting  the  Emperor's  final  instructions, 
remarking  that  perhaps  the  King  hardl}^  realized  the 
distance  between  Spain  and  Flanders.  There  was 
nothing  for  it  but  to  await  the  coming  of  the  courier 
from  Spain.  But  even  Wriothesley  began  to  realize 
that,  "  for  all  this  gentle  entertainment  and  fair  words 
and  feastings,"  the  deputies  meant  to  effect  nothing. 

Like  Hutton,  the  Ambassador  felt  the  spell  of 
Christina's  charms,  and  certain  expressions  which  her 
servants  Benedetto  and  Ferrari  had  dropped,  led  him 
to  suppose  that  the  Duchess  was  favourably  inclined 
towards  his  master.  But  he  was  convinced  that 
attempts  had  been  made  to  poison  her  mind  against 
the  King,  and  to  prefer  the  suit  of  William  of  Cleves 
or  of  Francis  of  Lorraine,  who  w^as  also  said  to  be 
seeking  her  hand. 

"  I  know,"  he  wTote  to  Cromwell,  "  that  some  of 
these  folks  labour  to  avert  the  Duchess's  mind  from 
the  King's  Majesty,  and  to  rest  herself  either  upon 

^  State  Papers,  Record  Office,  viii.  no,  118,  123. 


I90     THE  COURTSHIP  OF  HENRY  VIII.    [Bk.  vi 

Lorraine  or  Cleves;  but  as  far  as  I  can  learn  she  is 
wiser  than  they,  and  will  in  no  wise  hearken  to  them, 
offering  rather  to  live  a  widow  than  to  fall  from  the 
likelihood  of  being  Queen,  and  to  hght  so  low  as  from 
a  mistress  to  become  an  underling,  as  she  must  if 
she  marry  either  of  them,  their  fathers  and  mothers 
being  yet  both  alive.  What  for  the  virtue  that  I  think 
I  see  in  her,  the  good  nature  that  every  man  must 
note  her  to  be  of,  as  well  as  her  good  inclination  to  the 
King's  Majesty,  I  have  privily  wished  myself  some- 
times that  the  King  might  take  her  with  nothing, 
as  she  hath  somewhat,  rather  than  His  Highness 
should,  by  these  cankered  tongues,  be  tromped  and 
deceived  of  his  good  purpose,  and  so  want  such  a  wife 
as  I  think  she  would  be  to  His  Grace.  For  I  shall 
ever  pray  God  to  send  His  Majesty  such  a  mate, 
humble,  loving,  and  of  such  sort  as  may  be  for  His 
Grace's  quiet  and  content,  with  the  increase  of  the 
offspring  of  his  most  noble  person."^ 


VI. 

At  length  the  eagerly  -  expected  courier  reached 
Brussels,  but,  as  usual,  the  Queen  and  Duchess  were 
away  hunting,  and  it  was  only  on  the  ist  of  February 
that  the  Ambassadors  obtained  their  desired  audience. 
Mary  received  them  in  her  bedroom  between  seven  and 
eight  in  the  morning,  and  told  them  that  the  Emperor 
had  decided  to  await  the  arrival  of  the  Count  Palatine, 
who  with  his  wife,  the  Duchess's  elder  sister,  was 
shortly  expected  at  Toledo,  in  order  that  he  might 
discuss  the  subject  fully  with  them;  but,  since  she 
knew  Henry  to  be  impatient  for  an  answer,  she  had 
despatched  a  trusty  messenger,  Cornelius  Scepperus,  to 
Spain  to  beg  her  brother  for  an  immediate  decision.^ 

Wriothesley  now  ventured  on  a  bold  step.     As  the 

1  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xiv.  i,  37. 

2  State  Papers,  Record  Office,  viii.  139. 


Feb.,  1539]    AN  AWKWARD  QUESTION  191 

Queen  rose  to  leave  the  room,  he  begged,  in  order  to 
satisfy  his  own  peace  of  mind,  to  be  allowed  to  ask 
her  one  question,  hoping  that  she  would  give  him  a 
frank  answer.  At  these  words  Mary  blushed  deeply, 
conscious  of  the  double  part  that  she  was  playing, 
and  bade  him  speak,  assuring  him  that  she  would  take 
whatever  he  said  in  good  part.  '*  Madame,"  returned 
Wriothesley,  "  I  beseech  Your  Grace  to  tell  me  plainly 
how  you  find  the  Duchess  herself  affected  towards 
this  marriage  with  the  King  my  master."  If,  as  was 
commonly  reported,  the  Duchess  had  really  said  that 
she  minded  not  to  fix  her  heart  that  way,  all  his  efforts 
were  but  lost  labour.  And  he  made  bold  to  ask  this 
question  because  he  knew  that  of  late  * '  divers  malicious 
tongues,  servants  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  had  dared 
to  speak  lewdly  in  hugger  -  mugger  of  the  King's 
Majesty."  The  question  was  an  awkward  one,  but 
Mary  proved  equal  to  the  occasion.  She  thanked  the 
Ambassador  for  his  frankness,  and  rephed  with 
some  warmth  that  she  was  quite  sure  her  niece  had 
never  spoken  such  words,  and  that,  if  evil  men  spoke 
lewdly  of  the  King,  she  would  know  how  to  deal 
with  them.  "  Touching  my  niece's  affection,"  she 
added,  "  I  dare  say  unto  you,  that  if  the  Emperor 
and  your  master  the  King  agree  upon  this  marriage, 
she  will  be  at  the  Emperor's  command." 

Wriothesle}^  could  only  express  his  gratitude  for 
this  gracious  answer,  even  if  it  were  not  so  plain 
as  he  could  have  wished.  Seeing  that  nothing  else 
would  satisfy  him,  the  Queen  referred  him  to  the 
Duchess  herself,  and  at  two  o'clock  the  same  after- 
noon the  Ambassador  was  conducted  to  Christina's 
lodgings.  He  found  her  standing  under  a  canopy  in 
a  hall  hung  with  black  velvet  and  damask,  with  five  or 


192     THE  COURTSHIP  OF  HENRY  VHI.    tbk.  vi 

six  ladies  near  her,  and  a  dozen  gentlemen  and  pages 
at  the  other  end  of  the  room.  Christina  received  him 
with  a  graceful  salute,  bade  him  heartily  welcome, 
and  asked  the  purpose  of  his  errand.  Wriothesley 
proceeded  to  explain  the  object  of  his  visit  at  great 
length,  saying  that  he  was  quite  sure  that  a  lady  of 
her  gravity  and  discretion  would  never  allow  such 
unseemly  words  to  pass  her  Hps;  yet,  since  untrue 
and  wicked  reports  might  have  reached  her  ears  and 
cooled  her  inclination  towards  the  King,  he  felt  it 
would  be  his  bounden  duty,  were  this  true,  to  inform 
His  Majesty,  in  order  that  he  might  withdraw  his 
suit  without  further  waste  of  time  and  dishonour. 

Christina  listened  to  this  long  harangue  without 
moving  a  muscle.  When  the  Ambassador  had  ended, 
she  desired  him  to  put  on  his  cap,  saying  it  was  a 
cold  day,  and  that  she  regretted  not  to  have  noticed 
that  he  w^as  uncovered  before.  Wriothesley  replied 
that  this  was  his  duty,  and  that  he  hoped  often  to 
have  the  honour  of  talking  with  her  bareheaded  in 
the  future.  Without  paying  any  heed  to  this  last 
remark,  Christina  replied  in  the  following  words: 

"  Monsieur  TAmbassadeur,  I  do  heartily  thank  you 
for  3^our  good  opinion  of  me,  wherein  I  can  assure  you, 
you  have  not  been  deceived.  I  thank  God  He  hath 
given  me  a  better  stay  of  myself,  than  to  be  of  so 
light  a  sort  as,  by  all  likelihood,  some  men  would 
note  me.  And  I  assure  you  that  neither  these  words 
that  you  have  spoken,  nor  any  like  to  them,  have 
passed  at  any  time  from  my  mouth,  and  so  I  pray 
you  report  for  me." 

But  grateful  as  Wriothesley  expressed  himself  for 
this  frank  answer,  he  was  not  yet  satisfied.  "  It  is 
an  evil  wind,  as  we  say  in  England,  that  bloweth 


Feb..  1539]        CHRISTINA'S  ANSWER  193 

no  man  good/'  and  at  least  the  Duchess  would  see 
by  this,  how  little  faith  was  to  be  placed  in  idle  tales. 
"  There  are  those,"  he  said  mysteriously,  "  w^ho  play 
on  both  hands;  they  tell  Your  Excellency  many 
things,  and  us  somewhat."  But  would  she  go  farther, 
and  tell  him  if  he  might  assure  the  King  his  master 
of  her  own  good  inclination  towards  the  marriage  ? 
At  these  words  Christina  blushed  exceedingly,  and 
said  with  some  hesitation:  "  As  for  my  inclination, 
what  should  I  say  ?  You  know^  I  am  at  the  Emperor's 
commandment."  And  when  the  Ambassador  pressed 
her  to  be  a  little  plainer,  she  smiled  and  repeated : 
"  You  know  I  am  the  Emperor's  poor  servant,  and 
must  follow  his  pleasure  !" 

*'  Marry  !"  exclaimed  Wriothesley;  "  why,  then  I 
may  hope  to  be  one  of  the  first  Englishmen  to  be 
acquainted  with  m}^  new  mistress.  Oh,  madame, 
how  happy  shall  you  be  if  you  are  matched  with  my 
master — the  most  gentle  gentleman  that  liveth,  his 
nature  so  benign  and  pleasant  that  I  think  no  man 
hath  heard  many  angry  words  pass  his  mouth.  As 
God  shall  help  me,  if  he  were  no  King,  instead  of  one 
of  the  most  puissant  Princes  of  Christendom,  I  think, 
if  you  saw  him,  you  would  say  that  for  his  virtues, 
gentleness,  wisdom,  experience,  goodhness  of  person, 
and  all  other  gifts  and  quahties,  he  were  worthy  to 
be  made  a  King.  I  know  Your  Grace  to  be  of  goodly 
parentage,  and  to  have  many  great  Princesses  in 
your  family,  but  if  God  send  this  to  a  good  conclusion, 
you  shall  be  of  all  the  rest  the  most  happy  !" 

This  fulsome  panegyric  was  too  much  for  Christina's 
gravity.  She  listened  for  some  time,  like  one  that 
was  tickled,  then  smiled,  and  almost  burst  out  laugh- 
ing, but  restrained  her  merriment  with  much  diffi- 


194     THE  COURTSHIP  OF  HENRY  VIH.    [Bk.  vi 

culty,  and,  quickly  recovering  herself,  said  gravely 
that  she  knew  His  Majesty  was  a  good  and  noble 
Prince.  "  Yes,  madame,"  replied  the  Ambassador, 
with  enthusiasm,  "  and  you  shall  know  this  better 
hereafter.  And  for  my  part,  I  would  be  content,  if 
only  I  may  live  to  see  the  day  of  your  coronation,  to 
say  with  Simeon,  "  Nunc  dimittis  servum  tuum, 
Domine."  And  he  dwelt  with  fervour  on  the  wish 
of  the  English  to  have  her  for  their  Queen,  and  on 
the  admiration  and  love  which  the  fame  of  her  beauty 
and  goodness  had  excited  in  the  King.  Christina 
bowed  her  thanks,  saying  that  she  was  much  bounden  to 
His  Majesty  for  his  good  opinion,  and  then,  calling  her 
Grand  Master,  bade  him  escort  the  Ambassador  home. 

"  Your  Majesty,"  wrote  Wriothesley  to  the  King 
that  evening,  "  shall  easily  judge  from  this  of  what 
inclination  the  women  be,  and  especially  the  Duchess, 
whose  honest  countenance,  with  the  few  words  that 
she  wisely  spoke,  make  me  to  think  there  can  be  no 
doubt  in  her.  A  blind  man  should  judge  no  colours, 
but  surely.  Sir,  after  my  poor  understanding  and  the 
little  experience  that  I  have,  she  is  marvellous  wise, 
very  gentle,  and  as  shamefaced  as  ever  I  saw  so  witty 
a  woman.  I  think  her  wisdom  is  no  less  than  the 
Queen's,  which,  in  my  poor  opinion,  is  notable  for 
a  woman,  and  I  am  deceived  if  she  prove  not  a  good 
wife.  And  somewhat  the  better  I  hke  her  for  that 
I  have  been  informed  that,  of  all  the  whole  stock  of 
them,  her  mother  was  of  the  best  opinion  in  religion, 
and  showed  it  so  far  that  both  the  Emperor  and  all  the 
pack  of  them  were  sore  grieved  with  her,  and  seemed  in 
the  end  to  hold  her  in  contempt.  I  would  hope  no  less 
of  the  daughter,  if  she  might  be  so  happy  as  to  nestle  in 
England.  Very  pure,  fair  of  colour  she  is  not,  but  a 
marvellous  good  brownish  face  she  hath,  with  fair  red 
lips  and  ruddy  cheeks.  And  unless  I  be  deceived  in 
my  judgment,  she  was  never  so  well  painted  but  her 
living  visage  doth  much  exicel  her  picture."^ 

^  State  Papers,  Record  Office,  viii.  140-148. 


Feb.,  1539]      WORTHY  TO  BE  A  QUEEN  195 

Two  things,  Wriothesley  told  Cromwell,  in  a  letter 
which  he  wrote  to  him  the  next  day,  were  plain: 
the  Queen  would  be  very  loth  to  let  them  go  with 
nothing  settled,  and  the  Duchess  was  well  inchned, 
considering  that  nothing  had  as  yet  been  said  to  her 
on  the  King's  behalf.  And  he  suggested  that  he  might 
be  allowed  to  show  her  a  portrait  of  Henry,  the  sight  of 
which,  he  felt  sure,  would  make  her  die  a  maid  rather 
than  marry  anyone  else.  "  The  woman  is  certainly 
worthy  to  be  a  Queen,"  he  adds,  "  and  in  my 
judgment  is  worth  more  than  all  the  friendship  and 
alliances  in  the  world." ^ 

Unfortunately,  these  letters,  which  the  writer 
hoped  would  give  the  King  so  much  pleasure,  found 
Henry  in  a  furious  temper.  In  January,  1539,  Pope 
Paul  III.  issued  the  long-delayed  Bull  of  excommu- 
nication, and  called  on  the  Emperor  and  the  French 
King  to  declare  war  on  the  heretic  monarch,  and  for- 
bid all  intercourse  between  their  subjects  and  the 
misguided  English.  Cardinal  Pole,  whose  kinsmen 
Henry  had  beheaded,  and  whose  own  life  had  been 
attempted  by  his  emissaries,  was  sent  to  Spain  to 
induce  Charles  to  take  up  arms  against  "  this  abom- 
inable tyrant  and  cruel  persecutor  of  the  Church  of 
God."-  At  the  same  moment  a  treaty  was  signed 
between  Charles  and  Francis  at  Toledo,  by  which 
the  two  monarchs  pledged  themselves  to  conclude 
no  agreements  with  Henry  excepting  by  mutual 
consent.^ 

Henry  now  became  seriously  alarmed.  He  com- 
plained bitterly  to  Castillon  of  the  way  in  which  he 

1  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xiv.  i,  93,  121. 

2  Ibid.,  xiv.  I,  14;  Calendar  of  Spanish  State  Papers,  vi.  i,  97. 

3  Ibid.,  xiv.  I,  26. 


196     THE  COURTSHIP  OF  HENRY  VHI.    [Bk.  vi 

was  reviled  in  France,  not  only  by  the  vulgar,  but 
by  the  Cardinal  of  Paris  and  members  of  the  Council. 
And  he  sent  Cromwell  to  Chapuys  with  an  imperative 
summons  to  come  to  Court  without  delay.  The 
Imperial  Ambassador  obeyed,  and  came  to  Whitehall 
on  the  Feast  of  the  Three  Kings.  Henry  was  on  his 
way  to  Mass,  but  he  stopped  to  greet  Chapuys,  and 
complained  once  more  of  the  Queen  of  Hungary's 
interminable  delays  and  of  the  scandalous  "treat- 
ment of  his  Ambassadors.  Chapuys  made  the  best 
excuses  which  came  into  his  mind,  and  assured  the 
King  that  Mary  was  only  awaiting  the  Emperor's 
instructions  as  to  the  Papal  dispensation,  and  that  he 
would  hear  from  Spain  as  soon  as  the  Palatine 
had  reached  Toledo.  To  this  Henry  vouchsafed  no 
answer,  but  walked  straight  on,  to  the  door  of  the 
chapel. 

During  Mass  Cromwell  entered  into  conversation 
with  Chapuys,  and  told  him  that  the  Pope  had  thrown 
off  the  hypocrite's  mask,  and  was  doing  his  best  to 
kindle  a  flame  in  Italy.  Before  the  Ambassador 
could  reply  he  changed  the  subject,  and  said  he  saw 
clearly  that  the  Emperor  intended  to  marry  his  niece 
to  Cleves  or  Lorraine.  Chapuys  laughed,  and  re- 
marked that  the  Duchess  could  hardly  be  given  to 
both  Princes,  but  added  in  all  seriousness  that  his 
master  knew  the  difference  between  the  King  of 
England  and  these  suitors.  After  dinner  Henry 
seemed  in  a  better  temper,  but  told  Chapuys  in  con- 
fidential tones  that  he  was  growing  old,  and  that 
his  subjects  pressed  him  to  hasten  his  marriage,  and 
that  these  vexatious  delays  were  all  due  to  the  French, 
who  boasted  that  the  Emperor  could  do  nothing 
without  their  consent. 


Feb.,  1539]  A  COLD  FROST  197 

"  He  seemed  in  great  trouble,"  reported  Chapuys, 
"  and  it  is  plain,  as  everyone  about  him  tells  me,  that 
he  is  very  much  in  love  with  the  Duchess  of  Milan. 
He  told  one  of  his  most  intimate  friends  the  other 
day  that  he  would  gladly  take  her  without  a  penny. 
.  .  .  And  just  now  the  French  Ambassador  asked  me 
if  it  were  true  that  he  had  sent  her  a  diamond  worth 
16,000  ducats."^ 

At  the  same  time  Chapuys  heard  that  Henry  was 
negotiating  with  the  German  Princes,  and  offering 
his  daughter  Mary  to  the  3^oung  Duke  of  Cleves,  in 
order  to  prevent  him  from  marrying  the  Duchess. 
''  He  is  so  much  in  love,"  wrote  CastiHon,  "  that  for 
one  gracious  word  from  her  I  believe  he  would  go  to 
war  to  recover  Denmark."^ 

The  same  week  Henry  wrote  to  Wyatt,  complain- 
ing bitterly  of  the  treatment  which  he  had  received 
from  his  imperial  brother,  as  being  wholly  unworthy 
of  a  Prince  who  professed  to  be  his  zealous  friend. 
"  After  so  hot  a  summer  we  saw  never  so  cold  a 
winter;  after  all  these  professions  of  love  and  friend- 
ship, in  the  end  nothing  but  a  cold  frost."  He  ended 
by  declaring  he  would  no  longer  be  kept  ''  hanging  in 
the  balance,"  and  must  have  an  immediate  answer, 
even  if  it  were  a  flat  denial.^  At  length  even  Charles 
could  procrastinate  no  longer,  and  on  the  15th  of 
February  he  told  Wyatt  that  it  was  impossible  for 
the  marriage  to  take  place  without  the  Pope's 
dispensation,  as  the  King's  dispensation  would  never 
satisfy  the  Duchess  herself,  or  any  of  her  relations, 
and  might  cause  endless  inconvenience  if  children 
were  born  of  the  union.  "  All  the  stay,"  wrote 
Cromwell  to  Wriothesley,  "  is  upon  the  dispensation, 

*  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xiv.  i,  16-19. 
2  Ibid.,  xiv.  I,  52;  Lanz,  ii.  297-306.  ^  Nott,  ii.  306. 

14 


198     THE  COURTSHIP  OF  HENRY  VHI.    [Bk.  VI 

to  which  they  object  now,  but  whereof  they  never 
spake  before."^ 

Even  before  the  courier  from  Spain  arrived,  Henry's 
face  was  so  black  that  Castillon  wrote  home  begging 
to  be  recalled,  and  declaring  that  this  King  was  the 
most  cruel  and  dangerous  man  in  the  world.  He  was 
in  such  a  rage  that  he  had  neither  reason  nor  under- 
standing left,  and  once  he  found  out  that  Francis 
could  do  nothing  for  him,  Castillon  was  convinced 
that  his  own  life  would  not  be  worth  a  straw.  A  few 
days  later  the  Ambassador  left  London,  and  rejoiced 
to  find  himself  safely  back  in  France.^ 


vn. 

While  London  was  full  of  alarms,  Wriothesley  and 
his  colleagues  were  spending  a  gay  Shrovetide  at 
Brussels,  all  unconscious  of  the  clouds  that  were 
darkening  the  horizon.  During  the  last  few  weeks 
nobles  and  courtiers  had  vied  with  each  other  in 
paying  them  attentions.  Visitors  of  the  highest  rank 
honoured  their  humble  lodgings.  Madame  de  Ber- 
ghen,  Aerschot's  lively  sister — "  a  dame  of  stomach 
that  hath  a  jolly  tongue  " — dined  with  them.  The 
Queen  herself  was  expected  to  pay  them  a  visit, 
and  great  preparations  in  the  way  of  plate  and  furni- 
ture were  made  for  her  reception.  Count  Buren, 
a  very  great  man  in  Holland,  was  particularly 
friendly,  and  impressed  Wriothesley  so  much  by  his 
honesty  and  loyalty  that  he  gave  him  the  best  horse 
in  his  stables .  Another  day  he  entertained  the  Captain 
of  Gravelines,  who  railed  against  the  abominations  of 

^  Calendar  of  Spanish  State  Papers,  vi.  i,  145. 
2  Kaulek,  84. 


Feb.,  1539]  A  GAY  CARNIVAL  199 

Rome  to  his  heart's  content,  and  told  him  it  would  be 
the  Pope's  fault  if  the  King's  marriage  were  not  con- 
cluded. Carnival  week  brought  a  round  of  festivities. 
On  Monday,  the  17th  of  February,  the  Ambassadors 
were  invited  to  meet  the  Queen  at  supper  at  the  Duke 
of  Aerschot's  house,  and  were  received  at  half-past  five 
by  the  Duchess  and  her  sister-in-law,  Madame  de 
Berghen.  The  Duchess  sent  for  her  young  daughter 
and  her  two  sons — boys  of  ten  and  twelve — and 
presently  they  were  joined  by  Monsieur  de  Vely,  the 
new  French  Ambassador.  Wriothesley  expressed  great 
pleasure  at  meeting  him,  saying  that,  since  their 
masters  were  good  friends,  they  ought  not  to  be 
strangers,  and  received  a  cordial  reply.  The  rest  of 
the  company  looked  on  with  some  surprise  at  these 
friendly  fashions,  a  rumour  being  abroad  that  the 
French  King  was  about  to  attack  England  and  force 
Henry  to  submit  to  the  Pope.  Then  a  flourish  of 
trumpets,  sackbuts,  and  fifes,  was  heard  at  the  gates, 
and  the  guests  rose  as  the  Queen  and  Duchess  entered 
the  hall.  At  supper  the  French  Ambassador  sat  on 
the  Queen's  right,  and  Wriothesley  on  her  left,  while 
Christina  was  between  him  and  Vaughan.  Madame 
d'Egmont  sat  next  to  Dr.  Carne,  and  the  Prince  of 
Orange  was  on  the  Duchess  of  Aerschot's  right  hand. 
Mary  made  herself  very  agreeable  to  both  her  neigh- 
bours, and  when,  after  supper,  her  chapel  choir 
sang  roundelays  and  merry  drinking-songs,  she  asked 
Wriothesley  if  he  were  fond  of  music,  and  invited 
him  to  sup  with  her  on  the  morrow  and  hear  her 
minstrels.  The  Ambassador  confessed  that  he  was 
very  fond  of  music,  and  often  had  some  at  his  poor 
home  to  cheer  his  dull  spirits.  "  Well,  it  is  an  honest 
pastime,"  said  the  Queen,  "  and  maketh  good  diges- 


200     THE  COURTSHIP  OF  HENRY  VHI.     [Bk.  vi 

tion,  for  it  driveth  thoughts  away."  Here  Wriothes- 
ley  ventured  to  remark  that  he  would  feel  merrier 
if  he  had  not  wasted  so  much  time  here,  and  asked 
if  there  was  still  no  news  from  Spain.  "  None/' 
replied  the  Queen;  and  Wriothesley  observed  that 
reports  reached  him  from  Germany  that  the  Emperor 
was  merely  trying  to  gain  time,  and  meant  to  do 
the  Bishop  of  Rome's  bidding.  ''  Jesus  !"  exclaimed 
the  Queen,  "  I  dare  say  the  Emperor  never  meant 
such  a  thing;"  upon  which  Wriothesley  hastened  to 
say  that  he  felt  sure  the  Emperor  was  too  wise  and 
honourable  a  Prince  to  deceive  the  King,  but  now 
that  he  had  made  friends  with  his  old  enemy,  he 
hoped  he  would  not  make  a  new  enemy  of  his  old 
friend.  After  supper  the  Duke  and  several  ladies 
came  in,  wearing  masks  and  rich  costumes,  and  threw 
dice  with  the  Queen  and  her  niece  for  some  fine  dia- 
monds, which  the  Princesses  won.  Then  the  Prince 
of  Orange  led  out  Christina  to  dance,  and  the  other 
youthful  guests  followed  suit,  while  Wriothesley  sat 
at  the  Queen's  side  on  the  dais  and  watched  the 
princely  pair. 

The  next  evening  (Shrove  Tuesday)  Wriothesley 
and  his  colleagues  dined  at  the  palace,  and  this  time 
the  Enghsh  Ambassador  sat  in  the  post  of  honour, 
on  the  Queen's  right,  with  the  Duchess  on  his  left. 
Mary  was  in  high  spirits,  toasted  her  guests  and 
drank  with  each  of  them  in  turn.  After  supper 
Wriothesley  approached  Christina,  and  ventured  to 
tell  her  that  she  would  be  happy  if  her  best  friends 
did  not  put  hindrances  in  her  way,  and  begged  her 
not  to  lend  ear  to  malicious  reports  of  his  master. 
The  Duchess  shook  her  head,  saying  she  would  hsten 
to  no  calumnies,  and  always  hold  the  King  to  be  a 


Feb.,  1539]     AN  UNPLEASANT  SURPRISE         201 

noble  Prince.  But  he  felt  sure  that  she  was  afraid 
of  the  Queen,  and  told  her  he  hoped  to  converse  more 
freely  with  her  another  time.  Never  had  he  seen 
her  look  so  beautiful  as  she  did  that  night ;  never  did 
he  wish  more  ardently  to  see  her  his  master's  bride. 
"  For  indeed  it  were  pity,"  he  wrote  home,  "  if  she 
were  bestowed  on  a  husband  she  did  not  Hke,  only  to 
serve  others." 

There  was  one  Prince  at  table  for  whom,  it  was  easy 
to  see,  Christina  had  no  disHke.  This  was  Rene  of 
Orange,  who  had  an  opportunity  of  distinguishing 
himself  in  his  lady's  eyes  that  evening.  The  Queen 
led  the  way  into  the  great  hall,  where  first  Aerschot 
and  three  other  nobles  challenged  all  comers  to  fight, 
and  then  the  Prince  of  Orange  and  Floris  d'Egmont 
took  their  places  at  the  barriers,  and  broke  lances 
and  received  prizes  for  their  valour,  while  the  Queen's 
band  of  lutes,  viols,  and  rebecks,  played  the  finest 
music  that  Wriothesley  had  ever  heard.  When  the 
jousting  w^as  ended,  Mary  led  her  guests  to  the  royal 
gallery,  where  another  banquet  was  served,  and  there 
was  much  hvely  discourse,  and  more  talking  than 
eating.  So  that  gay  Carnival  came  to  a  close,  and 
with  it  the  last  hope  of  winning  the  fair  Duchess's 
hand.^ 

An  unpleasant  surprise  was  in  store  for  Wriothes- 
ley the  next  morning.  Certain  disquieting  rumours 
having  reached  Brussels,  Vaughan  went  to  Ant- 
werp on  Ash  Wednesday,  and  found  great  consterna- 
tion among  the  English  merchants.  A  proclamation 
had  been  issued  forbidding  any  ships  to  leave  the 
port,  and  several  English  vessels  laden  with  merchan- 
dise had  been  detained.  The  wildest  rumours  were 
^  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xiv.  i,  125,  126 


202     THE  COURTSHIP  OF  HENRY  VHI.    [Bk.  vi 

current  on  the  Exchange.  It  was  commonly  said 
that  the  Emperor,  with  the  Kings  of  France  and 
Scotland,  had  declared  war  on  King  Henry,  and  that 
a  large  Dutch  and  Spanish  fleet  was  about  to  sail 
for  England.  Already  in  Brussels  gallants  and  pike- 
men  were  taking  bets  on  the  issue  of  the  war,  and 
Wriothesley  wrote  to  Cromwell  that  he  and  his 
colleagues  "  might  peradventure  broil  on  a  faggot." 
He  was  unable  to  obtain  an  audience  until  Friday, 
when  the  Queen  told  him  that,  by  the  Emperor's 
orders,  she  was  recalling  Chapuys  to  conduct  the 
marriage  negotiations.  This  unexpected  intimation, 
coming  as  it  did  after  the  startling  news  from  Ant- 
werp, disconcerted  him  considerably.  He  sent  an 
express  to  London,  and  received  orders  to  take  his 
departure  at  once.  Castillon  was  already  on  his  way 
to  France,  but  Henry  quite  refused  to  let  Chapuys 
go  until  Wriothesley  and  Vaughan  had  left  Brussels. 
A  long  wrangle  between  the  two  Courts  followed. 
The  Ambassadors  were  detained  on  both  sides.  The 
Spanish  and  Dutch  ships  in  Enghsh  harbours  were 
stopped,  all  ports  were  closed,  and  active  prepara- 
tions were  made  for  war  along  the  shores  of  the 
Channel. 

''  After  fair  weather,"  wrote  Cromwell  to  Wriothes- 
ley, "  there  is  succeeded  a  weather  very  cloudy. 
Good  words,  good  countenance,  be  turned,  we  per- 
ceive, to  a  wonderful  strangeness.  But  let  that  pass. 
They  can  do  us  no  harm  but  to  their  own  detriment."  ^ 

The  situation  of  the  Ambassadors  was  by  no  means 
pleasant.  A  marked  change  was  visible  in  the  be- 
haviour of  the  Court.  They  were  "  treated  as  very 
strangers  "  by  those  nobles  who  had  been  their  best 

^  State  Papers,  Record  Oflice,  viii.  155. 


March,  1539]    STRANGE  ENTERTAINMENT      203 

friends.  No  one  called  at  their  house  or  came  to 
dine  with  them.  The  Duchess's  servants,  who  used 
to  go  to  and  fro  constantly,  now  dared  not  come 
except  at  dusk — "  in  the  owl-flight  " — and  would  not 
allow  Wriothesley  to  send  them  home  by  torchlight. 
Wherever  they  went,  the  English  heard  their  King 
slandered,  and  met  with  cold  looks  and  scornful 
words.  Worse  than  all,  they  were  forced  to  pay 
excise  duties — "  eighteen  pence  on  every  barrel  of  beer 
above  the  price  asked  by  the  brewer  " — an  indignity 
to  which  no  Ambassador  before  had  ever  been 
exposed.  "  I  write  in  haste  and  live  in  misery," 
wrote  Wriothesley  to  Cromwell  on  the  7th  of  March  .^ 
The  Emperor,  however,  was  still  friendly.  His 
heart  was  set  on  a  Crusade  against  the  Turk,  and  he 
had  no  wish  to  embark  on  war  with  England.  Pole 
met  with  a  cold  reception  at  Toledo,  and,  finding 
Charles  averse  to  executing  the  Pope's  sentence, 
retired  to  his  friend  Sadoleto's  house  at  Carpentras. 
This  was  a  relief  to  Henry,  and  he  bade  Wyatt  thank 
his  imperial  brother,  but  could  not  forbear  pointing 
out  that  these  friendly  words  agreed  ill  with  the 
doings  of  his  officers  in  the  Low  Countries.  A 
despatch  addressed  to  Wyatt  on  the  loth  of  March 
contains  a  long  recital  of  the  extraordinary  treatment 
which  his  Ambassadors  at  Brussels  had  met  with  : 

"  Since  Lent  began,  as  for  a  penance,  their  enter- 
tainment hath  been  marvellous  strange — yea,  and 
stranger  than  we  will  rehearse :  strangeness  in  having 
audience  with  long  delay,  strangeness  in  answer  and 
fashion.  Also  they  have  been  constrained  to  pay 
Excise,  which  no  Ambassador  of  England  paid  in  any 
man's  remembrance.  They  have  complamed  to  the 
Queen,  but  nevertheless  must  pay  or  lack  drink.   .   .  . 

^  State  Papers,  Record  Office,  viii.  166,  173. 


204    THE  COURTSHIP  OF  HENRY  VHI.    [Bk.  VI 

These  rumours  and  hints  of  war,  the  arrest  of  our 
ships,  this  strangeness  shown  to  our  Ministers,  this 
navy  and  army  in  readiness,  the  recall  of  Chapuys, 
ran  abroad  this  realm  and  everywhere.  We  do  not 
write  to  you  the  rumours  half  so  spiteful,  and  the 
entertainment  half  so  strange,  as  it  hath  been.  I 
think  never  such  a  thing  was  heard,  and  especially 
after  a  treaty  of  marriage  such  a  banquet  !"^ 

Henry  concluded  this  letter  by  saying  that,  since 
the  Emperor  insisted  on  the  need  of  Papal  dispensa- 
tion, there  could  be  no  further  question  of  any 
marriage  between  him  and  the  Duchess,  and  he 
would  be  now  at  liberty  to  seek  another  wife.  On 
the  same  day  he  wrote  to  Carne,  who  had  been  secretly 
corresponding  with  the  Duke  of  Cleves,  telhng  him 
to  open  negotiations  for  a  marriage  with  that  Prince's 
sister,  the  Lady  Anne.^ 

Twelve  days  after  this  despatch  was  sent  to  Spain 
Wriothesley  left  Brussels.  At  Calais  he  met  Chapuys, 
who  had  just  crossed  the  Channel,  and  Mary's 
almoner,  the  Dean  of  Cambray,  who  was  being  sent 
to  take  the  Ambassador's  place,  and  was  await- 
ing a  fair  wind  to  embark  for  Dover.  All  three 
Ambassadors  dined  in  a  friendly  manner  with  Lord 
Lisle,  the  Deputy  Governor  of  Calais,  and  continued 
their  respective  journeys  without  hindrance.  But 
the  much-discussed  marriage  treaty  was  at  an  end. 
The  long-drawn  comedy  had  reached  its  last  act. 
"  All  hope  of  the  Duchess,"  wrote  Wriothesley  to 
Cromwell,  "  is  utterly  past." 

The  rupture  was  loudty  lamented  by  the  English 
merchants  in  Antwerp,  and  keen  disappointment  was 
felt   throughout    England,   where    the   marriage   had 

1  Nott,  "  Life  of  Wyatt,'-  ii.  511. 

2  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xiv.  i,  189,  191. 


Aug.,  1539]     A  WELSHMAN'S  OPINION  205 

always  been  popular.  Among  many  scattered  notices 
of  the  feeling  which  prevailed  on  the  subject,  the 
following  incident  is  of  especial  interest,  because  of 
the  sidelight  which  it  throws  on  Christina's  personal 
reluctance  to  the  marriage. 

On  a  summer  evening  in  August,  i  539,  five  months 
after  Wriothesley  left  Brussels,  a  married  priest 
named  George  Constantyne,  of  Llan  Haw^aden  in 
South  Wales,  rode  from  Chepstow  to  Abergavenny 
with  John  Barlow,  Dean  of  Westbury.  The  priest 
had  got  into  trouble  in  Wolsey's  time,  for  buying 
copies  of  Tyndale's  New  Testament,  and  was  forced 
to  fly  the  country  and  practise  as  a  physician  for 
several  years  in  the  Netherlands.  Now  he  had  re- 
turned to  England,  and  was  on  his  way  to  his  old 
home  in  Wales.  He  walked  from  Bristol  to  Westbury, 
where  he  supped  with  Dean  Barlow,  a  brother  of  his 
friend  the  Bishop  of  St.  Davids,  who  made  him  heartily 
welcome,  and  invited  him  to  be  his  travelling  com- 
panion the  next  day  to  Pembrokeshire.  As  the 
two  ecclesiastics  rode  through  the  green  valleys  on 
the  way  to  Abergavenny,  the  Dean  asked  Constantyne 
if  he  could  tell  him  why  the  King's  marriage  had 
been  so  long  delayed.  The  priest  replied  that  he, 
for  his  part,  was  very  sorr}^  the  King  should  still  be 
without  a  wife,  when  he  might  by  this  time  have  been 
the  father  of  fair  children.  As  the  Dean  knew,  both 
the  Duchess  of  Milan  and  she  of  Cleves  were  spoken  of, 
and  now  the  little  doctor,  Nicholas  Wotton,  had  been 
sent  to  Cleves  with  Mr.  Beard,  of  the  Privy  Chamber, 
and  the  King's  painter;  so  there  was  good  hope  of  a 
marriage  being  concluded  with  the  Duke  of  Cleves, 
who  favoured  God's  word,  and  was  a  mighty  Prince 
now,  holding  Guelderland  against  the  Emperor's  will 


2o6    THE  COURTSHIP  OF  HENRY  VHI.    [Bk.  VI 

But  why,  asked  the  Dean,  was  the  marriage  with  the 
Duchess  of  Milan  broken  off  ?  Constantyne,  who 
was  famihar  with  all  the  gossip  of  the  Regent's  Court, 
replied  that  the  Duchess  quite  refused  to  marry  the 
King,  unless  he  would  accept  the  Bishop  of  Rome's 
dispensation,  and  give  pledges  that  her  hfe  would  be 
safe  and  her  honour  respected.  "Why  pledges?" 
asked  the  Dean  innocently.  "  Marry  !"  returned 
Constantyne,  "  she  sayeth  that,  since  the  King's 
Majesty  was  in  so  little  space  rid  of  three  Queens,  she 
dare  not  trust  his  Council,  even  if  she  dare  trust  His 
Majesty.  For  in  Flanders  the  nobles  suspect  that 
her  great -aunt.  Queen  Catherine,  was  poisoned, 
that  Anne  Boleyn  was  innocent  of  the  crimes  for 
which  she  was  put  to  death,  and  that  the  third  wife, 
Queen  Jane,  was  lost  for  lack  of  attention  in  child- 
bed." Such,  at  least,  were  the  mutterings  which 
he  heard  at  Court  before  Whitsuntide.  The  Dean 
remarked  that  he  was  afraid  the  affair  of  Milan  must 
be  dashed,  as  Dr.  Petre,  who  was  to  have  gone  to 
fetch  the  royal  bride  from  Calais,  was  at  the  Court  of 
St.  James's  last  Sunday ;  upon  which  Constantyne  gave 
it  as  his  opinion  that  there  could  be  no  amity  between 
the  King  and  the  Emperor,  whose  god  was  the  Pope. 
So  the  two  men  talked  as  they  rode  over  the 
Welsh  hills  on  the  pleasant  summer  evening.  But 
the  poor  priest  had  good  reason  to  regret  that  he  had 
ever  taken  this  ride;  for  his  false  friend  the  Dean 
reported  him  as  a  Sacramentary  to  the  Lord  Privy 
Seal,  and  a  few  days  after  he  reached  Llan  Hawaden 
he  was  arrested  and  thrown  into  the  Tower,  where  he 
spent  several  months  in  prison  as  a  penalty  for  his 
freedom  of  speech.^ 

xxiii.  139-141. 


BOOK  VII 

CLEVES,  ORANGE,  AND  LORRAINE 
1539— 1541 

I. 

The  negotiations  for  the  King  of  England's  marriage 
with  the  Duchess  of  Milan  were  broken  off.  But 
there  was  no  lack  of  suitors  for  Christina's  hand. 
During  the  winter  and  spring  of  1539  the  Emperor's 
niece  received  offers  of  marriage  from  three  princely 
bridegrooms.  The  first  of  these  was  Antoine,  Duke 
of  Vendome,  whose  courtship  of  the  Duchess  on  the 
journey  to  Compiegne  had  aroused  King  Henry's 
jealousy.  The  second  was  William  of  Cleves,  who 
since  the  old  Duke  Charles's  death  had  taken  posses- 
sion of  Guelders,  and  was  now  seeking  to  obtain  the 
investiture  of  the  duchy,  together  with  Christina's 
hand.  The  third  was  Francis,  the  Marquis  of  Pont- 
a-Mousson,  and  heir  of  Lorraine.  From  the  day  that 
this  Prince  first  met  the  Duchess  at  Compiegne,  he 
sought  her  for  his  bride  with  a  constancy  and  stead- 
fastness that  were  eventually  to  be  crowned  with 
success.  But  for  the  moment  the  Duke  of  Cleves 
seemed  to  have  the  best  chance  of  winning  the  coveted 
prize.  From  the  first  Mary  of  Hungary  had  regarded 
this  alliance  with  favour,  and  when,  in  January,  1539, 
she  consulted  her  Councillors  on  the  Duchess's  mar- 

207 


2o8  CLEVES,  ORANGE,  LORRAINE     [Bk.  vii 

riage,  it  was  this  union  which  met  with  their  highest 
approval. 

"  Duke  William,"  wrote  the  Queen  in  her  reply  to 
the  Emperor,  "  has  greatly  offended  Your  Majesty, 
both  as  a  private  individual  and  sovereign  lord,  by 
taking  possession  of  Guelders.  Still,  as  he  renews  his 
suit  and  professes  to  be  your  loyal  friend  and  servant, 
it  would  be  well  to  treat  with  him  and  offer  him  the 
Duchess's  hand,  on  condition  that  he  will  give  up 
Guelderland."^ 

The  alternative  proposal,  she  proceeded  to  say, 
deserved  consideration,  seeing  the  great  anxiety 
which  the  Duke  of  Lorraine's  son  showed  for  the 
marriage.  No  doubt  the  Emperor's  niece,  with  her 
large  dowry,  would  be  a  very  honourable  match  for 
him,  and  well  worth  the  surrender  of  his  rights  on 
Guelders;  but,  since  it  was  most  desirable  to  recover 
this  duchy  without  delay,  it  might  be  well  to  secure 
the  help  of  Lorraine  by  this  means. 

The  situation  was  a  difficult  one,  and  from  the 
moment  of  the  old  Duke's  death  in  June,  1538,  Mary 
had  never  ceased  to  entreat  Charles  to  come  to 
Flanders  and  take  active  measures  for  the  recovery  of 
Guelders  before  it  was  too  late.  Throughout  the 
winter  Duke  William  went  from  towm  to  town,  en- 
dearing himself  to  his  new  subjects;  and  when  the 
deputies  of  Lorraine  asserted  their  master's  superior 
claims,  he  told  them  that  he  would  never  give  up 
Guelders  to  any  mortal  man.  By  the  death  of  his 
father  on  the  6th  of  February,  1539,  he  succeeded  to 
the  rich  provinces  of  Cleves  and  Jiilich,  and  became 
the  wealthiest  and  most  powerful  Prince  in  North 
Germany.^ 

^  Papicrs  d'Etat.  82,  20,  Archives  dii  Royaumc,  Bruxelles. 
2  Lanz,  ii.  297;  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xiii.  2,  16. 


March,  1539]  ANNE  OF  CLEVES  209 

Still  Charles  put  off  his  coming,  and  told  his  sister 
that  he  was  bent  on  undertaking  a  second  Crusade 
against  the  Turks,  and  could  not  spare  the  time  for 
a  journey  to  Flanders.  This  was  too  much  for  Mary's 
equanimity,  and  she  protested  in  the  strongest  language 
against  the  Emperor's  folly  in  exposing  his  person  to 
such  risks,  declaring  that  this  Crusade  w^ould  not  only 
prove  the  utter  ruin  of  the  Netherlands,  but  of  all 
Christendom.^  Fortunately,  Mary's  remonstrances 
were  supported  by  the  Emperor's  wisest  Councillors, 
and,  in  deference  to  their  representations,  he  decided 
to  abandon  his  Crusade  for  the  present  and  come  to 
Flanders.  This  decision  w^as  confirmed  by  the  dis- 
content which  the  Duke  of  Cleves's  intrigues  helped  to 
foment  in  Ghent — ahvays  a  turbulent  city — as  well 
as  by  the  news  that  the  King  of  England  had  entered 
into  a  close  alliance  with  Cleves,  and  was  about  to 
marry  his  sister. 

Cromwell,  with  his  habitual  duplicity,  had  been  in 
correspondence  with  the  German  Princes  while  he 
professed  to  be  zealous  for  the  Emperor's  alliance; 
and  in  March  Christopher  Mont,  his  Envoy  to  Frank- 
fort, was  desired  to  make  diligent  inquiries  as  to  the 
shape,  stature,  and  complexion,  of  the  Duke  of  Cleves's 
sister  Anne.  If  these  were  satisfactory,  he  was  to 
suggest  that  proposals  of  marriage  should  be  made 
by  that  Prince  and  his  brother-in-law,  the  Elector 
John  Frederick  of  Saxony.  Mont  sent  glowing  de- 
scriptions of  the  lady's  beauty,  and  w^as  bold  enough 
to  declare  that  she  excelled  the  Duchess  of  Milan  as 
much    as    the   golden   sun   excels    the   silver   moon.^ 

1  Lanz,  ii.  289,  683. 

2  State  Papers.  Record  Office,  Henry  VIII.,  i.  605;  Calendar 
of  State  Papers,  xiv.  i,  192. 


2IO  CLEVES,  ORANGE,  LORRAINE     [Bk.  vil 

Henry  was  now  all  on  fire  to  see  the  Lady  Anne, 
although  he  had  not  yet  lost  all  interest  in  Christina, 
whose  name  still  figures  constantly  in  letters  from 
Brussels.  On  the  6th  of  April  we  hear  that  the 
Duchess  of  Milan  is  sick  of  fever,  and  ten  days  later 
Cromwell  writes  to  the  King  that  Her  Grace  is  no 
longer  sick,  and  that  "  at  Antwerp  the  people  still 
cherish  a  hope  that  Your  Highness  will  yet  marry 
her."^  If  he  could  not  make  her  his  wife,  the  King 
was  determined  to  prevent  another  suitor  from  suc- 
ceeding where  he  had  failed,  and  renewed  his  offer  of 
his  daughter  Mary  with  a  large  dowry  to  the  Duke  of 
Cleves.  William,  however,  showed  no  alacrity  to  avail 
himself  of  this  offer,  and  sent  Envoys  both  to  Brussels 
and  Toledo  to  press  his  suit  for  Christina's  hand. 

The  sudden  death  of  the  Empress  at  Toledo  on  the 
ist  of  May  altered  all  Charles's  plans.  A  few  weeks 
before  this  Isabella  had  given  birth  to  a  son,  who 
only  lived  a  few  hours,  and  Charles  had  written  to 
inform  his  sister  of  the  infant's  death.  On  the  2nd  of 
May  he  wrote  a  few  touching  lines  with  his  own  hand 
to  tell  Mary  the  grievous  news.  The  doctors  had 
pronounced  her  to  be  out  of  danger,  but  catarrh 
attacked  the  lungs,  and  proved  fatal  in  a  few  hours. 

"  I  am  overwhelmed  with  sorrow  and  distress,  and 
nothing  can  comfort  me  but  the  thought  of  her  good 
and  holy  life  and  the  devout  end  which  she  made. 
I  leave  you  to  tell  my  subjects  over  yonder,  of  this 
pitiful  event,  and  ask  them  to  pray  for  her  soul.  I 
will  do  my  best  to  bow  to  the  will  of  God,  whom  I 
implore  to  receive  her  in  His  blessed  paradise,  where 
I  feel  certain  that  she  is.  And  may  God  keep  you, 
my  dear  sister,  and  grant  you  all  your  desires. "^ 

1  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xiv.  i,  348,  374. 

2  See  Appendix ;  Papiers  d'Etat,  82,  26,  Archives  du  Royaume, 
BruxeUes. 


May,  1539]     THE  PALATINE'S  TRAVELS  211 

When  this  sad  event  took  place,  Christina's  sister 
Dorothea  and  her  husband,  Count  Frederic,  were 
staying  at  the  Imperial  Court.  These  adventurous 
travellers  had  come  to  Spain  in  the  vain  hope  of  induc- 
ing the  Emperor  to  support  their  claims  on  Denmark, 
and,  after  crossing  the  Pyrenees  in  rain  and  snow,  had 
at  length  reached  Toledo,  where  they  were  hospitably 
entertained.  The  Empress  treated  Dorothea  wdth 
great  affection,  but  Frederic's  German  servants,  w^ho 
consumed  five  meals  a  day  and  ate  meat  on  Ash 
Wednesday,  shocked  the  Spanish  courtiers,  and  drew 
down  the  censures  of  the  Inquisition  upon  them. 
Even  the  Emperor  asked  his  cousin  why  he  brought 
so  numerous  a  suite  on  his  travels;  but,  although  he 
would  make  no  promises  of  further  help,  he  good- 
naturedly  paid  Frederic's  expenses  at  Toledo,  and 
gave  him  a  present  of  7,000  crowns.  The  death  of 
the  Empress,  Dorothea's  best  friend,  put  an  end  to  all 
hope  of  further  assistance.  The  Emperor  shut  him- 
self up  in  a  Carthusian  convent,  and  the  Palatine  and 
his  wife  started  for  the  Low  Countries.^  On  their 
way  through  France  they  were  royally  entertained 
by  the  King  and  Queen  in  the  splendid  Palais  des 
Tournelles,  and  Francis  took  so  great  a  fancy  to  his 
wife's  niece  that  Eleanor  felt  it  wise  to  keep  Dorothea 
continually  at  her  side.  Here  they  were  detained  some 
time  by  Frederic's  illness,  and  after  his  recovery  spent 
several  days  at  Chantilly  with  the  Constable,  and  at 
the  King's  fine  new  villa  of  Cotterets,  on  their  way  to 
the  Netherlands  .2 

Here  the  travellers  were  eagerly  awaited  by  Chris- 

1  Hubert  Thomas,  376-390;  Cust,  "  Gentlemen  Errant,"  377- 

379- 

~  "  Zimmerische  Chronik,"  ii.  547. 


212  CLEVES,  ORANGE,  LORRAINE    [Bk.  vil 

tina  and  her  aunt.  After  the  funeral  services  for 
the  repose  of  the  Empress's  soul  had  been  duly  cele- 
brated, and  the  last  requiem  sung  in  S.  Gudule,  the 
Queen  set  out  on  a  progress  through  Holland  and 
Friesland,  and  spent  some  time  at  Bois-le-Duc,  on  the 
frontiers  of  Guelders,  trying  to  arrange  matters  with 
the  Duke  of  Cleves.  But,  although  friendly  letters 
and  messages  were  exchanged,  nothing  could  be 
settled  until  the  Emperor's  arrival,  which  was  now 
delayed  till  the  autumn,  and  the  Court  moved  to  the 
Hague  for  August.  Here  the  Queen  received  news 
that  the  Count  Palatine  and  his  wife  had  reached 
Dordrecht  and  were  coming  by  sea  to  Holland. 
Christina  at  once  travelled  to  Rotterdam,  intending 
to  go  by  boat  to  meet  the  travellers.  But  the 
weather  was  rough  and  stormy,  and  the  sailors  were 
reluctant  to  set  out.  The  Duchess,  however,  would 
hear  of  no  delay,  and,  embarking  in  a  small  boat, 
bade  the  sailors  put  out  to  sea.  Hardly  had  they  left 
the  shore  before  a  terrific  gale  sprang  up,  and  from 
the  deck  of  their  ship  the  Palatine  and  his  wife  saw 
a  barque  tossed  on  the  raging  seas,  sending  up  signals 
of  distress.  Altering  their  course,  they  hastened  to 
the  rescue,  and  found,  to  their  great  surprise,  that 
the  Duchess  of  Milan  was  on  board.  Count  Frederic 
scolded  his  sister-in-law  soundly  for  her  rashness,  but 
Dorothea  was  enchanted  to  see  Christina,  and  laughed 
and  cried  b}^  turn  as  she  embraced  her.^  The  Queen 
awaited  the  travellers  no  less  eagerly,  in  her  anxiety 
to  hear  the  latest  news  from  Spain,  and  agreed  readily 
to  Frederic's  proposal  that  his  wife  should  remain  at 
the  Hague  while  he  returned  to  Germany.  Early  in 
September  the  Palatine  took  leave  of  his  relatives  and 
1  H.  Thomas,  396. 


Sept.,  1539]  A  MOCK  FIGHT  213 

went  to  Antwerp,  saying  that  he  must  raise  money  for 
his  journey  to  Heidelberg.  But  he  kept  his  true  desti- 
nation a  secret.  During  his  illness  in  Paris,  Bishop 
Bonner  had  brought  Frederic  a  letter  from  Cromwell, 
begging  him  to  come  to  England,  since  he  was  only 
divided  from  this  country  by  a  narrow  arm  of  the 
sea,  and  His  Majesty  was  very  anxious  to  see  him 
again.  All  immediate  alarm  of  war  had  died  away, 
and  the  irascible  monarch's  anger  was  allayed  by  the 
arrival  of  a  new  French  Ambassador  in  the  person  of 
Marillac,  and  by  the  permission  which  Mary  gave  him 
to  buy  ammunition  in  the  Low  Countries.  In  return, 
he  ordered  an  imposing  requiem  to  be  held  in  St. 
Paul's  for  the  late  Empress,  and  desired  Cromwell 
and  the  Dukes  of  Norfolk  and  Suffolk,  with  twenty 
Bishops,  to  attend  the  service.^  He  resumed  his  old 
habit  of  spending  the  summer  evenings  on  the  river, 
enjoying  the  music  of  flutes  and  harps,  and  sent  to 
France  and  Italy  for  excellent  painters  and  musicians 
— a  sure  sign,  Marillac  was  told,  that  he  was  about 
to  marry  again.  Another  fete,  at  which  the  Ambas- 
sador declined  to  be  present,  was  a  mock-fight  on  the 
Thames  between  two  galleys,  one  of  which  bore  the 
King's  arms,  while  the  other  was  decorated  with  an 
effigy  of  the  Pope  with  the  triple  tiara  and  keys, 
attended  by  the  Cardinals.  The  show  ended  in  the 
triumph  of  the  Enghsh  sailors,  who  threw  the  Pope 
and  Cardinals  into  the  river — "  the  whole  thing," 
according  to  Marillac,  ''  being  as  badly  represented 
as  it  was  poorly  conceived."^ 

Now  the  King  was  anxious  to  hear  the  Emperor's 
intention  from  the  Palatine's  own  Hps,  while  Frederic 
on  his  part  was  flattered  by  this  powerful  monarch's 
*  Kaulek,  104.  2  75/^.^  105. 

15 


214  CLEVES,  ORANGE,  LORRAINE     [Bk.vii 

invitation,  and  felt  that  his  assistance  might  prove 
of  use  in  his  visionary  schemes  for  the  recovery  of 
Denmark.  But,  knowing  that  of  late  relations  be- 
tween Henry  and  the  Queen  had  been  strained,  he 
kept  his  counsel,  and  told  no  one  but  his  wife  that  he 
was  bound  for  Calais. 

Here  he  was  courteously  entertained  by  Lord  Lisle, 
an  illegitimate  son  of  Edward  IV.,  and  escorted  by 
him  to  Canterbury  and  London.  Frederic  was  lost 
in  admiration  at  the  rows  of  stately  palaces  along  the 
Thames,  and  the  fine  Castle  of  Richmond,  but  was 
disappointed,  when  he  visited  Westminster  Abbey, 
not  to  see  the  famous  antlers  of  the  stag  which  King 
Dagobert  caught,  and  which  wore  a  golden  collar 
inscribed  with  the  words,  "  Julius  Caesar  let  me  go 
free."  Afterwards  he  learnt  that  these  legendary 
trophies  had  lately  been  removed  by  the  King's 
orders,  for  fear  the  monks,  whom  he  was  about  to 
expel,  might  conceal  them. 

In  the  absence  of  the  King  at  Ampthill,  Cromwell, 
who  had  been  told  to  "  grope  out  the  reason  of 
Frederic's  coming,  entertained  the  Count  splendidly 
at  his  own  house,  and  showed  him  the  Tower  of 
London  and  the  Temple  Church.  But  the  Deputy's 
wife.  Lady  Lisle,  who  looked  on  Cromwell  with  deep 
distrust,  begged  her  husband  to  beware  of  the  Lord 
Privy  Seal's  fair  words,  and  was  none  too  well  pleased 
to  hear  that  he  had  partaken  of  the  partridge  pasty 
and  baked  cranes  which  she  had  sent  from  Calais, 
together  with  her  own  toothpick  for  the  Palsgrave's 
use,  having  noticed  that  her  noble  guest  "  used  a  quill 
to  pick  his  teeth  with."^ 

Meanwhile   the   Palatine's   visit    to    England   was 

^  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xiv.  2,  61 ;  H.  Thomas,  393-398. 


Sept.,  1539]   THE  PALATINE  AT  WINDSOR       215 

exciting  much  curiosity,  and  not  a  little  alarm,  in  some 
quarters.  The  Pope  and  the  French  King  feared  it 
might  lead  to  a  secret  covenant  between  Henry  and 
Charles,  while  in  London  it  was  commonly  reported 
that  Frederic  came  to  renew  negotiations  for  his  union 
with  the  Duchess  of  Milan,  and  the  Duke  of  Cleves 
hastily  sent  Ambassadors  to  conclude  his  sister's 
marriage.  These  Envoys  reached  Windsor  on  the 
same  day  as  the  Count  Palatine,  whom  Henry  invited 
to  a  banquet  there  on  the  24th  of  September.  When 
he  bade  the  Lord  High  Admiral  escort  the  Pals- 
grave to  Windsor,  Southampton,  eager  to  curry 
favour  with  the  King,  expressed  his  opinion  that  the 
Cleves  alliance  was  preferable  to  a  marriage  with  a 
French  Princess  or  one  of  the  Emperor's  family, 
"  albeit  the  Duchess  of  Milan  was  a  fair  woman  and 
well  spoken  of,"  and  told  the  King  of  the  resentment 
which  his  union  with  the  Lady  Anne  had  aroused  at 
the  Court  of  Brussels.  Henry  remained  plunged  in 
thought  for  some  moments;  then  a  smile  broke  over 
his  face,  and  he  exclaimed:  "  Have  they  remembered 
themselves  now  ?  They  that  would  not  when  they 
might,  when  they  would  they  shall  have  nay  !"^ 

Nothing  was  lacking,  however,  to  the  splendour  of 
the  Palatine's  reception  at  Windsor.  The  Duke  of 
Suffolk  rode  out  to  meet  him  beyond  Eton  Bridge 
with  100  horsemen  clad  in  velvet,  and  the  banquet 
was  served  on  golden  dishes  in  a  hall  carpeted  with 
cloth  of  gold,  to  the  strains  of  dehcious  music  from 
the  King's  famous  band.  The  Cleves  Envoys  were 
at  table,  but  after  dinner  the  King  took  the  Count 
apart,  and  conversed  with  him  for  over  two  hours  on 

^  State  Papers,  Record  Office,  Henry  VIII.,  i.  6i6;  Calendar 
of  State  Papers,  xiv.  2,  54. 


2i6  CLEVES,  ORANGE,  LORRAINE     [Bk.vii 

his  travels.  Frederic  took  this  opportunity  of  begging 
the  King  to  help  him  in  driving  out  the  usurper  of 
Denmark,  and  releasing  his  unhappy  father-in-law, 
Christian  11.^  Henry  listened  kindly,  and  promised 
to  consider  the  matter,  but  no  mention  was  made  of 
Christina.  The  next  day  a  great  hunting-party  was 
given  in  the  Palsgrave's  honour.  A  pavilion  of  green 
laurel  boughs  was  set  up  in  a  meadow  on  the  banks 
of  the  river,  and  while  the  King  and  his  guests  were 
at  dinner  the  merry  note  of  hunting-horns  rang 
through  the  air,  and  a  stag  bounded  across  the  turf, 
followed  by  the  hounds  at  full  cry.  Immediately  the 
whole  party  sprang  to  horse  and  joined  in  the  chase, 
which  lasted  for  three  hours,  and  ended  in  the 
slaughter  of  thirty  -  four  stags.  From  Windsor 
Frederic  went  to  Hampton  Court,  and  on  the  3rd  of 
October  finally  took  leave  of  the  King,  who  gave  him 
2,000  crowns  as  a  parting  gift.  Hubert  also  received 
a  silver  cup  from  the  Lord  Privy  Seal,  who  begged 
him  and  his  lord  to  return  at  Christmas,  and  surprised 
him  by  asking  if  the  Palsgrave  had  any  castle  to  let 
or  sell,  as  it  might  be  convenient  for  him  to  secure  a 
retreat  abroad.  The  Minister  evidently  realized  the 
precarious  nature  of  his  position,  and  Hubert  remem- 
bered his  request  when  he  heard  of  the  doom  which 
soon  afterwards  overtook  the  King's  favourite .^ 

In  his  last  interview  Henry  told  the  Count  that  he 
feared  it  would  be  impossible  for  him  to  join  in  any 
enterprise  against  Denmark,  as  his  new  allies  the 
German  Princes  were  in  league  with  the  present  King. 
At  the  same  time  he  informed  his  good  cousin  of  his 
intended  marriage  to  the  Lady  Anne  of  Cleves,  a 

1  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xiv.  2,  66,  69,  94,  368. 

2  H.  Thomas,  399-401;  Kaulek,  136. 


Oct.,  1539]  THE  LADY  ANNE  217 

Princess  of  suitable  age  and  elegant  stature,  and 
begged  him  to  obtain  a  safe-conduct  from  the  Regent 
for  his  bride's  passage  through  the  Low  Countries.^ 
The  next  day  Frederic  crossed  the  Channel  and  joined 
his  wife  at  Brussels.  Here,  as  Dorothea  had  already 
told  him,  he  found  the  Queen  much  displeased  at  the 
trick  which  he  had  played  her,  and  Hubert  came  in 
for  his  ^hare  of  blame.  They  soon  left  Brabant  for 
Heidelberg,  and  the  Palatine  sent  Lady  Lisle — or,  as 
he  called  her,  "  Madame  ma  bonne  mere  " — a  barrel 
of  fine  red  and  white  Rhine  wine  in  remembrance  "of 
her  loving  son."^ 

IL 

King  Henry's  marriage  to  Anne  of  Cleves,  as 
Southampton  told  his  master,  was  exceedingly  un- 
popular in  the  Netherlands.  The  alliance  of  so 
powerful  a  monarch  with  Duke  William  was  fraught 
with  danger,  and  the  people  bitterly  resented  the 
insult  which,  in  their  eyes,  had  been  offered  to  the 
Duchess  of  Milan.  The  merchants  of  Antwerp  said 
openly  that,  if  King  Henry  chose  to  break  faith  with 
their  Princess,  he  should  not  enjo}^  the  compan}^  of 
another  wife,  and  declared  they  would  not  allow  the 
Lady  Anne  to  pass  through  their  city.  The  Cleves 
Envoys  in  England  were  so  much  alarmed  by  these 
reports  that  they  travelled  back  to  Diiren  in  disguise, 
and  advised  the  bride  to  take  the  sea-route  from 
Germany.  But  Mary  of  Hungary  was  too  wise  to 
show  her  annoyance,  and  sent  a  gracious  message  to 
Henry,  saying  that  she  would  send  Count  Buren 
to  wait  on  the  Lady  Anne,  on  her  journey  through  the 

^  Kaulek,  135. 

2  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xiv.  2,  215;  H.  Thomas,  401. 


21 8  CLEVES,  ORANGE,  LORRAINE     [Bk.  vil 

Emperor's  dominions.  The  King  wrote  back  in  high 
glee  to  thank  "  his  dearest  sister,"  and  on  the  27th  of 
December  his  new  bride  landed  safely  at  Dover .^ 
The  loyal  citizens  of  Flanders  consoled  themselves  with 
the  thought  that,  if  their  Duchess  was  not  to  be  Queen 
of  England,  they  would  keep  her  among  them,  and 
the  old  rumour  was  persistently  repeated:  *'  She  shall 
marry  the  Prince  of  Orange."  All  through  the  past 
year  Rene  had  devoted  himself  to  Christina's  service, 
had  worn  her  favours  and  broken  lances  in  her  honour. 
Her  Italian  servants  called  him  openly  the  Duchess's 
cavalier e  sirvente.^  But  it  was  plain  to  Italians  and 
Flemings  alike  that  the  affection  was  not  at  all  on 
one  side,  and  that  this  gallant  Prince  had  won  Chris- 
tina's heart.  Old  courtiers  smiled  kindly  on  the 
young  couple,  and  ladies  drew  aside  discreetly  to 
leave  them  together.  They  were  eminently  fitted 
for  each  other  by  age,  race  and  character.  If  the 
succession  to  the  principality  of  Orange,  which  had 
been  lately  restored  by  the  French  King,  hardly  en- 
titled Rene  to  a  place  among  the  reigning  Princes  of 
Europe,  at  least  he  could  offer  her  splendid  homes 
at  Brussels  and  Breda,  and  a  position  which  many 
ladies  of  royal  birth  might  envy.  The  Countess 
Palatine  Dorothea  privately  encouraged  the  Prince, 
and  her  husband  warmly  approved  of  the  match,  and 
said  openly  that,  since  his  sister-in-law  could  not  be 
King  Henry's  wife,  she  had  better  marry  the  man  of 
her  choice,  and  not  waste  the  best  years  of  her  life, 
as  he  himself  had  done.^ 

1  Calendar   of   State    Papers,    xiv.    2,    127,    232;    Calendar   of 
Spanish  State  Papers,  vi.  i,  200;  Kaulek,  138,  139. 

2  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xiv.  2,  127;  Nott,  ii.  399. 

3  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xvi.  61;  Henne,  vi.  301-396. 


Sept.,  1539]    THE  REVOLT  OF  GHENT  219 

Queen  Mary  was,  clearly,  not  averse  to  the  Prince's 
suit,  and  had  a  strong  liking  for  Rene ;  but  reasons  of 
State  prevented  her  from  giving  the  union  her  public 
sanction,  and  all  parties  were  agreed  that  nothing 
could  be  arranged  until  the  Emperor's  arrival.  The 
date  of  his  journey  was  now  definitely  fixed,  and 
in  November  Mary  told  the  English  Ambassador 
Vaughan  that  her  brother  would  be  at  Brussels  by 
the  New  Year.  Charles  at  length  realized  the  critical 
situation  of  affairs,  and  saw  that  if  he  wished  to  keep 
his  provinces  de  par-deca  he  must  no  longer  delay  his 
coming.^  In  September,  1539,  the  citizens  of  Ghent, 
who  had  long  been  discontented,  broke  into  open 
revolt.  After  refusing  to  pay  their  share  of  the 
subsidy  voted  by  the  States,  the  leading  citizens 
put  to  death  their  chief  magistrate,  Lieven  P}^, 
because  he  declined  to  bear  their  insolent  message  to 
the  Regent,  and  proceeded  to  tear  up  the  famous 
"  Calf-vel,"  a  parchment  deed  containing  an  agree- 
ment which  they  had  made  with  Charles  V.  twenty- 
four  years  before.  Worse  than  all,  they  sent  deputies 
to  King  Francis,  asking  him  to  defend  their  liberties 
against  the  Emperor.  At  the  first  tidings  of  these 
disorders  Mar}^  hastened  to  Malines  and  took  energetic 
measures  to  suppress  the  insurrection,  which  had 
already  spread  to  several  of  the  neighbouring  towns  .^ 
For  some  weeks  the  alarm  was  great,  and  watchers 
were  posted  on  the  tower  of  S.  Rombaut  night  and 
day;  but  the  Queen's  presence  of  mind,  and  the 
support  of  her  able  lieutenants,  Aerschot  and  De 
Courrieres,  who  was  now  Bailiff  of  x^lost,  succeeded 
in  confining  the  mutiny  to  the  walls  of  Ghent.      A 

1  State  Papers,  Record  Office,  viii.  205. 

2  Bulletin  de  la  Commission  d'Histoire,  serie  ii.,  3,  490« 


220  CLEVES,  ORANGE,  LORRAINE    [Bk.  vil 

simultaneous  rising  at  Maestricht  was  put  down  by 
the  Prince  of  Orange,  who  raised  300  horse  and 
hastened  to  restore  order  in  that  city.  But  the 
citizens  of  Ghent  still  openly  defied  the  Regent, 
although  Francis,  to  do  him  credit,  refused  to  help 
the  rebels.  More  than  this,  he  addressed  a  letter 
with  his  own  royal  hand  to  Charles,  saying  that,  if  the 
Emperor  was  coming  to  chastise  his  revolted  subjects, 
he  hoped  that  he  would  do  him  the  honour  of  passing 
through  France,  assuring  him,  on  the  faith  of  a 
Prince,  that  every  possible  honour  and  hospitality 
would  be  shown  him.^ 

So  critical  was  the  situation,  both  with  regard  to 
Ghent  and  Guelders,  that  Charles  decided  to  accept 
the  offer  and  take  the  shortest  route  to  Flanders. 

"  My  good  brother  the  Emperor,"  wrote  Francis 
to  his  Ambassador  in  England,  "  is  coming  to  visit 
me  on  his  way  to  the  Low  Countries,  a  thing  which 
not  only  does  me  the  greatest  honour,  content,  and 
pleasure,  but  is  a  proof  of  the  good  and  perfect  friend- 
ship between  us." 

He  expressed  the  same  feelings  in  still  stronger 
terms  to  Wyatt,  whom  Cromwell  sent  to  Blois  in 
December  to  be  present  at  the  meeting  of  the  two 
monarchs. 

"  The  Emperor,"  he  added, ''  is  doing  me  the  great- 
est honour  that  can  be,  by  coming  to  visit  me,  and 
showing  thereby  that  he  taketh  me  for  an  honest 
man. "2 

On  the  23rd  of  November  Charles  left  Burgos,  and 
four  days  later  he  entered  Bayonne,  attended  by  the 

1  Granvelle,  "  Papiers  d'Etat,"  ii.  540 ;  Calendar  of  State  Papers, 
xiv.  I,  437,  2,  193;  Gachard,  "Relation  des  Troubles  de  Gand," 
258. 

2  Kaulek,  142;  Nott,  ii.  353. 


Nov.,  1539]     A  SPLENDID  RECEPTION  221 

Dauphin  and  the  Constable  Montmorency,  whom 
the  King  had  sent  to  meet  him  on  the  frontier.  He 
had  begged  Francis  to  dispense  with  ceremonies,  as 
his  great  object  was  to  reach  Flanders  as  quickly  as 
possible,  and  to  excuse  him  from  entering  on  political 
matters,  since  he  could  not  decide  anything  of  im- 
portance until  he  had  seen  the  Queen-Regent.^  But, 
in  spite  of  this  request,  he  was  everywhere  received 
with  the  utmost  pomp  and  festivity.  Triumphal 
arches  were  erected  at  the  city  gates,  and  the  prison 
doors  were  thrown  open  at  his  entrance.  Bordeaux 
presented  him  with  300  barrels  of  wine,  Poitiers  gave 
him  a  golden  eagle,  Orleans  a  dinner-service  of  richly 
chased  plate.  The  meeting  of  the  two  monarchs 
took  place  at  Loches  on  the  loth  of  December. 
Charles,  clad  in  deep  mourning,  walked  under  a 
canopy  of  cloth  of  gold,  adorned  with  the  imperial 
eagles,  across  ^he  picturesque  court  to  the  gates  of  the 
castle,  where  King  Francis  met  him,  surrounded  by  a 
brilliant  company.  Three  times  over  he  embraced 
his  guest,  and  led  him  to  the  hall,  where  Eleanor,  in 
robes  of  purple  satin  glittering  with  pearls,  welcomed 
her  brother  with  transports  of  joy.  Banquets  and 
hunting-parties  now  followed  each  other,  as  the  Court 
journeyed  by  slow  stages  along  the  banks  of  the  Loire, 
from  one  fair  chateau  to  another.  At  Amboise  a  heap 
of  tow  caught  fire  as  Charles  rode  up  the  famous  spiral 
staircase  in  the  dusk,  and  he  narrowly  escaped  being 
suffocated.  But,  mercifully,  no  one  was  injured,  and 
Francis  escorted  his  imperial  brother  by  way  of  Blois 
and  Orleans  to  Fontainebleau,  where  Christmas  was 
spent  and  the  Emperor  was  allowed  to  enjoy  a  week's 
rest.     On  New  Year's  Day  the  Emperor  entered  Paris, 

^  Gachard,  252. 


222  CLEVES,  ORANGE,  LORRAINE    [Bk.vii 

where  the  ParHament  and  University  received  him 
"  as  if  he  were  a  god  from  heaven,"  and  the  following 
motto  was  inscribed  on  the  gates  in  golden  letters : 

"  Oiivre,  Paris,  ouvre  tes  hautes  portes, 
Entrer  y  vcut  le  plus  grand  des  Chretiens."^ 

Queen  Eleanor,  who  scarcely  left  her  brother's 
side,  took  him  to  see  the  Sainte  Chapelle  which  St. 
Louis  had  built  to  receive  the  Crown  of  Thorns,  and 
escorted  him  to  the  Louvre,  where  sumptuous  rooms 
had  been  prepared  for  his  reception.  On  Sunday 
a  grand  tournament  was  held  on  the  Place  des  Tour- 
nelles,  in  front  of  the  palace  which  then  occupied  the 
Place  des  Vosges,  and  the  Duke  of  Vendome  and 
the  Count  of  Aumale  opened  the  joust,  while  it  was 
closed  by  Francis  of  Lorraine,  the  Marquis  of  Pont- 
a-Mousson.  Charles  left  Paris  on  the  7th  of  January, 
and  was  presented  by  the  city  with  a  silver  model 
of  the  Column  of  Hercules,  seven  feet  high,  bearing 
his  motto.  Plus  oultre.^  The  King  took  his  guest  to 
dine  at  his  new  pleasure-house,  the  Chateau  de 
Madrid,  accompanied  him  to  St.  Denis,  where  he 
visited  the  Tomb  of  the  Kings,  and  went  on  to  the 
Constable's  house  at  Chantilly.  Finally,  on  the  20th, 
the  Emperor  took  his  leave  of  the  King  and  Queen 
at  St.  Quentin,  and  with  tears  in  his  eyes  thanked 
his  host  for  this  truly  brotherly  reception.^ 

In  spite  of  the  sinister  warnings  which  Charles  had 
received  before  he  set  out  on  his  journey,  in 
spite  of  Mary  of  Hungary's  fears  and  of  Madame 
d'Etampes's   thinly-veiled   hostility,  the  experiment 

*  Gacliard,  49. 

2  Hennc,  vii.  4;  A.  dc  Ruble,  "  Le  Mariage  de  Jeanne  d'Albret." 
46;  R.  dc  Bouillc,  "  Histoire  des  Duos  de  Guise,"  i.  123. 

3  Gachard,  305. 


Jan.,  1540]    THE  CALENDAR  OF  FOOLS  223 

had  proved  a  brilliant  success.  Spanish  and  French 
poets  celebrated  the  triumph  of  Peace  over  War, 
and  the  return  of  the  golden  age.  And  Charles  him- 
self laughed  heartily  when  the  King's  jester,  Triboulet, 
told  him  that  he  had  inscribed  His  Imperial  Majesty's 
name  on  his  Calendar  of  Fools,  because  he  had  been 
so  rash  as  to  venture  into  his  enemy's  country,  but 
now  that  he  had  reached  the  end  of  his  journey  with- 
out mishap,  he  should  rub  out  Charles's  name,  and 
write  that  of  Francis  in  its  place. ^ 

The  French  King  went  home  in  high  delight,  and 
wrote  to  Marillac  saying  that  now  all  his  differences 
with  the  Emperor  would  be  easily  arranged.  During 
those  five  weeks  the  King  had  respected  his  guest's 
wishes  and  avoided  pohtics,  but  the  Constable,  who 
enjoyed  the  Emperor's  confidence  in  a  high  degree, 
had  made  good  use  of  this  opportunity,  and  flattered 
himself  that  he  had  been  entirely  successful.  He 
was  above  all  anxious  to  effect  a  marriage  between 
the  widowed  Emperor  and  the  King's  daughter,  and 
told  Granvelle  that  Madame  Marguerite  was  a 
rose  among  thorns,  an  angel  among  devils,  and  that, 
if  His  Imperial  Majesty  thought  of  making  a  second 
marriage,  he  could  not  do  better.  But  Charles  was 
firmly  resolved  never  to  take  another  wife,  and, 
when  the  Constable  pressed  the  point  after  he  had 
left  France,  wrote  that  he  must  beg  the  King  to  give 
up  all  idea  of  such  a  union,  as  he  did  not  intend  to 
marry  again,  and  was  too  old  for  Madame  Mar- 
guerite .^ 

In  spite  of  the  splendour  and  cordiality  of  his 
reception,  Charles  was  sad  and  tired,  and  longed  more 

^  M.  du  Bellay,  iv.  413. 

2  Granvelle,  "Papiers  d'Etat,"  ii.  562;  Kaulck,  133. 


224  CLEVES,  ORANGE,  LORRAINE    [Bk.vii 

than  all  else  to  find  himself  among  his  kindred  and 
people.  It  was  with  heartfelt  rehef  that  he  reached 
Cambray,  and  found  the  Prince  of  Orange,  the  Duke 
of  Aerschot,  and  his  faithful  De  Courrieres,  with  the 
i\rchers'  Guard,  awaiting  him.  The  next  day  he 
went  on  to  Valenciennes,  where  his  loyal  subjects 
welcomed  his  return  with  passionate  joy.  Triumphal 
arches  adorned  the  streets,  and  the  houses  were 
hung  with  tapestries.  Now  it  was  his  turn  to  act  as 
host,  and  do  honour  to  the  Dauphin  and  Duke  of 
Orleans,  who,  with  Vendome,  the  Constable,  and 
Aumale,  the  Duke  of  Guise's  eldest  son,  had  insisted 
on  escorting  him  across  the  frontier.^  The  keys  of 
the  city  were  presented  to  the  Dauphin  at  the  Cam- 
bray  gate,  torches  blazed  all  along  the  streets,  and 
the  bells  rang  merry  peals  as  Charles  led  the  way  to 
the  ancient  hotel-de-ville,  known  as  La  Salle,  where 
the  Queen  of  Hungary  and  the  Duchess  of  Milan 
received  him  with  open  arms.  The  next  two  days 
were  given  up  to  mirth  and  festivity.  Charles  showed 
the  French  Princes  the  sights  of  the  town,  while  the 
Constable  was  invited  to  dine  alone  with  the  Queen 
and  her  niece,  and  sat  down  to  table  between  the 
two  royal  ladies.  A  splendid  banquet  was  followed 
by  a  ball,  which  lasted  far  on  into  the  morning. 
All  the  ladies  appeared  in  magnificent  costumes — 
French,  ItaHan,  Flemish,  or  Spanish,  as  they  chose — 
and  wore  the  richest  jewels.  The  Emperor  moved 
through  the  vast  hall,  bhthe  and  debonair  beyond  his 
wont,  jesting  with  his  old  friends  and  rejoicing  to  be 
once  more  in  his  native  land.  Mary  and  Christina, 
both  of  whom,  remarks  the  chronicler,  although 
widows,  were  still  young  and  beautiful,  danced  with 
1  Gachard,  531. 


1539-41]  A  COURTLY  FAREWELL  225 

the  French  Princes  all  the  evening,  and  were  in  high 
spirits.^  There  was  much  gay  talk,  and  the  Pope's 
Legate,  the  young  Cardinal  Farnese,  amused  the 
guests  with  stories  of  the  latest  gossip  from  the  Court 
of  England,  which  Queen  Eleanor  had  heard  from 
Marillac.  According  to  him,  the  new  Queen,  Anne  of 
Cleves,  was  too  old  and  ugty  for  King  Henry's  taste, 
while  her  dresses  and  those  of  her  German  "  Fraus  " 
were  so  monstrous  that  the  King  would  not  allow  them 
to  appear  at  Court,  and  told  his  wife  to  adopt  French 
fashions  .2 

The  next  morning  the  French  Princes  appeared 
eartyto  bid  the  Queen  farewell,  and  were  very  gracious 
in  their  manner  of  leave  -  taking.  The  Dauphin 
received  a  superb  diamond  jewel  in  the  shape  of  a 
griffin,  and  a  very  fine  emerald  was  bestowed  on 
the  Constable.  There  was  some  talk  of  a  marriage 
between  the  Duke  of  Orleans  and  a  daughter  of 
King  Ferdinand,  while  the  King  of  Navarre  and  his 
wife,  Margaret  of  Angouleme,  were  eager  for  a  match 
between  their  only  daughter,  Jeanne,  and  the  Prince 
of  Spain.  Vendome  probably  realized  that  he  had 
little  chance  of  winning  the  Duchess  of  Milan,  but  he 
shrugged  his  shoulders  and  went  his  way  gaily, 
saying  he  would  wed  the  Pope's  granddaughter, 
Vittoria  Farnese,  the  sister  of  the  boy  Cardinal. 
And  they  all  rode  off  in  high  spirits  to  join  the  King 
at  La  Fere  and  show  him  the  Emperor's  costly  gifts. 
They  met  him  on  his  way  back  from  hunting,  riding 
at  the  side  of  the  Queen's  litter,  clad  in  a  scarlet 
cloak,  which  made  the  English  Ambassador  remark 
how    much    better    Eleanor    was    treated    since    her 

^  Gachard,  664-666. 

2  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xv.  65. 


226  CLEVES,  ORANGE,  LORRAINE     [Bk.  VII 

brother's  visit.  And  the  whole  Court,  in  Bishop 
Bonner's  words,  *'  made  much  demonstration  of 
gladness,  thinking  they  have  God  by  the  foot."^ 


III. 

Among  all  his  political  anxieties  and  preoccupa- 
tions, the  Emperor  had  not  forgotten  his  niece. 
Before  he  left  Spain  on  this  perilous  journey  through 
his  old  enemy's  country,  he  drew  up  a  paper  of 
instructions  to  be  given  to  his  son  Philip  in  case  of  his 
own  death.  A  large  part  of  this  advice  was  devoted  to 
the  choice  of  a  wife  for  the  Prince  himself,  the  heiress 
of  Navarre  being  on  the  whole,  in  Charles's  opinion, 
the  most  eligible  bride  for  his  son.  After  suggesting 
various  alliances  for  his  little  daughters,  Maria  and 
Juana,  the  Emperor  proceeded  to  urge  on  his  suc- 
cessor the  importance  of  finding  a  husband  for  his 
niece,  the  Widow  of  Milan,  saying  that  he  counted  her 
as  one  of  his  own  children.  Three  Princes,  he  said, 
were  all  eager  to  marry  her — the  Duke  of  Cleves,  the 
heir  of  Lorraine,  and  the  Duke  of  Vendome — but  it 
would  be  necessary  to  defer  his  decision  until  he 
had  ascertained  the  best  measures  for  recovering 
Denmark  and  setthng  the  question  of  Guelders. 
"  And  if  God,"  he  added,  "  should  call  to  Himself 
the  Palatine  Frederic,  who  is  old  and  broken,  one 
of  these  Princes  might  marry  his  widow. "^  Chris- 
tina's marriage,  it  is  easy  to  see,  was  closely  bound  up 
with  the  settlement  of  Guelders,  an  object  which  lay 
very  near  to  her  uncle's  heart. 

The  English  Ambassador  Wyatt,  who  had    been 

1  State  Papers,  Record  Office,  viii.  236,  237. 

2  Granvelle,  "  Papiers  d'fitat,"  ii.  542. 


Feb.,  1540]  GUELDERS  227 

posting  after  the  Emperor  across  France,  *'  through 
deep  and  foul  roads,"  was  convinced  that  Charles 
in  his  heart  of  hearts  cared  more  for  Guelders  than  he 
did  for  all  Italy.  This  earnest  desire  to  recover 
Guelders  was,  he  felt  sure,  the  true  reason  why  the 
Emperor  had  undertaken  this  long  journey  in  the 
depth  of  winter,  and  exposed  his  person  to  such  great 
risks  in  passing  through  France.  When,  contrary  to 
the  Constable's  express  orders,  Wyatt  obtained  an 
audience  from  the  Emperor  at  Chatelherault,  as  he 
came  in  from  hunting  with  the  Dauphin,  and  in- 
formed him  of  His  Majesty's  marriage  and  alliance 
with  Cleves,  Charles  turned  angrily  on  him,  saying: 

"  What  hath  Monsieur  de  Cleves  to  do  with 
Guelders  ?  I  mean  to  show  him  that  he  has  played 
the  young  man.  I  hope  the  King  will  give  him  good 
advice,  for,  I  can  tell  you.  Monsieur  de  Cleves  shall 
give  me  reason.  I  say  he  shall — he  shall  !  If  he 
does,"  he  continued,  laying  his  hand  on  his  heart, 
"  he  shall  find  in  me  a  Sovereign,  a  cousin,  and  a 
neighbour.     Otherwise  he  will  lose  all  three."  ^ 

When,  two  months  later  in  Brussels,  Wyatt  craved 
another  interview  of  the  Emperor,  and  begged  him 
in  Henry's  name  to  look  favourably  on  his  brother- 
in-law's  petition,  Charles  said  he  must  desire  the 
King  not  to  meddle  between  him  and  his  subjects, 
repeating  the  same  words,  "  Je  ne  ferai  rien,"  two 
or  three  times  over.  An  Envoy  from  the  Duke  of 
Cleves  came  to  meet  him  at  Brussels,  but  was  told 
that  the  Emperor  could  not  attend  to  his  master's 
business  until  the  affairs  of  Ghent  were  settled.  These, 
as  Wyatt  remarked,  had  already  quieted  down  in  a 
singular  manner  from  the  moment  that  the  Emperor 

1  Nott,  ii.  358. 


228  CLEVES,  ORANGE,  LORRAINE    [Bk.vii 

started  on  his  journey,  and  deputies  from  the  re- 
volted city  had  been  sent  to  meet  him  at  Valenciennes. 
But  he  refused  sternly  to  see  them,  saying  that  they 
would  learn  his  pleasure  when  he  came  to  Ghent  .^ 

It  was  Charles's  intention  to  overawe  the  turbulent 
city  by  an  imposing  display  of  armed  force.  On  the 
14th  of  February,  1 540,  he  entered  Ghent — "  that  great, 
rich,  and  beautiful  city,"  writes  the  city  chronicler, 
"  with  its  broad  streets,  fair  rivers,  noble  churches, 
houses,  and  hospitals,  the  finest  in  the  Netherlands  " 
— at  the  head  of  a  stately  procession.  The  Queen 
rode  on  his  right  hand,  the  Duchess  of  Milan  on  his 
left,  followed  by  the  Princess  of  Macedonia  and  other 
ladies  in  litters,  the  officers  of  the  household,  and  a 
long  train  of  foreign  Ambassadors,  Princes,  and 
Knights  of  the  Golden  Fleece.  Cardinal  Farnese, 
Don  Ferrante  Gonzaga,  Viceroy  of  Sicily,  the  Prince 
of  Orange,  the  Dukes  of  Alva  and  Aerschot,  Count 
Egmont,  Bliren,  De  Praet,  Lalaing,  and  Granvelle, 
were  all  present.  In  their  rear  came  the  troops — 
4,000  horse,  1,000  crossbowmen,  5,000  Landsknechten, 
and  a  strong  body  of  artillery,  numbering  in  all 
60,000  persons  and  i  5,000  horses.  Their  entry  lasted 
six  hours,  and  it  was  dusk  before  the  last  guns  and 
baggage  defiled  through  the  streets.  Charles,  with  his 
sister  and  niece,  alighted  at  the  Prinzenhof,  the  house 
where  he  had  been  born  just  forty  years  before,  and 
the  Archers'  Guard  took  up  their  station  at  the  gates .^ 
A  strong  body  of  infantry  was  encamped  in  the  neigh- 
bouring market-place,  pickets  of  cavalry  occupied 
the  chief  squares,  and  the  rest  of  the  troops  were 
quartered  in  other  parts  of  the  city.     But  there  was 

1  Nott,  ii.  380,  391. 

2  Gachard,  "  Relation  des  Troubles  dc  Gand,"  65. 


April,  I540]    A  SEVERE  PUNISHMENT  229 

not  the  least  show  of  resistance  on  the  part  of  the 
citizens.  Absolute  tranquillity  reigned  everywhere 
while  the  stricken  city  aw^aited  the  Emperor's  sen- 
tence. It  was,  as  might  be  expected,  a  severe  one. 
Twenty- three  of  the  ringleaders  were  arrested,  and 
after  a  prolonged  trial  were  found  guilty.  On  the 
17th  of  March,  nine  of  these  were  put  to  death  in  the 
market-place,  while  the  others  were  banished  and 
heavily  fined.  On  the  29th  of  April  the  Emperor 
convened  the  chief  officers  of  State  and  magistrates 
in  the  great  hall  of  the  Prinzenhof ,  and,  in  the  presence 
of  the  Queen  and  her  Court,  delivered  his  sentence 
on  the  guilty  city.  The  charters  and  privileges  of 
Ghent  were  annulled,  the  property  of  the  Corporation 
was  confiscated,  and  heavy  additional  fines  were 
imposed,  beside  the  payment  of  the  400,000  florins 
which  had  been  the  cause  of  the  quarrel.  In  their 
consternation,  the  burghers  turned  to  Mary  and  im- 
plored her  to  intercede  on  their  behalf;  but  she 
could  only  advise  them  to  throw  themselves  on  the 
Emperor's  mercy.  On  the  3rd  of  May  a  memor- 
able and  historic  scene  took  place  in  the  court  of  the 
Prinzenhof.  Here  the  Emperor,  seated  on  a  tribunal, 
with  his  crown  on  his  head  and  sceptre  in  his  hand, 
and  surrounded  by  the  Archers'  Guard,  received  the 
senators  and  chief  burghers,  as,  robed  in  black,  with 
bare  heads  and  feet,  and  halters  round  their  necks, 
they  knelt  in  the  dust  at  his  feet.  The  sentence  of 
condemnation  was  read  aloud  in  the  presence  of  a 
brilliant  assembly  of  nobles  and  courtiers,  and  of  a 
vast  crowd  who  looked  on  from  the  windows  and  roofs 
of  the  neighbouring  houses.  Then  Mary,  who  occu- 
pied a  chair  at  her  brother's  side,  rose,  and,  turning 
to  the  Emperor,  in  eloquent  words  implored  him  to 

16 


230  CLEVES,  ORANGE,  LORRAINE    [Bk.  vil 

have  pity  on  his  poor  city  of  Ghent,  and  to  remember 
that  he  had  been  born  there.  The  Emperor  gave  a 
gracious  answer,  saying  that  out  of  brotherly  love 
for  her  and  pity  for  his  poor  subjects  he  would  pardon 
the  citizens  and  restore  their  property .  But  he  decided 
to  build  a  citadel  to  keep  the  city  in  subjection,  and, 
after  taking  his  brother  Ferdinand  to  the  top  of  the 
belfry  tower  to  choose  a  site,  he  eventually  fixed  on 
the  high  ground  above  the  River  Scheldt,  where 
St.  Bavon's  Abbey  stood.  The  demolition  of  the 
ancient  monastery  was  at  once  begun,  and  before  the 
Emperor  left  Ghent  the  first  stone  of  the  new  fortress 
was  laid.^ 

While  these  tragic  events  were  taking  place,  a 
succession  of  illustrious  guests  arrived  at  Court. 
First  of  all,  at  the  end  of  February,  came  Ferdinand, 
King  of  the  Romans,  a  simple  and  honest  Prince, 
the  best  of  husbands  and  fathers,  and  as  fondly 
attached  to  his  sister  Mary  as  she  was  to  him.  At 
the  same  time  the  Palatine  Frederic  sent  his  wife 
to  join  the  famil}^  party  and  plead  her  unfortunate 
father's  cause  with  the  all-powerful  Emperor.  Al- 
though his  journey  to  England  had  failed  to  secure 
Henry's  support,  he  still  cherished  designs  against 
Denmark,  and  was  anxious  to  prevent  a  renewal  of 
the  truce  between  the  Low  Countries  and  King 
Christian  III.  After  consulting  Archbishop  Carondelet, 
the  President  of  the  Council,  and  Granvelle,  the  two 
sisters,  Dorothea  and  Christina,  drew  up  a  petition  to 
the  Emperor,  imploring  him  to  have  pity  on  the  poor 
prisoner,  who  had  already  languished  seven  3^ears  in 
solitary  confinement,  and  reminding  him  gently  of 
the  pledges  given  to  the  Palatine  at  his  marriage. 
^  Henne,  vii.  40-90;  Gachard,  67-70,  389. 


April,  I540]         WILLIAM   OF   CLEVES  231 

"  My  sister  and  I  " — so  ran  the  words  of  Dorothea's 
prayer — "  your  humble  and  loving  children,  entreat 
you,  as  the  fountain  of  all  justice,  to  have  compassion 
on  us.  Open  the  prison  doors,  which  3^ou  alone  are 
able  to  do,  release  my  father,  and  give  me  advice  as 
to  how  I  may  best  obtain  the  kingdom  which  belongs 
to  me  by  the  laws  of  God  and  man."^ 

But  although  the  sisters'  touching  appeal  on  behalf 
of  their  captive  father  moved  many  hearts,  and  both 
Henry  VIII.  and  James  V.  of  Scotland  wrote  to  assure 
the  Palatine  of  their  sympathy,  no  one  was  inclined 
to  embark  on  so  desperate  an  enterprise,  and  Dorothea 
went  back  to  her  lord  at  Heidelberg  without  having 
obtained  any  satisfaction.  On  the  14th  of  April  a 
truce  was  concluded  with  the  Danish  Envoys,  who 
had  followed  the  Emperor  to  Ghent,  and  the  illusory 
hopes  of  the  three  crowns  which  had  been  so  long 
dangled  before  the  Palatine's  eyes  melted  into  thin 
air  .2 

There  was  still  one  important  question  awaiting 
settlement.  William  of  Cleves  had  sent  three  succes- 
sive Ambassadors  to  congratulate  Charles  on  his  return 
and  to  seek  the  investiture  of  Guelders  at  his  hand. 
Now,  at  King  Ferdinand's  instance,  he  arrived  at 
Ghent  one  day  in  person,  to  the  surprise  of  the  whole 
Court. 

"  The  Duke  of  Cleves,"  wrote  an  eyewitness  of  his 
entry,  "  has  come  to  Ghent  with  a  fine  suite,  to  claim 
Guelders  and  marry  the  Duchess  of  Milan.  This  is 
not  to  be  wondered  at,  for  she  is  a  young  and  very 
beautiful  widow  as  well  as  a  Princess  of  the  noblest 
birth.  He  who  wins  her  for  his  bridewell  be  a  fortu- 
nate man."^ 

^  Lanz,  ii.  308.  2  Henne,  vii.  282;  Nott,  ii.  418. 

^  Gachard,  65,  71. 


232  CLEVES,  ORANGE,  LORRAINE     [Bk.  vii 

The  English  Ambassador  at  Diiren,  Nicholas 
Wotton,  had  done  his  utmost  to  prevent  the  Duke 
from  accepting  Ferdinand's  invitation;  and  Wyatt 
was  charged  by  Cromwell  to  neglect  no  means  of 
preventing  an  alliance  which  would  defeat  all  his 
schemes.  The  wily  Ambassador  laid  his  snares 
cleverly.  When  the  Cleves  Ambassador,  Olisleger, 
told  him  that  the  Duke  was  about  to  wed  the  Duchess, 
he  whispered  that  his  master  had  better  be  careful 
and  take  counsel  of  King  Henry  before  he  took  any 
further  pledges. 

"  I  told  him,"  wrote  Wyatt  to  King  Henry,  "  to 
advise  his  master,  in  case  of  marriage,  to  use  his 
friend's  counsel,  and  herein,  if  I  shall  be  plain  with 
Your  Majesty,  I  cannot  but  rejoice  in  a  manner  of  the 
escape  that  you  made  there;  for  although  I  suppose 
nothing  but  honour  in  the  Lady,  yet  methinketh 
Your  Highness's  mate  should  be  without  mote  or 
suspicion;  and  yet  there  is  thought  affection  between 
the  Prince  of  Orange  and  her,  and  hath  been  of  long ; 
which,  for  her  bringing-up  in  Italy,  may  be  noted  but 
service  which  she  cannot  let,  but  I  have  heard  it  to 
proceed  partly  from  her  own  occasion.  Of  this  Your 
Majesty  will  judge,  and  do  with  your  friend  as  ye 
shall  think  meet."^ 

Rene's  courtship  of  the  Duchess  was  no  secret, 
and  Christina's  preference  for  the  popular  Prince  was 
plain  to  everyone  at  the  Imperial  Court;  but  the  un- 
worthy insinuations  by  which  the  Ambassador  strove 
to  blacken  her  character  were  altogether  his  invention. 

Since  this  was  the  surest  way  to  win  both  Henry's 
and  Cromwell's  favour,  Wyatt  made  unscrupulous 
use  of  these  slanders  to  poison  William  of  Cleves's 
mind   against  the  Duchess  whose  hand  he  sought. 

1  Nott,  ii.  398. 


April,  1540]  THE   DUKE'S   SUIT  233 

On  the  13th  of  April  the  Duke  arrived  at  Ghent,  and 
was  met  by  the  Prince  of  Orange,  who  brought  him 
to  King  Ferdinand's  rooms.  Late  the  same  evening 
the  EngHsh  Ambassador  had  a  secret  interview  with 
him,  and  did  his  utmost  to  dissuade  him  from  enter- 
ing into  any  treaty  with  the  Emperor.  The  Duke's 
irresolution  was  now  greater  than  ever.  The  next 
day  Ferdinand  himself  conducted  him  into  the 
Emperor's  presence,  where  he  received  the  most 
friendly  greeting,  and  was  invited  to  join  the  imperial 
family  at  dinner.  The  gracious  welcome  which  he 
received  from  Mary,  and  the  sight  of  Christina,  went 
far  to  remove  his  doubts,  and  during  the  next  few 
days  the  harmony  that  prevailed  among  the  Princes 
excited  Wyatt's  worst  misgivings.  The  Venetian 
Ambassador,  Francesco  Contarini,  met  the  Countess 
Palatine  returning  from  Ghent,  and  heard  from  her 
servants  that  a  marriage  was  arranged  between  her 
sister  and  the  Duke  of  Cleves.  Monsieur  de  V^ly,  the 
French  Envoy,  sent  this  report  to  Paris,  and  it  was 
confidently  asserted  at  the  French  and  English  Courts 
that  Cleves  had  settled  his  quarrel  with  the  Emperor, 
and  was  to  wed  the  Duchess.^ 

But  these  reports  were  premature.  The  Duke 
told  Wotton  and  Wyatt  that  nothing  would  induce 
him  to  give  up  Guelders,  and  at  their  suggestion  he 
placed  a  statement  of  his  claims  in  the  hands  of 
Ferdinand,  who  promised  to  submit  the  document 
to  the  Emperor.  During  the  next  fortnight  the 
question  was  discussed  in  all  its  bearings  by  Charles 
and  his  Councillors.  The  Duke  pressed  his  suit  for 
the  Duchess's  hand,  and  the  Emperor  went  so  far  as 
to  oifer  him  the  reversion  of  Denmark  if  he  would 

1  Nott,  ii.  417;  State  Papers,  Record  0£&ce,  viii.  329. 


234  CLEVES,  ORANGE,  LORRAINE    [Bk.  vil 

renounce  Guelders.  But  William  was  as  obstinate  as 
the  Emperor,  and,  when  Ferdinand  induced  Charles 
to  offer  Cleves  his  niece  and  the  duchy  of  Guelders  for 
his  lifetime,  he  quite  refused  to  accept  this  proposal. 
All  Ferdinand  could  persuade  him  to  do,  was  to 
consent  that  the  question  of  Guelders  should  be 
referred  to  the  Imperial  Chamber,  a  compromise 
which  satisfied  neither  party.  Still  friendly  rela- 
tions were  maintained  outwardly.  On  Sunday,  the 
27th  of  April,  the  imperial  family  attended  Mass  in 
state,  the  Emperor  riding  to  the  Church  of  St.  John 
with  the  King  of  the  Romans  and  the  boy  Legate, 
Cardinal  Farnese,  on  his  left,  followed  by  the  Dukes 
of  Brunswick,  Cleves,  Savoy,  and  the  Marquis  of 
Brandenburg.  In  the  afternoon  Ferdinand  sent  for 
the  Duke  again,  and  made  one  more  attempt  to 
arrange  matters,  without  success.  Some  insolent 
words  spoken  by  Cleves 's  servants  aroused  the  Em- 
peror's anger,  upon  which  the  Duke  became  alarmed, 
and  sent  Wotton  word  that,  seeing  no  hope  of  agree- 
ment, he  intended  to  return  home.  Early  the  next 
morning,  without  taking  leave  of  anyone,  he  rode 
out  of  the  town  secretly,  and  never  halted  until  he 
was  safe  in  his  own  dominions.  His  royal  brother-in- 
law.  King  Henry,  sent  him  a  long  letter,  congratu- 
lating him  on  his  safe  return,  and  advising  him 
solemnly  not  to  marry  the  Duchess  of  Milan  without 
finding  out  the  true  state  of  her  affections  towards 
the  Prince  of  Orange,  lest  he  should  be  deceived. 
Wotton  told  the  King,  in  reply,  that  the  Duke's  affec- 
tion for  Christina  was  now  cooled,  partly  because  she 
had  refused  him,  and  partly  because  of  the  information 
which  Henry  had  given  him.  All  idea  of  the  marriage 
was  certainly  abandoned,  and  on  the  22nd  of  June 


May,  1540]      AN  ABRUPT  DEPARTURE  235 

Cleves  himself  wrote  to  tell  Henry  that  he  had 
received  friendly  overtures  from  the  French  King,  and 
was  sending  Ambassadors  to  make  proposals  for  his 
niece,  the  Princess  of  Navarre.^ 

Meanwhile  the  Duke's  strange  conduct  had  excited 
much  surprise  at  Ghent.  The  Emperor,  who  had 
spent  the  anniversary  of  his  wdfe's  death  in  retire- 
ment at  a  Carthusian  convent  in  the  neighbourhood, 
returned  to  find  Cleves  gone.  Henry  of  Brunswick 
rode  with  his  friend  to  the  outskirts  of  the  town,  and 
hurried  back  to  be  present  at  the  imperial  table, 
where  he  tried  to  explain  the  Duke's  abrupt  departure 
by  saying  that  he  was  afraid  of  treachery.  But 
Ferdinand  and  Mary  were  both  seriously  annoyed, 
and  the  only  member  of  the  family  to  rejoice  was 
Christina,  who  felt  that  she  could  once  more  breathe 
freely . 

The  pacification  of  Ghent  was  now  complete,  and 
the  bulk  of  the  forces  were  disbanded.  On  Ascension 
Day — the  6th  of  May — the  imperial  family  attended 
Mass  at  St.  John's,  the  Queen  "  walking  lovingly  up 
the  church,  hand  in  hand  with  the  King  of  the 
Romans."  The  Ambassadors  were  all  present,  as 
well  as  Cardinal  Farnese — in  Wotton's  opinion  "  a 
very  calf,  and  a  greater  boy  in  manners  and  condition 
than  in  years." 

On  the  12th  the  King  of  the  Romans  took  leave 
of  his  family,  but  the  Council  at  which  he  assisted 
lasted  so  late  in  the  evening  that  he  did  not  actually 
set  out  on  his  journey  till  two  o'clock  on  the  following 
day.  About  six  in  the  cool  hours  of  the  May  morn- 
ing, the  Emperor,  with  his  sister  and  niece,  rode  out 
to  see  the  foundations  of  the  new  citadel  laid,  and 

1  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xv.  349,  367, 


236  CLEVES,  ORANGE,  LORRAINE    [Bk.  vii 

then  continued  their  journey  towards  Antwerp, 
where  "  great  gun-shot  "  and  bonfires  welcomed  their 
arrival.^ 

IV. 

The  Court  spent  the  next  three  weeks  at  Bruges, 
the  beautiful  old  city  which  was  always  a  favourite 
with  Charles  and  his  sisters,  in  the  ancient  Prinzenhof 
where  their  mother  had  died.  During  these  summer 
days  many  important  events  took  place,  and  startling 
news  came  from  England.  On  the  loth  of  June 
Cromwell  was  suddenly  arrested  and  sent  to  the 
Tower  on  a  charge  of  high- treason.  A  fortnight  later 
the  new  Queen,  Anne  of  Cleves,  left  Whitehall  for 
Richmond,  and  on  the  9th  of  July  her  marriage  was 
pronounced  null  and  void  by  a  decree  of  Convocation. 
The  ostensible  reason  for  the  divorce  was  a  pre- 
contract between  Anne  and  Francis  of  Lorraine.  It 
was  true  that  as  children  they  had  been  affianced  by 
their  respective  parents,  but,  as  was  common  in  such 
cases,  all  idea  of  the  marriage  had  been  afterwards 
abandoned,  and  Henry  had  professed  himself  en- 
tirely satisfied  with  the  explanations  given  by  Anne's 
relatives  on  the  subject.  But  from  the  first  moment 
that  he  met  his  bride  at  Rochester,  on  New  Year's 
Day,  1540,  he  was  profoundly  disappointed.  When 
Cromwell  asked  him  how  he  liked  her,  he  replied, 
"  Nothing  so  well  as  she  was  spoken  of,"  adding  that, 
had  he  known  as  much  of  her  before  as  he  did  now, 
she  should  never  have  set  foot  in  his  realm.  How- 
ever, he  felt  constrained  to  marry  her,  for  fear  of 
"  making  a  ruffle  in  the  world,"  and  driving  her  brother 

1  State  Papers,  Record  Office,  viii.  336,  340,  354;  Calendar  of 
State  Papers,  xv.  318. 


July,  I540]  CROMWELL'S  FALL  237 

into  the  Emperor's  arms.  At  Whitsuntide  he  told 
Cromwell  that  from  the  day  of  his  marriage  he  had 
become  weary  of  life,  and  took  a  solemn  oath  that 
before  God  Anne  had  never  been  his  lawful  wife. 

From  that  moment  Cromwell  knew  that  his  own 
fate  was  sealed.  "The  King  loves  not  the  Queen," 
he  said  to  Wriothesley.  "  What  a  triumph  for  the 
Emperor  and  the  Pope  !"  A  week  afterwards  he 
was  committed  to  the  Tower,  and  on  the  28th  of  July 
he  was  beheaded.^ 

The  news  of  his  fall  was  received  with  general  satis- 
faction abroad.  King  Francis  gave  vent  to  boisterous 
joy,  and  sent  his  brother  word  how^  sincerely  he  rejoiced 
to  hear  that  this  false  and  wicked  traitor,  who  had 
brought  the  noblest  heads  in  England  to  the  block, 
was  at  length  unmasked.  The  Emperor,  on  the  con- 
trary, showed  no  surprise  or  emotion  when  he  heard 
the  news  from  Archdeacon  Pate,  the  new  Envoy 
who  had  succeeded  Wyatt,  but  merely  said:  ''  What! 
is  he  in  the  Tower  of  London,  and  by  the  King's 
counsel  ?"  And  when,  on  the  6th  of  July,  Pate  in- 
formed him  that  the  King  had  repudiated  his  wife, 
he  cast  his  eye  steadfastly  on  the  speaker,  and  asked 
what  scruples  His  Majesty  entertained  regarding  his 
marriage  with  the  daughter  of  Cleves.  The  Ambas- 
sador explained,  as  best  he  could,  what  he  took  to  be 
the  motives  of  the  King's  action,  upon  which  the 
Emperor  said  that  he  was  convinced  Cromwell  was 
the  true  cause  of  all  the  terrible  crimes  which  had  of 
late  years  been  committed  against  religion  and  order 
in  England.  So  friendly  was  the  Emperor  that  Pate 
wrote  to  the  Duke  of  Norfolk:  "  If  His  Majesty  hath 
thereby  lost  the  hearts  of  the  Electors,  he  hath  in 

1  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xv.  363,  390,  391. 


238  CLEVES,  ORANGE,  LORRAINE     [Bk.vii 

their  places  gained  those   of  the   Emperor   and    the 
French  King."^ 

Both  at  Bruges  and  Antwerp  the  news  aroused 
much  excitement  among  the  merchants,  who  were 
unanimous  in  the  opinion  that  the  King  now  in- 
tended to  take  the  Duchess  of  Milan  "  for  the  true 
heart  which  she  bore  him."  But  nothing  was  further 
from  Christina's  mind.  She  had  rejoiced  at  the 
failure  of  the  King's  suit,  and  saw  the  Duke  of 
Cleves  leave  Ghent  without  regret.  Now  all  seemed 
ripe  for  the  fulfilment  of  her  long-cherished  hopes. 
The  Prince  of  Orange  had  been  unremitting  in  his 
attendance  on  the  Emperor  since  his  arrival,  and,  as 
all  men  knew,  was  honoured  by  His  Majesty's  con- 
fidence and  affection.  His  popularity  with  the  army 
was  unbounded,  and  it  was  a  common  saying  that 
wherever  the  Prince's  little  pony  went,  every  Dutch- 
man would  follow.  The  Queen  looked  kindly  on  his 
suit,  and  Christina's  heart  was  already  his  own. 
But  when,  in  these  bright  June  days  at  Bruges,  he 
modestly  laid  his  suit  before  the  Emperor,  an  un- 
expected difficulty  arose.  Three  years  before  a 
marriage  with  the  Duke  of  Lorraine's  only  daughter 
had  been  proposed  for  the  young  Prince  of  Orange 
by  his  uncle,  William  of  Nassau-Dillenburg,  the  head 
of  the  German  branch  of  the  house.  The  idea  met 
with  Henry  of  Nassau's  cordial  approval,  and  at  his 
request  the  Emperor  sent  his  servant  Montbardon  to 
obtain  Duke  Antoine's  consent.  This  was  granted 
without  any  difficulty,  and  the  contract  was  drawn 
up  before  the  Count  of  Nassau's  death .^  Now  the 
Duke  urged   the  Prince  to  keep   this   long-standing 

1  Kaulek,  191;  State  Papers,  Record  Office,  viii.  386,  397,  412. 

2  L.  Hugo,  "  Traite  sur  I'Origine  de  la  Maison  de  Lorraine,"  212. 


June,  1540I  RENE  OF  ORANGE  239 

engagement  and  marry  his  daughter  Anne — the  plain 
but  excellent  lady  whose  portrait  Holbein  had  taken 
for  King  Henry.  The  Prince  had  never  seen  his 
destined  bride,  and  was  very  reluctant  to  carry  out 
the  contract,  but  the  Emperor  was  resolute.  Antoine 
already  had  a  serious  grievance  in  the  matter  of 
Guelders,  and  it  was  of  the  highest  importance  to 
secure  his  alhance.  Accordingly,  Charles  told  Rene 
that  he  must  prove  himself  a  loyal  knight,  and  with 
his  own  hand  drew  up  the  articles  of  the  marriage 
treaty,  and  sent  them  to  Nancy  by  the  Archdeacon 
of  Arras.  Christina's  name  is  never  mentioned  in 
the  whole  transaction.  It  was  the  old  story  of  the 
Count  Palatine  and  the  Archduchess  Eleanor.  She 
was  a  daughter  of  the  House  of  Habsburg,  and  knew 
that  the  Emperor's  will  must  be  obeyed.  So  she  could 
only  bow  her  head  in  silence  and  submit  to  his  decrees. 
If  she  wept  bitter  tears,  it  was  in  secret,  in  her  quiet 
chamber  in  the  ancient  Cour  des  Princes  at  Bruges, 
looking  down  on  the  green  waters  of  the  canal  .^ 

There  was  great  rejoicing  throughout  Lorraine  when 
the  Emperor's  messenger  reached  Nancy  and  the 
marriage  was  proclaimed.  Anne  was  very  popular 
throughout  the  duchy,  and  since  her  mother's  death, 
a  year  before,  had  taken  a  prominent  place  at  the 
ducal  Court,  where  her  tact  and  kindness  made  her 
universally  beloved.  The  wedding  took  place  in  the 
last  week  of  August  at  Bar.^  All  the  members  of  the 
ducal  house  were  present,  including  the  Duke  and 
Duchess  of  Guise,  with  their  sons  and  daughters, 
and  the  Cardinal  of  Lorraine,  who  came  from  the 
French    Court    to    pronounce    the    nuptial    blessing. 

^  State  Papers,  Record  Office,  viii.  398. 
~  Pfister,  "  Histoire  de  Nancy,"  ii.  188. 


240  CLEVES,  ORANGE,  LORRAINE    [Bk.vii 

The  Prince  of  Orange's  martial  appearance  and  his 
splendid  suite  made  a  favourable  impression  on  his 
new  relatives,  as  Antoinette  de  Bourbon  wrote  to 
her  daughter  in  Scotland  : 

"  I  have  delayed  longer  than  I  intended  before 
writing  to  you,  but  we  have  been  so  well  amused  by 
the  wedding  of  Mademoiselle  de  Lorraine  that  until 
this  moment  I  have  not  had  leisure  to  begin  this 
letter.  Yesterday  we  left  the  assembled  company. 
There  was  a  very  large  gathering,  and  the  wedding 
took  place  last  Tuesday.  Monsieur  le  Prince  arrived 
honourably  attended,  and  is,  I  can  assure  you,  a 
very  charming  and  handsome  Prince.  He  is  much 
pleased  with  his  bride,  and  she  is  devo]ted  to  him. 
They  are  to  go  home  in  a  fortnight.  The  fete  was  at 
Bar,  but  there  were  very  few  strangers  present — only 
a  few  nobles  and  ladies  of  the  neighbourhood."^ 

On  the  27th  of  September  the  Prince  of  Orange 
brought  his  bride  to  Brussels,  where  the  States  were 
assembled.  The  whole  Court  rode  out  to  welcome 
the  happy  pair,  and  escorted  them  to  the  Nassau 
palace,  where  the  Prince  changed  his  travelling  dress 
for  a  Court  mantle,  and  hastened  to  pay  his  respects 
to  the  Emperor.  A  succession  of  fetes  was  given  in 
their  honour,  and  dances,  masques,  and  banquets, 
were  the  order  of  the  day.  The  Princess  charmed 
everyone  by  her  gracious  manners,  and  her  fine  figure 
and  splendid  clothes  and  jewels  became  the  object  of 
general  admiration. 

On  the  2nd  of  October  a  grand  tournament  was 
given  in  the  Prince's  house,  which  the  Emperor, 
Queen  Mary,  and  Christina,  honoured  with  their 
presence.  Rene  himself  challenged  all  comers  at 
the  barriers,  and  his  wife  was  the  most  charming 

^  Balcarres  Manuscripts,  ii.  15,  Advocates'  Library,  Edin- 
burgh. 


Oct.,  1540]  ANNE  OF  LORRAINE  241 

hostess.  Before  Charles  left,  he  presented  Anne  with 
a  costly  ring,  and  appointed  the  Prince  to  succeed 
Antoine  de  Lalaing  as  Stadtholder  of  Holland  and 
Friesland.  Three  days  afterwards  the  newly-married 
pair  left  Court  for  their  own  home  at  Breda,  and 
the  Emperor  set  out  on  a  progress  through 
Artois  and  Hainault,  leaving  his  sister  and  niece  at 
Brussels. 

Rene's  wife  soon  became  a  great  favourite  with  the 
Queen,  and  Christina  danced  as  gaily  as  the  rest  at  the 
wedding  fetes.  But  it  is  significant  that  the  only  men- 
tion made  of  her  in  contemporary  records  is  in  the 
despatches  of  the  English  Ambassador,  Richard  Pate, 
who  tells  us  that  the  Duchess  of  Milan  spent  much  of 
her  time  in  the  company  of  her  brother-in-law,  the  Pala- 
tine.^ Frederic  had  come  to  Brussels  to  confer  with  the 
Emperor  on  German  affairs,  and,  if  possible,  to  raise  a 
loan  of  600,000  ducats  for  his  intended  campaign 
against  Denmark.  But  although  Charles  professed 
himself  ready  and  anxious  to  oblige  his  good  cousin, 
the  Regent  would  give  him  no  answer,  and  ended  by 
telling  him  to  get  the  money  from  the  Imperial 
Treasury.  Richard  Pate  held  long  and  confidential 
conversations  with  the  Palatine,  who  recalled  his 
visit  to  Windsor  with  delight,  and  spoke  with  warm 
admiration  of  the  beauty  of  the  singing  in  St.  George's 
Chapel.  He  was  curious  to  know  if  his  old  friend 
the  King  had  grown  as  fat  as  he  was  represented  in 
recent  portraits,  and  rejoiced  to  hear  that  His 
Majesty  was  lusty  and  merry.  As  for  the  Duchess 
of  Milan,  he  could  only  feel  sorry  that  so  charming  a 
lady  should  still  lack  a  husband,  and  frankly  regretted 
that  she  had  not  married  King  Henry,  or,  failing 
^  State  Papers,  Record  Office,  viii.  444. 


242  CLEVES,  ORANGE,  LORRAINE    [Bk.vii 

him,  the  Prince  of  Orange.^  After  his  return  to 
Germany,  Frederic  made  another  attempt  to  bring 
about  his  sister-in-law's  marriage  to  the  Duke  of 
Cleves,  who  still  hesitated  between  his  old  love  for 
Christina  and  his  reluctance  to  give  up  Guelders. 
But  negotiations  were  already  in  progress  with  another 
suitor,  who  had  bided  his  time  patiently,  and  who 
was  now  at  length  to  obtain  his  reward. 

The  Prince  of  Orange's  union  with  Anne  of  Lor- 
raine had  strengthened  the  ties  that  bound  her  father 
to  the  Emperor,  and  a  second  marriage,  which  took 
place  this  autumn,  united  the  two  houses  still  more 
closely.  Among  the  young  nobles  who  accompanied 
Rene  to  Bar  for  his  wedding  was  Charles,  Prince  of 
Chimay,  the  eldest  son  of  the  Duke  of  Aerschot,  the 
wealthy  and  powerful  Governor  of  Brabant,  who  was 
foremost  among  the  Regent's  confidential  advisers, 
and  whom  she  affectionately  called  by  the  pet  name 
of  "  Moriceau."  On  the  death  of  his  mother  in  1539, 
the  young  Prince  had  succeeded  to  her  vast  estates, 
and  lived  at  the  fine  castle  of  Beaumont,  near  the 
French  frontier.  At  Bar  he  saw  and  fell  in  love  with 
Louise  de  Guise,  the  lovely  girl  whom  Henry  VI IL 
would  gladly  have  made  his  wife.  But  there  were 
difficulties  in  the  young  suitor's  way.  His  own  family 
began  by  opposing  the  marriage,  and  it  was  some  time 
before  Charles's  consent  could  be  obtained.  The 
Duke  of  Guise  had  long  been  the  Emperor's  most 
bitter  enemy,  and  was  known  to  have  strongly  op- 
posed his  journey  through  France.  Fortunately, 
Duchess  Antoinette  was  from  the  first  on  the  lovers' 
side,  and  succeeded  in  gaining  her  husband's  con- 
sent. For  some  time  past  King  Francis  had  been 
^  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Henry  VIII.,  xvi.  i,  60. 


1539-41]  LOUISE  DE  GUISE  243 

trying  to  arrange  a  marriage  between  her  eldest  son, 
the  Count  of  Aumale,  and  the  Pope's  granddaughter, 
"  Vyquetorya  Farnese,"  as  Louise  calls  her  in  one  of 
her  letters.  But  the  Pope  haggled  over  the  dowry, 
and  insisted  on  asking  the  Emperor's  consent;  so 
that  Antoinette  had  a  troublesome  task  in  her  lord's 
absence,  and  complained  sorely  to  the  Queen  of 
Scotland  of  these  vexatious  delays. 

''  By  way  of  consolation,  however,"  she  writes  on 
the  30th  of  November,  ''  we  have  an  offer  for  your 
sister.  Monsieur  le  Due  d'Aerschot  has  sent  to  ask 
for  her,  on  behalf  of  his  eldest  son,  the  Prince  of 
Chimay,  a  youth  about  twenty,  handsome  and  well 
brought  up,  we  hear.  He  will  give  him  a  portion  of 
50,000  crowms  a  year,  and  he  will  have  some  fine 
estates,  such  as  the  duchy  of  Aerschot,  the  principality 
of  Chimay,  the  counties  of  Beaumont  and  Porcien, 
most  of  them  near  Guise.  I  have  told  your  father, 
who  is  at  Court,  and  he  approves,  and  has  spoken  to 
the  King  and  to  our  brothers,  who  all  advise  us  to 
accept  the  proposal.  So  do  my  brother-in-law  [the 
Duke  of  Lorraine]  and  my  mother  [Madame  de 
Vendome].  It  has  been  arranged  that  we  should  all 
meet  at  Bar  on  the  Conception  of  Our  Lad}^  as  my 
lord  the  Duke  wishes  the  matter  to  be  settled  at  his 
house.  I  hope  your  father  will  be  there,  but  if  not 
he  will  give  me  the  necessary  powers.  If  things  can 
be  arranged,  she  will  be  well  married,  for  the  Prince 
has  great  possessions  and  beautiful  houses,  and  plate 
and  furniture  in  abundance.  But  it  is  a  great 
anxiety  to  be  treating  of  two  marriages  at  once."^ 

Happily  for  the  good  Duchess,  the  young  Prince 
had  his  way,  and  the  contract  between  him  and  Louise 
was  duly  signed  at  Bar  on  the  22nd  of  December. 
On  the  same  day  the  Emperor,  accompanied  by  the 
Regent  and  Duchess  of  Milan,  paid  a  visit  to  the 
Duke   of  Aerschot   at    Beaumont,   and   offered   him 

1  Balcarres  Manuscripts,  ii.  22. 


244  CLEVES,  ORANGE,  LORRAINE    Bk.  vil 

their  warmest  congratulations  on  his  son's  marriage.^ 
The  wedding  took  place  at  Joinville  in  the  following 
March,  by  which  time  Christina's  own  marriage  to 
Louise's  cousin  was  arranged,  and  all  Lorraine  rang 
with  the  sound  of  wedding-bells. 


V. 

The  vaunted  alliance  between  Charles  and  Francis 
did  not  last  long,  and  less  than  a  year  after  the 
Emperor  and  King  had  parted  at  St.  Quentin, 
vowing  eternal  friendship,  a  renewal  of  war  seemed 
already  imminent.  Francis  was  bitterly  disappointed 
to  find  that  none  of  the  great  results  which  he 
expected  from  Charles's  visit  had  come  to  pass. 
The  Emperor  firmly  declined  to  marry  his  daughter, 
and  gave  no  signs  of  surrendering  Milan  to  the  Duke 
of  Orleans.  All  he  would  offer  was  the  reversion  of 
the  Low  Countries  as  his  daughter's  portion  if  she 
married  Orleans.  This  failed  to  satisfy  Francis,  who 
declared  that  he  would  have  Milan  and  nothing  else. 
In  order  to  prevent  his  niece,  Jeanne  of  Navarre, 
marrying  the  Prince  of  Spain,  the  King  offered  her  to 
the  Duke  of  Cleves,  who  signed  a  treaty  with  France 
this  summer,  but  was  not  actually  affianced  to  the 
little  Princess  until  the  Duchess  of  Milan  was  finally 
betrothed  to  Francis  of  Lorraine.  Upon  hearing  of 
the  alliance  between  France  and  Cleves,  Charles 
retaliated  by  solemnly  investing  his  son  Philip  with 
the  duchy  of  Milan.  This  ceremony  took  place  at 
Brussels  on  the  nth  of  October,  and  was  regarded 
by  Francis  as  an  open  act  of  defiance.     He  vented  his 

^  W.  Bradford,  "  Itinerary  of  Charles  V.,"  517;  State  Papers, 
Record  Office,  viii.  508. 


Jan.,  1541]    CHRISTINA'S   BETROTHAL  245 

anger  on  the  Constable,  who  asked  leave  to  retire; 
while  Madame  d'Etampes  did  her  best  to  obtain 
her  rival's  disgrace  and  induce  the  King  to  declare 
war  against  the  Emperor.  But  Francis  was  loth  to 
let  his  old  servant  go,  and  said  to  Montmorency,  with 
tears  in  his  eyes:  "  How  can  you  ask  me  to  let  you 
leave  me  ?  I  have  only  one  fault  to  find  with  you, 
that  you  do  not  love  what  I  love."^  The  Constable 
consented  to  remain,  and  for  the  moment  the  crisis 
was  delayed. 

After  visiting  the  forts  along  the  frontier  and  leaving 
garrisons  in  every  town,  the  Emperor  came  to  Namur 
for  Christmas,  and  prepared  for  his  final  departure. 
Forty  chariots  were  needed  for  his  owm  use,  and  all 
the  horses  and  carts  in  the  neighbouring  provinces 
were  requisitioned  to  provide  for  the  conve3^ance  of 
his  immense  suite.     On    Innocents'   Day   the   Court 
moved    to    Luxembourg,  and    all    the   gentlemen   of 
the    countryside    rode    out    to    meet    the    Emperor. 
With  him  came  the  Queen  and  the  Duchess  of  Milan, 
and  on  the  same  evening  they  were  joined  by  the 
Duke  of  Lorraine  and  his  son  Francis,  the  Marquis 
of    Pont-a-Mousson.      On    the    Feast    of    the    Three 
Kings    the    imperial    party    attended    Mass    in    the 
cathedral,  and  the  Emperor,  after  his  usual  custom, 
presented  golden  cups  to  three  abbeys  in  the  town. 
And  on  the  same  day  the  marriage  of  the  Marquis  to  the 
Duchess  of  Milan  was  finally  concluded,  to  the  great 
delight  of  the  old  Duke,  who  was  as  much  pleased  as 
the  bridegroom.     Two  days  afterwards  Charles  took 
an  affectionate  farewell  of  his  sister  and  niece,  and 
went  on  to  Regensburg,  leaving   them  to  return  to 
Brussels,   while   the   Duke   of   Lorraine   hastened   to 

^  F.  Decrue,  "  Montmorency  a  la  Cour  de  Fran9ois  I.,"  i.  392. 

17 


246  CLEVES,  ORANGE,  LORRAINE    [Bk.VII 

Nancy  to  summon  the  States  and  inform   his   loyal 
subjects  of  his  son's  marriage.^ 

On  the  I  St  of  March  the  contract  drawn  up  by 
the  Imperial  Ministers,  Granvelle  and  De  Praet, 
was  signed  by  the  Duke  of  Lorraine  at  Bar,  and  on  the 
20th  by  the  Emperor.  The  ducal  manors  of  Blamont 
and  Denoeuvre  were  settled  upon  the  Duchess,  and,  in 
order  that  she  might  not  lose  any  rank  by  her  mar- 
riage, the  Marquis  received  the  title  of  Duke  of  Bar.^ 
On  the  1 2th  of  March  the  Queen  and  Duchess  both 
went  to  the  Castle  of  Beaumont  in  Hainault,  to  be 
present  at  the  splendid  reception  which  the  Duke  of 
Aerschot  gave  his  daughter-in-law.  The  Duchess  of 
Guise  herself  accompanied  the  beloved  Louise  to  her 
future  home,  and  wrote  the  following  account  of  the 
festivities  to  Queen  Mary  of  Scotland  from  her  hus- 
band's chateau  at  Guise: 

*'  Madame, 

''  I  have  been  so  confidently  assured  that  the 
safest  way  for  letters  is  to  send  them  by  Antwerp 
merchants  that  I  am  sending  mine  by  this  means, 
and  your  sister  will  be  my  postmistress  in  future. 
I  wrote  to  tell  you  of  the  conclusion  of  her  marriage, 
and  sent  the  articles  of  the  treaty  and  the  account  of 
her  wedding  by  your  messenger.  I  have  just  taken 
her  to  her  new  home,  a  fine  and  noble  house,  as  well 
furnished  as  possible,  called  Beaumont.  Her  father- 
in-law,  the  Duke,  received  her  very  honourably, 
attended  by  as  large  and  illustrious  a  company  as  you 
could  wish  to  see.  Among  others,  the  Queen  of 
Hungary  was  present,  and  the  Duchess  of  Milan, 
and  both  the  Prince  and  Princess  of  Orange,  who,  by 
the  way,  is  said  to  be  with  child,  although  this  is 
not  quite  certain  as  yet,  and  I  confess  I  have  my 
doubts  on  the  subject.     I  think  your  sister  is  very 

1  Gachard,  "  Voyages  de  Charles  V.,"  ii.  167. 

2  A.  Calinet,  "  Histoire  de  Lorraine,"  iii.  387. 


March,  1541]  WEDDING-BELLS  247 

well  married.  She  has  received  beautiful  presents, 
and  her  husband  has  made  her  a  very  rich  wedding- 
gift.  He  is  young,  but  full  of  good- will  and  excellent 
intentions.  It  did  not  seem  at  all  like  Lent,  for  the 
sound  of  trumpets  and  the  clash  of  arms  never  ceased, 
and  there  was  some  fine  jousting.  At  the  end  we 
had  to  part — not  without  tears.  I  am  now  back  at 
Guise,  but  only  for  one  night,  and  go  on  to-morrow 
to  La  Fere.  My  brother  the  Cardinal,  and  my 
brother  and  sister  of  St.  Pol,  will  be  there  on  Wednes- 
day. For  love  of  them  I  will  stay  at  La  Fere  over 
Thursday,  and  set  out  again  on  Friday,  to  reach 
Joinville  as  soon  as  may  be,  in  the  hope  of  finding 
your  father  still  there,  as  well  as  our  children — that 
is  to  say,  the  little  ones  and  the  priests."^ 

Ten  days  later  Louise  herself  wrote  a  long  and 
happy  letter  to  her  sister  from  Beaumont,  full  of  the 
delights  of  her  new  home  and  of  the  kindness  with 
which  she  had  been  received  by  her  husband's  family. 

"  Madame, 

"  Since  God  gave  me  this  great  blessing  of  a 
good  husband,  I  have  never  found  time  to  write  to 
you.  But  I  can  assure  you  that  I  count  myself 
indeed  fortunate  to  be  in  this  house,  for,  besides  all 
the  grandeur  of  the  place,  I  have  a  lord  and  father- 
in-law  whom  I  may  well  call  good.  It  would  take 
three  sheets  of  paper  if  I  were  to  tell  you  all  the 
kindness  with  which  he  treats  me.  You  may  there- 
fore be  quite  satisfied  of  your  sister's  happiness,  and 
she  is  further  commanded  to  offer  you  the  very  humble 
service  of  the  masters  and  lords  of  this  house,  who 
beg  that  you  will  employ  them  on  any  occasion  that 
may  arise,  since  they  will  always  be  very  glad  to 
obey  your  wishes.  We  also  have  a  very  wise  and 
virtuous  Queen,  who  has  done  me  the  greatest  honour 
by  coming  here  to  our  house,  expressly,  as  she  con- 
descended to  say,  to  receive  me.  She  told  me  her- 
self that  she  meant  to  take  me  for  her  very  humble 

^  Balcarres  Manuscripts,  ii.  5  (see  Appendix) .  The  priests  were 
Antoinette's  two  sons,  Charles,  Archbishop  of  Reims,  and  Louis, 
both  of  whom  afterwards  became  Cardinals. 


248  CLEVES,  ORANGE,  LORRAINE     [Bk.  vil 

daughter  and  servant,  and  that  in  future  she  hoped 
I  should  be  often  in  her  company,  which,  considering 
how  httle  she  has  seen  of  me,  was  exceedingly  kind. 
The  Duchess  of  Milan  said  the  same,  and  was  the 
best  and  kindest  of  all.  We  may  soon  hope  to  see 
her  in  Lorraine,  for  her  marriage  to  the  Marquis  is 
in  very  good  train.  Since  my  mother  went  home, 
she  has  sent  a  letter  asking  me  to  find  out  if  this 
route  to  Scotland  will  be  shorter  than  the  other. 
If  this  is  the  case,  and  you  like  to  send  me  your 
letters  for  her,  I  shall  be  delighted.  Only,  Madame, 
you  must  be  sure  to  address  your  packets  to  the  Duke 
of  Aerschot,  which  will  be  easy  for  you,  as  then  the 
merchants  who  come  from  Scotland  will  leave  them 
at  Antwerp  or  Bruges,  or  any  other  town,  and  they 
will  not  fail  to  reach  me,  since  my  father-in-law  is 
greatly  loved  and  honoured  throughout  the  Nether- 
lands. And  I  pray  that  God  will  give  you  a  long  and 
happy  life. 

**  Your  very  humble  and  obedient  sister, 

"  Louise  of  Lorraine. 

"  From  Beaumont,  the  25th  day  of  March." ^ 

The  keenest  interest  in  these  marriages  was  shown 
at  the  Court  of  Scotland.  King  James  wrote  cordial 
letters  from  Edinburgh  to  his  sister-in-law  and  to 
the  Duke  of  Aerschot,  and  congratulated  the  Princess 
of  Orange  on  her  happy  expectations,  begging  her 
to  write  to  him  and  his  wife  more  frequently  .^  Anne 
had  always  been  on  affectionate  terms  with  her 
aunt  and  cousins  at  Joinville,  and  the  presence  of 
Louise  at  Brussels  this  summer  was  another  bond 
between  them. 

Meanwhile  King  Francis  was  greatly  annoyed  to 
hear  of  the  Duchess  of  Milan's  marriage.  He  com- 
plained bitterly  to  the  Duke  of  Guise  and  the  Car- 
dinal of  their  brother's  desertion,   and  vowed  that 

1  Balcarres  Manuscripts,  ii.  153  (see  Appendix). 

2  Ihid.y  ii.  157. 


April,  1541]      AN  UNWILLING  BRIDE  249 

Antoine  and  his  son  should  feel  the  full  weight  of  his 
displeasure.  He  was  as  good  as  his  word,  and,  when 
the  Prince  assumed  the  title  of  Duke  of  Bar,  disputed 
his  rights  to  this  duchy  on  the  ground  that  it  was  a  fief 
of  the  Crown.  In  order  to  satisfy  these  new  claims, 
the  Duke  was  compelled  to  sign  an  agreement  on  the 
22nd  of  April,  b}^  which  he  and  his  son  consented  to 
do  homage  to  the  King  for  the  duchy  of  Bar,  and  to 
grant  free  passage  of  French  troops  through  this 
province.^ 

At  the  same  time  Francis  invited  the  Duke  of 
Cleves  to  come  to  Blois,  as  he  wished  his  marriage  to 
the  Princess  of  Navarre  to  be  celebrated  without 
delay.  On  the  nth  of  April  the  States  assembled 
at  Diisseldorf  were  amazed  to  hear  from  Chancellor 
Olisleger  that  their  Duke,  being  unable  to  obtain  the 
Duchess  of  Milan's  hand  without  the  surrender  of 
Guelders,  was  about  to  contract  another  marriage 
with  the  Princess  of  Navarre,  and  had  actually 
started  on  his  wedding  journey.^  The  King  and 
Queen  of  Navarre  had  always  been  averse  to  their 
daughter's  union  with  the  Duke  of  Cleves,  but 
Margaret's  resistance  was  overcome  by  the  royal 
brother  whom  she  adored,  and  her  husband  gave  a 
reluctant  consent  to  the  marriage;  but  the  little 
Princess  Jeanne,  a  dehcate  child  of  twelve,  refused 
in  the  most  determined  manner  to  marry  this  foreign 
Prince.  In  vain  she  was  scolded  and  whipped,  and 
threatened  by  her  uncle  the  King  with  worse  punish- 
ments. For  many  weeks  the  child  persisted  in  her 
refusal,  and,  when  compelled  to  yield,  signed  a  pro- 

^  State  Papers,  Record  Office,  viii.  609. 

^  State  Papers,  Record  Office,  viii.  550;  Calendar  of  State 
Papers,  xv.  344,  362 ;  A.  de  Ruble,  "  Mariage  de  Jeanne  d'Albret," 
83. 


2SO  CLEVES,  ORANGE,  LORRAINE    [Bk.vii 

test  on  the  eve  of  her  marriage,  which  with  the  secret 
connivance  of  her  parents  was  duly  witnessed  and 
preserved.  On  the  14th  of  June,  1540,  the  strange 
wedding  was  finally  solemnized  at  Chatelherault,  on 
the  Garonne.  A  series  of  Arcadian  fetes  in  beautiful 
summer  weather  were  given  by  King  Francis,  who 
never  lost  an  opportunity  for  indulging  his  love  of 
romance.  Arbours  and  colonnades  of  verdure  were 
reared  on  the  river-banks.  King  Arthur  and  the 
Knights  of  the  Round  Table  were  seen  riding  forth 
in  quest  of  adventure;  highborn  ladies,  clad  as 
nymphs  and  dryads,  danced  on  the  greensward  by 
torchlight.^  The  bridegroom  gave  his  bride  mag- 
nificent jewels,  although  Jeanne  was  never  seen  in 
public,  and  did  not  even  appear  at  the  ball  on  the 
night  before  the  wedding.  Finally,  when  all  were 
assembled  in  the  royal  chapel,  and  the  King  came  to 
lead  his  niece  to  the  altar,  the  little  Princess,  weighed 
down  by  her  costly  jewels  and  gold  and  silver  brocades, 
was  unable  to  walk.  "  Take  her  by  the  neck  !" 
cried  the  impatient  monarch  to  Montmorenc}^,  and 
the  Constable  of  France,  not  venturing  to  disobey  the 
royal  command,  lifted  up  the  frightened  child  in 
his  arms  and  bore  her  to  the  altar  before  the  eyes  of 
the  whole  Court.  As  he  did  so  he  was  heard  to 
mutter,  "  C'en  est  fini,  de  ma  faveur,  adieu  lui  dis!" 
and,  surely  enough,  the  day  after  the  wedding  he 
received  his  dismissal,  and  left  Court,  never  to 
return  during  the  lifetime  of  Francis.^ 

The  Duke  had  agreed,  in  order  to  satisfy  the  King 
and  Queen  of  Navarre,  that  the  marriage  should  be 

1  M.  du  Bellay,  "  Memoires,"  iv.  415. 

2  A.  de  Ruble,  118;  F.  Decrue,  "  Anne  dc  Montmorency  a  la 
Cour  de  Francois  I.,"  403. 


July,  1541]      CHRISTINA'S  WEDDING  251 

merely  formal,  and  consented  to  leave  his  unwilling 
bride  with  her  parents  for  another  year.  Accord- 
ingly, three  days  later  he  bade  them  farewell, 
and  rode,  attended  by  a  strong  French  escort, 
through  the  Ardennes,  and  travelled  down  the 
Moselle  and  Rhine  to  Cologne.  As  he  passed  through 
Luxembourg  he  saw  the  trained  bands  gathering  in 
force  on  the  frontier,  and  heard  that  they  were 
assembling  under  Count  Biiren  to  meet  his  successful 
rival,  Francis  of  Lorraine,  and  bring  him  to  Brussels 
for  his  wedding.^ 

Here  great  preparations  had  been  made  to  do 
honour  to  the  Emperor's  niece,  and  the  guests  came 
from  far  and  wide.  Christina's  trousseau  was  worthy 
of  her  exalted  rank,  and  the  Queen  presented  her 
with  a  wonderful  carcanet  of  rubies,  diamonds,  and 
emeralds,  with  pendants  of  large  pear-shaped  pearls. 
The  marriage  was  solemnized  on  Sunday,  the  loth  of 
July,  in  the  great  hall  where,  twenty-six  years  before, 
Isabella  of  Austria,  had  been  married  to  the  King  of 
Denmark.  Only  two  of  the  foreign  Ambassadors 
were  absent  from  the  wedding  banquet — the  Eng- 
lishmen Vaughan  and  Carne — a  fact  which  naturally 
excited  much  comment.  King  Henry  changed  colour 
when  Chapuys  told  him  of  Christina's  marriage,  and 
was  at  no  pains  to  conceal  his  surprise  and  vexation. 
He  said  repeatedly  that  he  wondered  how  the  Em- 
peror could  allow  so  noble  and  renowned  a  Princess 
to  marry  the  Marquis,  when  there  could  be  no  doubt 
that  Anne  of  CI  eves  was  his  lawful  wife,  and  insisted 
that  this  had  been  the  chief  reason  of  his  own  separa- 
tion from  this  lady.  After  the  wedding  he  again 
referred  to  the  incident,  and  told  Chapuys  in  con- 

^  State  Papers,  Record  Office,  viii.  585. 


252  CLEVES,  ORANGE,  LORRAINE    [Bk.  vil 

fidence  that  the  Duke  of  Lorraine  had  secretly  made 
over  his  rights  on  Guelders  to  the  French  King, 
and  would  never  help  the  Emperor  against  France, 
since  Monseiur  de  Guise  and  the  Cardinal  of  Lorraine 
were  entirely  on  the  French  side.  Chapuys  listened 
with  polite  attention,  and  reported  most  of  the  King's 
conversation  for  the  amusement  of  the  Court  at 
Brussels.^ 

Here  a  series  of  fetes  took  place  after  the  wedding. 
A  grand  tournament  was  held  in  front  of  the  hotel- 
de-ville,  followed  by  the  mock  siege  of  a  fortress  in 
the  park,  and  a  hunting-party  in  the  Forest  of  Soignies  .^ 

On  the  14th,  the  Duke  and  Duchess  of  Bar  left 
Brussels  to  pay  a  round  of  visits  in  the  neighbour- 
hood and  "  see  the  country,"  and  on  the  27th  the 
Queen  went  to  meet  them  at  the  Duke  of  Aerschot's 
hunting-palace  at  Heverle,  near  Louvain,  and  spent 
several  days  there  with  the  two  other  newly-married 
couples,  the  Prince  and  Princess  of  Orange  and  the 
Prince  and  Princess  of  Chimay.^ 

Finally,  on  the  ist  of  August,  the  bride  and  bride- 
groom set  out  on  their  journey,  attended  by  a  brilliant 
company,  which  included  the  Prince  and  Princess  of 
Orange,  the  Duke  of  Aerschot,  the  Prince  and  Princess 
of  Chimay,  the  Counts  of  Berghen,  Buren,  and 
Brederode.  They  travelled  by  slow  stages,  resting 
at  Namur,  Luxembourg,  Thionville,  and  Metz.  Tri- 
umphal arches  were  erected  over  the  gates  of  each 
city,  and  the  burghers  came  out  in  procession  to 
greet  the  bride.  At  Metz  Christina  was  presented 
with    an   illuminated  book   on   "  Marriage,"    by    the 

^  Calendar  of  Spanish  State  Papers,  vi.  i,  332,  349, 

2  Henne,  vii.  282;  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xvi.  i,  470. 

^  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xvi.  i,  508. 


Aug.,  1541]  A  NOBLE  LADY  253 

Regent  of  the  University,  Edmond  du  Boullay,  and 
the  Chapter  of  Toul  offered  her  a  gold  cup,  filled  with 
300  crowns,  while  the  city  gave  her  200  crowns  and 
ten  barrels  of  choice  wine.^ 

On  the  8th  the  wedding-party  reached  Pont-a- 
Mousson,  and  found  a  large  family  gathering  waiting 
to  receive  them.  A  few  days  before  the  Cardinal  of 
Lorraine  had  joined  the  Duke  and  Duchess  of  Guise 
at  Joinville,  and  had  accompanied  them  to  Pont-a- 
Mousson,  as  Antoinette  wrote, 

"  in  order  to  give  our  new  Lady  her  first  greeting 
and  conduct  her  to  Nancy.  Great  preparations  have 
been  made  to  welcome  her,  and  there  is  to  be  some 
fine  jousting.  I  will  tell  you  if  there  is  anything 
worth  writing,  and  must  confess  I  am  very  curious 
to  see  if  the  Marquis  makes  a  good  husband.  At 
least  the  country  rejoices  greatly  at  the  coming  of  so 
noble  and  excellent  a  lady."^ 

The  Duchess  of  Guise  had  collected  most  of  her 
family  for  the  occasion,  and  brought  four  of  her  sons 
— Aumale,  Mayenne,  Charles,  Archbishop  of  Reims, 
and  Louis,  Bishop  of  Troyes — to  Pont-a-Mousson,  as 
well  as  her  little  grandson,  the  Duke  of  Longueville, 
the  Queen  of  Scotland's  son  by  her  first  marriage. 
Duke  Antoine  and  his  younger  son,  Nicholas  de 
Vaudemont,  Bishop  of  Metz,  were  also  present, 
together  with  all  the  chief  nobles  of  Lorraine. 

It  was  a  strange  meeting.  Guise  and  his  sons  had 
often  crossed  swords  with  the  Prince  of  Orange  and 
Aerschot,  and  the  Duke  had  refused  to  meet  the 
Emperor  on  his  memorable  visit  to  Chantilly.  Now 
he    was   engaged   in   repairing   the   forts    along   the 

^  J.  B.  Ravold,  "  Histoire  de  Lorraine,"  iii.  743;  Hugo,  217; 
C.  Pfister,  "  Histoire  de  Nancy,"  ii.  192. 

2  Balcarres  Manuscripts,  ii.  4  (see  Appendix). 


254  CLEVES,  ORANGE,  LORRAINE    [Bk.  vil 

frontier  in  view  of  another  war,  an  occupation  which 
had  at  least  one  merit  in  his  wife's  eyes,  and  kept 
him  longer  at  home  than  he  had  been  for  many  years. 
All  alike,  however,  friends  and  foes,  joined  in  giving 
the  new  Duchess  a  hearty  welcome,  and  drank 
joyously  to  the  health  and  prosperity  of  the  illustrious 
pair. 

At  Pont-a-Mousson  Francis  took  his  bride  to  the 
convent    of    Poor    Clares,    to    see    his    grandmother, 
Philippa  of  Guelders,  who  had  taken  the  veil  twenty 
years  before,  but  still  retained  all  her  faculties,  and 
was  the  object  of  her  sons'  devoted  affection.     The 
Duke  of  Guise  and  his  wife  constantly  visited  the 
good    old    lady,    whose    name    appears    so    often    in 
Antoinette's  letters,  and  who  now  embraced  her  new 
granddaughter  tenderly  and  gave  the  bridal  pair  her 
blessing.     The   next    day   Christina   entered    Nancy, 
where  immense  crowds  assembled  to  receive  her,  and 
choirs  of  white-robed  maidens  welcomed  her  coming 
at  the  ancient  gateway  of  La  Craffe.     One  quaint 
medieval  practice  which  had  lasted  until  this  century 
was  dispensed  with.     It  was  the  custom  for  a  band 
of  peasants  from  the  neighbouring  village  of  Laxou, 
to  beat  the  pools  in  the  marshes  under  the  palace 
walls    all    through    the    night   when    the    Princes    of 
Lorraine  brought  their  brides  home,  to  drive  away 
the  frogs,  whose  croaking  might  disturb   the  ducal 
slumbers.     But  instead  of  this,  the  peasant  women 
of  Laxou  stood  at  the  palace  gates  as  the  Duchess 
ahghted,  and  presented  her  with  baskets  of  flowers  and 
ripe  strawberries  and  cherries.^ 

A  grand  tournament  was  held  the  following  morn- 
ing, on  the  Place  des  Dames  in  front  of  the  ducal 
1  Pfistcr,  ii.  63,  188;  Ravold,  iii.  703. 


Aug.,  1541]      REJOICINGS  AT  NANCY  255 

palace,  in  which  many  of  the  Flemish  nobles  took 
part,  and  was  followed  by  a  state  banquet  and  ball — 
"  all  very  sumptuously  done,"  wrote  Lord  William 
Howard,  the  English  Ambassador.^  Then  the  wed- 
ding festivities  came  to  an  end,  the  gay  party  broke 
up,  and  the  old  city  which  was  henceforth  to  be 
Christina's  home  resumed  its  wonted  air  of  sleepy 
tranquilHty. 

^  State  Papers,  Record  Office,  viii.  609. 


BOOK  VIII 

CHR[STINA,  DUCHESS  OF  LORRAINE 
1541— 1545 

I. 

The  ducal  house  of  Lorraine,  into  which  Christina 
had  now  married,  was  one  of  the  oldest  and  proudest 
in  Europe.  The  duch}^  took  its  name  of  Lotharingia 
from  Lothair,  a  great-grandson  of  Charlemagne,  who 
reigned  over  a  vast  kingdom  stretching  from  the 
banks  of  the  Scheldt  and  Rhine  to  the  Mediterranean. 
After  this  monarch's  death,  his  territories  became 
the  object  of  perpetual  contention  between  the 
German  Empire  and  France,  and  were  eventually 
divided  among  a  number  of  Counts  and  Barons  who 
owned  the  Emperor  or  the  French  King  as  their 
suzerain.  Godfrey  of  Bouillon,  the  leader  of  the  first 
Crusade,  was  one  of  many  illustrious  Princes  who 
reigned  over  Lorraine;  but  Gerard  d'Alsace,  who 
died  in  1046,  was  the  ancestor  of  the  ducal  house  to 
which  Christina's  husband  belonged.^  From  him 
descended  a  long  line  of  hereditary  Princes,  who  were 
loyal  vassals  of  France  and  took  an  active  part  in 
the  wars  against  England.  Raoul,  the  founder  of 
the  collegiate  church  and  Chapter  of  St.  Georges  at 

^  Abbe  Calmet,  "  Histoire  Ecclesiastique  et  Civile  de  Lorraine," 
i.  190. 

256 


Jan.,  1477]  KING   RENE  257 

Nancy,  was  killed  fighting  valiantly  at  Crecy,  and  his 
son  John  was  taken  prisoner  with  the  French  King  by 
the  Black  Prince  at  Poitiers.  Duke  John's  second  son, 
Ferry,  Count  of  Vaudemont  and  Joinville,  fell  at  Agin- 
court.  In  1444  this  Prince's  grandson.  Ferry  II.,  the 
representative  of  the  younger  branch  of  the  House 
of  Lorraine,  married  Yolande,  daughter  of  Rene  of 
Anjou,  King  of  Provence,  Jerusalem,  and  Sicily,  and 
Duke  of  Lorraine  in  right  of  his  wife,  Isabella,  the 
heiress  of  Duke  Charles  II.  Yolande,  whose  sister, 
Margaret  of  Anjou,  married  Henry  VI.,  became 
Duchess  of  Lorraine  after  the  death  of  her  nephew 
in  1473,  and  united  the  two  branches  of  the  family 
in  her  person.  But  she  renounced  the  sovereignty  in 
favour  of  her  son,  Rene  II.,  who  still  bore  the  proud 
title  of  King  of  Sicily  and  Jerusalem,  although,  as  the 
English  Ambassador,  Wotton,  remarked,  he  had  never 
seen  either  the  one  or  the  other.  Rene  had  a  fierce 
struggle  for  the  possession  of  Lorraine  with  Charles 
of  Burgundy,  who  defeated  him  completely  in  1475, 
and  entered  Nanc}^  in  triumph.  But  in  January, 
1477,  King  Rene  recovered  his  duchy  with  the  help 
of  the  Swiss,  and  Charles  was  defeated  and  slain  in  a 
desperate  battle  under  the  walls  of  Nancy .^ 

Ten  years  later  Rene  married  Philippa  of  Egmont, 
sister  of  Charles,  Duke  of  Guelders,  and,  together  with 
his  admirable  wife,  devoted  the  rest  of  his  life  to  the 
welfare  of  his  subjects  and  the  improvement  of  the 
capital.  During  his  reign  the  ducal  palace,  founded 
by  his  ancestors  in  the  fourteenth  century,  was  en- 
larged and  beautified,  and  the  neighbouring  church 
and  convent  of  the  Cordeliers  were  built.  Here 
Rene  was  buried  after  his  early  death  in  1508,  and  his 

*  Hugo,  196,  200. 


258  DUCHESS  OF  LORRAINE        [Bk.  vill 

sorrowing  wife  reared  a  noble  monument  in  which  he 
is  represented  kneehng  under  a  pinnacled  canopy 
crowned  by  a  statue  of  the  Virgin  and  Child  .^ 

Six  stalwart  sons  grew  up  under  Philippa's  watchful 
eye,  to  bear  their  father's  name  and  maintain  the 
honour  of  his  house.  The  eldest,  Antoine,  succeeded 
Rene  as  Duke  of  Lorraine  and  Bar,  and  the  second, 
Claude,  became  a  naturalized  French  subject,  and 
inherited  the  family  estates  in  France,  including 
Joinville,  Guise,  and  Aumale.  Both  Princes  were 
educated  at  the  French  Court,  where  Claude  became 
the  friend  and  companion  of  the  future  King  Francis, 
and  in  1513  married  Antoinette  de  Bourbon,  the 
Count  of  Vendome's  daughter.  This  lovely  maiden 
was  brought  up  with  her  cousins,  Louis  XIL's 
daughters,  the  elder  of  whom  married  Francis  of 
Angouleme,  the  heir  to  the  Crown.  When,  in  1515, 
this  Prince  succeeded  his  father-in-law  on  the  throne, 
he  promised  the  young  Duke  of  Lorraine  the  hand  of 
Louis  XIL's  widow,  Mary  of  England;  but  the  fair 
Dowager  had  already  plighted  her  troth  to  Brandon, 
Duke  of  Suffolk,  and  Antoine  consoled  himself  with 
another  Princess  of  the  blood  royal,  Reneede  Bourbon, 
daughter  of  Gilbert  de  Montpensier  and  Chiara  Gon- 
zaga.  The  wedding  was  celebrated  at  Amboise  on 
the  26th  of  June,  15 15,  and  Antoine  and  Claude  both 
left  their  brides  in  Lorraine  with  Queen  Philippa 
while  they  followed  Francis  to  Italy.  There  they 
fought  gallantly  by  the  King's  side  at  Marignano. 
Antoine  was  knighted  on  the  field  of  battle,  while 
Claude  received  a  dangerous  wound,  and  a  third 
brother  was  slain  in  the  melee.  Two  of  Philippa's 
younger  sons  lost  their  lives  in  the  French   King's 

1  Calmet,  iii.  325 ;  A.  Hallays,  "  Nancy  "  ("  Villes  Celdbres  "),  31. 


Dec,  1519]  QUEEN  PHILIPPA  259 

later  campaigns.  One  was  killed  at  Pavia,  and  Louis, 
the  handsomest  of  all  his  handsome  race,  died  of  the 
plague  in  Lautrec's  army  before  Naples.  A  sixth 
son,  Jean,  Bishop  of  Metz,  was  made  a  Cardinal  at 
twenty,  and,  like  his  brother,  Claude  of  Guise,  became 
a  prominent  figure  at  the  French  Court. 

During  Antoine's  absence  his  duchy  was  governed 
wisely  and  well  by  his  mother,  Philippa ;  but  when  he 
no  longer  needed  her  help,  the  good  Queen  retired 
from  the  world,  and  on  the  8th  of  December,  15 19, 
entered  the  Order  of  the  Poor  Clares  at  Pont-a- 
Mousson.  Here  she  spent  the  remaining  twenty- 
seven  years  of  her  life  in  works  of  devotion,  and 
edified  her  family  and  subjects  by  the  zeal  with  which 
she  performed  the  humblest  duties,  going  barefoot 
and  wearing  rough  serge.  But  she  still  retained  great 
influence  over  her  sons,  who  were  all  deeply  attached 
to  her  and  often  came  to  visit  her  in  the  convent. 
By  a  will  which  she  made  when  she  forsook  the  world, 
she  left  her  furniture,  jewels,  and  most  of  her  property, 
to  her  second  son,  Claude,  "  pour  aider  ce  jeune 
manage, "^  and  the  Duke  and  Duchess  of  Guise  went 
to  live  at  her  dower-house  of  Joinville,  the  beau 
chdtel  on  the  heights  above  the  River  Marne,  which 
had  once  belonged  to  St.  Louis's  follower,  le  Sieur 
de  Joinville.  Here  that  remarkable  woman,  Duchess 
Antoinette,  the  mother  of  the  Guises,  reared  her  large 
family,  the  six  sons  who  became  famous  as  soldiers 
or  prelates,  and  the  four  beautiful  daughters  who 
were  courted  by  Kings  and  Princes.  Antoine's  wife, 
Renee,  had  not  the  abihty  and  force  of  character 
which  made  her  cousin  a  power  at  the  French  Court, 
as  well  as  in  her  own  family,  but  she  was  greatly 

1  Calmet,  i.  176;  Hugo,  244;  "  Inventaire  de  Joinville,"  i.  378. 


26o  DUCHESS  OF  LORRAINE        [Bk.viii 

beloved  in  Lorraine,  and  inherited  the  cultivated 
tastes  of  her  Gonzaga  mother — the  sister  of  EUzabeth, 
Duchess  of  Urbino,  and  sister-in-law  of  the  famous 
Isabella  d'Este.  Renee  brought  the  graces  and  re- 
finement of  the  Mantuan  Court  to  her  husband's  home, 
and  the  blossoming  of  art  which  took  place  at  Nancy 
during  Antoine's  reign  was  largely  due  to  her  in- 
fluence. 

A  whole  school  of  local  architects  and  painters  were 
employed  to  adorn  the  ducal  palace,  which  under  his 
rule  and  that  of  his  immediate  successors  became,  in 
the  words  of  a  contemporary,  "  as  fine  a  dwelling-place 
for  a  great  Prince  as  could  possibly  be  desired."^ 
King  Rene  had  rebuilt  the  older  portions  of  the  house; 
his  son  now  added  the  noble  gateway  known  as  "  La 
Grande  Porterie,"  with  his  own  equestrian  statue 
carved  by  Mansuy  Gauvain,  and  the  magnificent 
upper  gallery  called  "  La  Galerie  des  Cerfs,"  from 
the  antlers  and  other  trophies  of  the  chase  which  hung 
upon  its  walls .2  A  wealth  of  dehcate  sculpture  was 
lavished  on  the  fagade.  Flowers  and  foliage,  heraldic 
beasts  and  armorial  bearings,  adorned  the  portal; 
"  le  boeuf  qui  preche  " — an  ox's  head  in  a  pulpit — 
appeared  in  one  corner,  and  on  the  topmost  pinnacle, 
above  the  busts  of  Rene  and  Antoine,  a  monkey  was 
seen  clad  in  a  friar's  habit.  Within,  the  vaulted 
halls  were  decorated  with  stately  mantelpiece^^  and 
richly  carved  friezes.  Without,  the  roofs  glittered 
with  gilded  copper  fretwork  and  a  tall  bronze  fleche^ 
bearing  the  cross  of  Lorraine  and  the  thistle  of  Nancy, 
crowned  the  "  Tour  du  Paradis,"  which  enclosed  the 

1  H.  Lepage,  "  Le  Palais  Ducal  de  Nancy,"  lo;  C.  Pfister, 
ii.  29;  "  La  Villc  de  Nancy,"  65. 

2  Pfister,  ii.  26;  A.  Hallays,  "  Nancy,"  37-39. 


GRANDE  PORTERIE.  PALAIS  DUCAL,  NANCV 


To/acc  p.  260 


Aug.,  1541]  THE  DUCAL  PALACE  261 

fine  spiral  staircase  leading  to  the  Galerie  des  Cerfs. 
Another  round  tower,  containing  an  inclined  way 
broad  enough  for  a  horse  and  chariot,  stood  in  the 
older  part  of  the  palace,  and  led  up  to  the  Treasury, 
where  the  Crown  jewels  were  kept.  Here,  too,  were 
the  apartments  occupied  by  the  ducal  family.  On 
one  side  they  opened  on  to  the  "  Cour  d'Honneur," 
where  tournaments  and  pageants  were  held.  On  the 
other  the  windows  looked  down  on  the  gardens,  with 
their  cut  yews  and  box  hedges,  their  arbours  and 
bosquets,  and  in  the  centre  a  superb  fountain 
adorned  with  putti  by  Mansuy  Gauvain ;  while  beyond 
the  eye  ranged  across  the  sleepy  waters  of  the  moat  to 
green  meadows  and  distant  woods  .^  The  grand  portal 
and  state-rooms  at  the  new  end  of  the  palace  looked 
down  on  the  Grande  Rue,  and  were  only  divided  by  a 
narrow  street  from  the  shops  and  stalls  of  the  market- 
place. The  fact  that  the  Duke's  house  stood  in  the 
heart  of  the  city  naturally  fostered  the  affection  with 
which  he  was  regarded  by  the  people  of  Nancy.  The 
citizens  were  familiar  with  every  detail  of  the  ducal 
family's  private  life,  and  took  the  deepest  interest  in 
their  comings  and  goings,  their  weddings  and  funerals, 
in  the  guests  who  arrived  at  the  palace  gates,  and  in 
the  children  who  grew  up  within  its  walls. 

Duke  Antoine  was  especially  beloved  by  his  sub- 
jects. Early  in  life  he  had  learnt  by  experience  the 
horrors  of  war,  and  all  through  his  reign  he  tried 
manfully  to  preserve  a  strict  neutrality  between  the 
rival  powers  on  either  side,  with  the  result  that 
Lorraine  enjoyed  an  unbroken  period  of  peace  and 
prosperity.  The  burden  of  taxation  was  lightened, 
trade  and  agriculture  flourished,  and  the  arts  were 

^  Lepage,  "  Palais  Ducal,"  3;  Pfister,  ii.  188. 

18 


262  DUCHESS  OF  LORRAINE        [Bk.viii 

encouraged  by  this  good  Prince,  who  was  justly  called 
the  "  father  of  his  people."  When  his  beloved  wife 
Renee  died,  in  June,  1539,  his  sorrow  was  shared 
by  the  whole  nation. 

"  Since  I  sent  my  last  letter,"  wrote  the  Duchess 
of  Guise  to  her  daughter  in  Scotland,  "  you  will  have 
heard  of  the  death  of  your  aunt — whom  God  pardon 
— a  fortnight  ago.  The  attack — a  flux  de  ventre — 
which  carried  her  off  only  lasted  nine  days,  but  she 
was  enfeebled  by  long  illness.  Nature  could  no 
longer  offer  any  resistance,  and  God  in  His  good 
pleasure  took  her  to  Himself.  She  died  as  a  good 
Christian,  doing  her  duty  by  all  and  asking  forgive- 
ness of  everyone,  and  remained  conscious  to  the  end. 
After  Friday  morning  she  would  not  see  her  children, 
or  even  her  husband,  but,  as  this  distressed  him 
greatly,  she  sent  for  him  again  after  she  had  received 
God.  On  Sunday  she  was  anointed  with  holy  oil, 
and  died  at  ten  o'clock  the  next  evening.  It  was 
the  tenth  of  June.  It  is  a  heavy  loss  for  all  our 
family,  but  your  uncle  bears  up  bravely.  He  sent  for 
us,  and  I  set  out  for  Nancy  at  once,  but  only  arrived 
there  after  her  death.  Your  father,  with  whom  I 
have  been  in  Picardy,  followed  on  Saturday.  I  have 
just  returned  to  Pont-a-Mousson,  where  I  came  to  see 
my  mother-in-law,  the  good  old  Queen.  The  funeral 
will  be  on  St.  John's  Day,  and  your  aunt  will  be 
buried  in  the  Cordeliers,  opposite  the  tomb  of  the  late 
King  "  (Rene  11.).^ 

Four  days  after  his  wife's  death,  Antoine  himself 
sent  these  touching  lines  to  his  niece,  the  Queen  of 
Scotland : 

"  I  was  glad  to  hear  from  you  the  other  day, 
Madame,  and  must  tell  you  the  great  sorrow  which  it 
has  pleased  God  to  send  me,  in  calling  my  wife  to 
Himself.  She  died  on  the  morrow  of  Pentecost.  God 
be  praised,  Madame,  for  the  beautiful  end  which  she 
made,  like  the  good  Christian  that  she  was.     Com- 

^  Balcarres  Manuscripts,  ii.  17. 


Aug.,  1541]       FRANCIS  OF  LORRAINE  263 

mend  me  to  the  King  your  lord ;  and  if  there  is  any 
service  which  I  can  render  you  or  him,  let  me  know, 
and  I  will  do  it  gladly. 

"  Your  humble  and  loving  uncle, 

"  Antoine."^ 

Renee  bore  the  Duke  a  large  family,  but  only 
three  of  her  children  lived  to  grow^  up :  Francis, 
Marquis  of  Pont-a-Mousson,  born  in  1517;  Anne,  the 
Princess  of  Orange,  who  was  five  years  younger;  and 
Nicolas,  Count  of  Vaudemont,  born  in  1524,  who 
took  Deacon's  Orders,  and  became  Bishop  of  Metz 
when  the  Cardinal  of  Lorraine  resigned  this  see. 
Francis  had  the  French  King  for  his  godfather,  and 
w^as  sent,  as  a  matter  of  course,  to  be  educated  at 
the  Court  of  France  with  the  Dauphin.  This  Prince 
inherited  the  tall  stature  and  regular  features  of  his 
father's  family,  together  with  his  mother's  love  of 
art  and  letters.  His  studious  tastes  and  quick  in- 
telligence made  him  the  delight  of  all  his  teachers, 
and  King  Francis  was  heard  to  say  that  the  Marquis 
du  Pont  was  the  wisest  Prince  of  his  age.  But 
although  he  could  ride  and  tilt  as  well  as  any  of  his 
peers,  he  was  never  robust,  and  the  strain  of  melan- 
choly in  his  nature  increased  as  3^ears  went  b}^  In 
1538  the  young  Marquis  accompanied  his  father  to 
meet  the  Emperor  at  Aigues-Mortes,  and  made  a  very 
favourable  impression  on  Charles,  who  proposed  that 
he  should  marry  one  of  King  Ferdinand's  daughters. 
Several  other  alhances  had  been  already  suggested 
for  this  promising  Prince.^  In  1527,  w^hile  he  was 
still  a  boy,  the  fateful  marriage  between  him  and  Anne 
of  Cleves  had  been  arranged;  and  when  this  was 
abandoned.  King  Francis  first  offered  him  one  of  his 
own  daughters,  and  then  his  cousin,  Mary  of  Vendome, 
^  Balcarres  Manuscripts,  ii.  84.  -  Ibid.,  ii.  20. 


264  DUCHESS  OF  LORRAINE        [Bk.viii 

whom  the  King  of  Scotland  had  deserted  for  the  fair 
Duchess  of  Longueville.  At  the  same  time 
Henry  VIII.  asked  Castillon  to  arrange  a  marriage 
between  his  daughter  Mary  and  the  heir  of  Lorraine.^ 
But  from  the  moment  that  Francis  of  Lorraine  saw 
the  Duchess  of  Milan  at  Compiegne  his  choice  never 
wavered,  and  his  constancy  triumphed  in  the  end 
over  all  difticulties. 

The  lamented  death  of  Duchess  Renee,  and  the 
marriage  of  her  only  daughter,  Anne,  in  the  following 
year,  had  left  the  palace  at  Nancy  without  a  mistress, 
and  rendered  Christina's  presence  there  the  more 
welcome.  The  old  Duke  was  as  proud  of  his  daughter- 
in-law  as  his  subjects  were  of  their  young  Duchess, 
and  Christina's  frank  manners  and  open-handed 
generosity  soon  made  her  very  popular  in  Lorraine. 
She  received  a  cordial  welcome  from  Antoinette  and 
the  Guise  Princes  at  Joinville,  and  was  on  the  best 
of  terms  with  her  young  brother-in-law.  Monsieur  de 
Metz.  Above  all,  she  was  adored  by  her  spouse,  whose 
devotion  to  Christina  quickly  dispelled  the  Duchess  of 
Guise's  fears  lest  this  grave  and  thoughtful  Prince 
should  not  prove  a  good  husband.  His  love  satisfied 
every  longing  of  her  heart,  and  filled  her  soul  with 
deep  content.  After  all  the  storms  of  her  early 
youth,  after  the  lonely  months  at  Milan  and  Pavia, 
after  the  disappointment  of  her  cherished  hopes,  the 
young  Duchess  had  found  a  happiness  beyond  her 
highest  dreams.  As  she  wrote  to  her  old  friend 
Granvelle  a  few  months  later:  "  My  husband  treats 
me  so  kindly,  and  has  such  great  affection  for  me, 
that  I  am  the  happiest  woman  in  the  whole  world."  ^ 

^  Kaulek,  54. 

2  F.  V.  Bucholtz,  "  Geschichte  d.  Kaiser  Ferdinand  I.,"  ix.  141. 


Nov.,  1541]     A  VISIT  TO  FONTAINEBLEAU      265 


II. 

The  King  of  France's  ill-temper  was  the  one  draw- 
back to  the  general  satisfaction  with  which  Christina's 
marriage  had  been  received.  The  coldness  with 
which  he  treated  the  Duke  of  Lorraine  and  his  son, 
the  sacrifice  of  their  rights  on  Bar,  rankled  in  the  old 
man's  heart.  His  surprise  was  the  greater  when  he 
received  a  courteous  invitation  to  bring  his  son  and 
daughter-in-law  on  a  visit  to  the  French  Court.  His 
brother  the  Cardinal  wrote  saying  that  Queen 
Eleanor  was  anxious  to  see  her  niece,  and  that  the 
King  wished  to  confer  the  Order  of  St.  Michel  on  her 
lord,  and  begged  Duke  Antoine  to  accompam^  the 
young  couple  to  Fontainebleau. 

Christina  and  her  husband,  who  since  his  mar- 
riage had  become  a  strong  Imperiahst,  were  reluctant 
to  accept  the  invitation,  lest  an  attempt  should  be 
made  to  draw  Lorraine  into  an  alliance  against  the 
Emperor.  But  the  Cardinal's  bland  promises  and 
Antoine's  anxiety  to  keep  on  good  terms  with  the 
King  prevailed  over  their  hesitation,  and  early  in 
November  the  two  Dukes  and  the  young  Duchess 
spent  three  days  at  Fontainebleau.  Hunting-parties 
and  banquets  occupied  the  first  two  days.  Eleanor 
took  the  greatest  delight  in  her  niece's  company,  and 
the  King,  who  could  never  resist  a  woman's  charms, 
was  assiduous  in  his  attention  to  Christina.  The 
Queen  of  Navarre's  presence  afforded  the  Duchess 
additional  pleasure,  and  this  accomplished  Princess 
showed  her  Leonardo  and  Raphael's  paintings,  and 
did  the  honours  of  the  superb  palace  which  had 
excited  the  Emperor's  admiration  two  years  before. 
On  the  third  evening   the  King  expressed  his  wish 


266  DUCHESS  OF  LORRAINE        [Bk.viii 

to  confer  the  Order  of  St.  Michel  on  the  young  Duke 
in  so  pressing  a  manner  that  it  was  impossible  to  refuse 
this  offer.  But  an  unpleasant  surprise  was  in  store 
for  him  and  his  father.  The  next  morning  the 
Cardinal  informed  them  that  the  King  demanded 
the  cession  of  the  town  and  fortress  of  Stenay,  in 
return  for  the  privilege  of  holding  the  duchy  of  Bar. 
This  unexpected  demand  aroused  an  indignant 
protest  from  Antoine  and  Francis.  Stenay  was  one 
of  the  bulwarks  of  Lorraine,  and  its  position  on  the 
frontiers  of  Luxembourg  made  it  of  great  importance 
to  the  defence  of  the  empire.  But  nothing  that  the 
Duke  and  his  son  could  say  was  of  the  slightest  avail. 
They  were  told  that  if  Stenay  was  not  surrendered 
peaceably  the  King  would  declare  war  and  reduce 
their  country  to  subjection.  These  threats  alarmed 
the  old  Duke  to  such  a  pitch  that  before  leaving 
Fontainebleau  he  was  induced  to  sign  a  treaty  by 
which  Stenay  was  given  up  in  perpetuity  to  the 
French  Crown.  It  was  a  grievous  blow  to  the  prestige 
of  Lorraine,  and  filled  Christina  and  her  husband 
with  grave  fears  for  the  future.  The  following  letter 
which  the  Duchess  wrote  to  Granvelle  a  few  weeks 
afterwards  shows  how  bitterly  she  resented  the 
wrong : 

"  You  have  no  doubt  heard  of  the  voyage  which 
the  Lord  Duke  my  father-in-law,  my  husband,  and  I, 
took  to  the  French  Court,  where  we  made  a  very 
short  sta}^  but  one  which  turned  out  ver}^  badly  for 
our  house.  For  the  King  used  violent  threats  to  my 
father  and  husband,  and  sent  my  uncle  the  Cardinal 
to  tell  them  that,  if  they  did  not  satisfy  his  demands, 
he  would  prove  their  worst  enemy,  and  make  them 
the  smallest  people  in  the  world.  So  they  were  com- 
pelled to  give  him  the  town  of  Stenay,  which  is  a 
great  loss  to  this  house,  and  has  vexed  my  husband 


Nov.,  1541]     THE  CESSION  OF  STENAY  267 

and  me  sorely,  showing  us  how  much  we  are  de- 
spised on  that  side,  and  to  what  risk  of  destruction  we 
should  be  exposed  if  it  were  not  for  the  good  help  of 
the  Emperor,  in  whom  I  place  my  whole  trust." ^ 

Unfortunately  for  the  Duchess  and  her  husband, 
Charles  was  at  this  moment  engaged  in  his  disastrous 
expedition  to  Algiers.  The  news  of  the  tempest 
which  wrecked  his  fleet  on  the  coast  of  Africa  had 
reached  the  French  Court,  and  it  was  confidently 
asserted  that  the  Emperor  himself  had  perished,  or 
was  a  prisoner  in  Barbarossa's  camp.  These  dis- 
quieting rumours  were  set  at  rest  early  in  December 
by  his  safe  return  to  Cartagena  with  the  remnants  of  his 
army.  But  his  enemies  had  been  active  in  his  absence. 
On  the  15th  of  November  the  Duke  of  Lorraine  set 
his  seal  to  the  deed  of  cession,  and  a  week  later  a 
French  garrison  took  possession  of  Stenay.  General 
indignation  was  excited  throughout  Europe  by  this 
arbitrary  act.  Mary  of  Hungary  entered  a  vigorous 
protest  in  her  brother's  name  against  this  surrender 
of  an  imperial  fief,  and  no  sooner  did  the  news  reach 
Charles  than  he  told  his  Ambassador  to  require  the 
French  King  to  do  homage  for  the  town.  The  new 
English  Ambassador,  Paget,  who  arrived  at  Fon- 
tainebleau  a  few  days  after  the  Lorraine  Princes  left 
Court,  noticed  that  the  King  "  looked  very  black, 
as  if  the  Imperial  Envoy  had  spoken  of  matters  not 
all  the  pleasantest " ;  while  he  informed  his  royal 
master  that  the  entertainment  of  the  Duke  of  Lor- 
raine had  been  but  cold,  and  that  he  had  lost  all 
credit  with  the  French.^  When  Chapuys  told  King 
Henry  at  Christmas  how  King  Francis  had  snatched 

1  Granvelle,  "  Papiers  d'etat,"  ii.  6i8;  Bucholtz,  ix.  141. 

2  State  Papers,  Record  Office,  viii.  639,  644,  655 


268  DUCHESS  OF  LORRAINE        [Bk.viii 

Stenay  from  the  Duke  of  Lorraine,  the  EngHsh 
monarch  only  shrugged  his  shoulders,  saying  he  had 
always  known  no  good  would  come  out  of  that 
marriage.^ 

Meanwhile  Christina  and  her  husband  found  some 
consolation  for  their  wounded  feelings  in  the  friendly 
reception  which  they  met  with  at  Joinville,  on  their 
return  from  France.  The  Duke  and  Duchess  of  Guise 
came  to  meet  them  at  Annonville,  and  were  eager  to 
do  honour  to  their  nephew's  bride  and  show  her  the 
beauties  of  their  stately  home .  They  had  lately  decor- 
ated the  halls  and  chapel  with  paintings  and  statues, 
and  Antoinette  had  laid  out  terraced  gardens  along  the 
wooded  slopes  on  the  River  Marne,  adorned  with 
pavilions  and  fountains.  Nothing  escaped  the  eye 
of  this  excellent  lady,  who  watched  over  the  education 
of  her  children  and  the  welfare  of  her  servants,  and 
managed  her  kitchen,  stables,  and  kennels,  with  the 
same  indefatigable  care.  Her  household  was  a  model 
of  economy  and  prudence,  and  her  works  of  mercy 
extended  far  beyond  the  limits  of  Joinville.  The 
active  correspondence  which  she  kept  up  with  her 
eldest  daughter,  the  Queen  of  Scotland,  abounds  in 
details  regarding  every  member  of  her  family,  and 
above  all  her  little  grandson,  the  Duke  of  Longueville. 
The  Duchess's  letters  are  naturally  full  of  this  precious 
boy,  who  was  the  pet  and  plaything  of  the  whole 
household,  and  on  whose  perfections  she  is  never 
tired  of  dwelling.  For  his  mother's  benefit,  she  sends 
minute  records  of  his  height  and  appearance,  of  the 
progress  which  he  is  making  at  lessons,  the  walks 
which  he  takes  with  his  nurse. 

'  Calendar  of  Spanish  State  Papers,  vi.   i,  436;  Calendar  of 
State  Papers,  xvi.  i,  O90. 


Nov.,  1541]  AT  JOINVILLE  269 

"  We  have  here  now,"  she  wrote  to  Mary  of  Guise, 
on  the  1 8th  of  November,  "  not  only  your  uncle,  but 
the  Duke  and  DuchesF  of  Bar,  on  their  way  back 
from  Court.  The}^  are  all  making  good  cheer  with  us, 
and  your  father  is  so  busy  entertaining  them  that 
you  will  hardly  have  a  letter  from  him  this  time. 
Your  eldest  brother  [Aumale]  is  here  too,  but  goes 
to  join  the  King  at  Fontainebleau  next  week.  I 
shall  go  to  my  mother  [the  old  Countess  of  Vendome], 
who  is  quite  well,  and  so  also  is  the  good  old  Queen, 
your  grandmother.  I  have  kept  as  a  bonne  bouche 
for  you  a  word  about  our  grandson,  who  will  soon 
be  a  man,  and  is  the  finest  child  that  you  ever  saw. 
I  am  trying  to  find  a  painter  who  can  show  you  how 
tall,  healthy,  and  handsome,  he  is." 

Sad  news  had  lately  come  from  Scotland,  where  the 
Queen's  two  children,  a  boy  of  a  year  old  and  a  new- 
born babe,  had  died  in  the  same  week.  Antoinette's 
motherly  heart  yearned  over  her  absent  daughter  in 
this  sudden  bereavement. 

"  Your  father  and  I  are  sorel}^  grieved  at  the  loss 
you  have  suffered,"  shewTote  to  Mary;  "  but  you  are 
both  young,  and  I  can  only  hope  that  God,  who  took 
away  those  dear  little  ones,  will  send  you  others.  .  .  . 
If  I  were  good  enough  for  my  prayers  to  be  of  any 
avail  with  God,  I  would  pray  for  this,  but  I  can  at 
least  have  prayers  offered  up  by  others  who  are  better 
than  I  am,  especiall}'  by  the  good  Queen  in  her  con- 
vent and  her  holy  nuns.  We  are  glad  to  hear  the 
King  bears  his  loss  with  resignation,  and  trust 
God  will  give  3^ou  patience  to  live  for  Him  in  this 
world  and  in  the  next,  to  which  tribulation  is  the 
surest  way." 

And  in  a  postscript  she  adds  a  word  of  practical 
advice,  saying  that  she  did  not  like  to  hear  of  the  poor 
babes  having  so  many  different  nurses,  and  fears 
this  may  have  been  one  cause  of  the  mischief.^ 

In    return    for    this    affectionate    sympath}^    King 

1  Balcarres  Manuscripts,  ii.  3,  6. 


270  DUCHESS  OF  LORRAINE       [Bk.vHI 

James  sent  his  mother-in-law  a  fine  diamond  and  a 
portrait  of  himself,  which  arrived  during  Christina's 
visit,  and  excited  much  interest  at  Joinville.  All  the 
Duchess  of  Guise's  daughters  were  absent  from  home, 
the  youngest,  Antoinette,  having  joined  her  sister. 
Abbess  Renee,  in  the  convent  at  Reims,  where  she 
afterwards  took  the  veil.  But  her  eldest  son,  as  we 
have  seen,  was  at  Joinville  on  this  occasion.  A  tall, 
dark-haired,  olive-skinned  youth,  recklessly  brave 
and  adventurous,  Aumale  was  a  great  favourite  both 
in  Court  and  camp,  and  his  mother  had  been  sadly 
disappointed  at  the  failure  of  the  marriage  negotia- 
tions, which  had  cost  her  so  much  time  and  trouble. 
The  Pope's  daughter,  Vittoria  Farnese,  who  was  to 
have  been  his  wife,  had  since  then  been  offered  in 
turn  to  the  Prince  of  Piedmont  and  the  Duke  of 
Vendome,  and  was  eventually  married  to  the  Duke 
of  Urbino.  Aumale  himself  cared  little  for  the  loss 
of  the  Italian  bride,  whom  he  had  never  seen,  and  had 
hitherto  shown  no  eagerness  for  matrimony,  but  the 
sight  of  Christina  made  a  deep  impression  upon  him, 
and  he  never  forgot  his  fair  cousin's  visit  to  Joinville. 
The  most  friendly  relations  prevailed  between  the 
two  families,  and  frequent  visits  were  interchanged 
during  the  winter.  Christmas  was  celebrated  with 
prolonged  festivities  at  Nancy,  and  on  the  6th  of 
February  the  old  Duke  wrote  from  Joinville  to  his 
niece,  the  Queen  of  Scotland  : 

"  Your  father  and  I  have  spent  the  last  week 
together,  and  have  made  great  cheer  with  all  our 
family.  Your  son,  De  Longueville,  is  very  well,  and 
has  grown  a  fine  boy. 

"  Your  very  humble  and  affectionate  uncle, 

"  Antoine."^ 

^  Balcarres  Manuscripts,  ii.  85. 


Feb..  1542]     CHRISTINA'S  ANXIETIES  271 

In  spite  of  these  distractions,  Christina  found  it 
difficult  to  make  her  husband  forget  the  loss  of 
Stenay.  The  injustice  which  had  been  done  to  the 
House  of  Lorraine  still  rankled  in  his  mind,  and  he 
feared  that  the  Emperor  would  hold  him  responsible 
for  the  surrender  of  the  town,  and  regard  it  as  an  act 
of  disloyalty.  Christina  accordingly  addressed  a  long 
letter  to  Granvelle,  explaining  that  her  husband  had 
been  very  reluctant  to  accept  the  French  Order  of 
St.  Michel,  and  had  only  done  this  at  his  father's 
express  command,  before  there  had  been  an}^  mention 
of  surrendering  Stenay.  Now  she  feared  that  the 
King  might  make  some  fresh  demand,  which  would 
complete  the  destruction  of  the  ducal  house,  and  could 
only  beg  the  Emperor  to  help  them  with  his  advice 
and  support. 

"  For  you  may  rest  assured,"  she  goes  on,  "  that, 
whatever  His  Majesty  is  pleased  to  command,  my 
husband  and  I  will  obey,  although,  as  you  know,  my 
father-in-law  is  somewhat  difficult  to  please,  and  we 
must  do  his  will  for  the  present.  So  I  beg  you 
earnestly  to  point  this  out  to  His  Majesty,  and  ask 
him  to  give  us  his  advice;  for  since  our  return  to 
Nancy  my  husband  has  been  so  sad  and  melancholy, 
and  so  full  of  regret  for  the  great  wrong  which  his 
house  has  suffered,  that  I  am  quite  afraid  it  will 
injure  his  health.  Once  more  I  beg  you,  Monsieur  de 
Granvelle,  to  be  a  good  friend  to  us  in  the  present, 
as  3"ou  have  been  in  the  past  .  .  .  for  we  have  received 
so  much  kindness  from  you  that  I  hope  \^ou  will  not 
hesitate  to  give  us  whatever  advice  seems  best  in 
3^our  eyes.  As  for  me,  I  am  so  much  indebted  to  3^ou 
for  having  helped  to  place  me  where  I  am,  that  you 
and  yours  will  always  find  me  ready  to  do  you 
service.  For  I  can  never  forget  that  it  is  to  5^ou  I 
owe  my  present  great  happiness."^ 

^  Bucholtz,  ix.  142. 


272  DUCHESS  OF  LORRAINE        [Bk.viii 

Charles,  however,  wrote  kindly  to  his  niece,  and 
refused  to  listen  to  the  unkind  tongues  who  tried  to 
poison  his  mind  against  her  husband.  By  degrees 
the  young  Duke  recovered  his  equanimity,  and 
devoted  his  attention  to  beautifying  the  ducal  palace 
of  Nancy.  In  the  last  years  of  Renee's  life  a  Lor- 
raine artist,  Hugues  de  la  Faye,  had  been  employed 
to  paint  subjects  from  the  life  of  Christ  at  one  end 
of  the  "  Galerie  des  Cerfs,"  and  hunting-scenes  at  the 
other.  Christina's  presence  gave  new  impulse  to  the 
work,  and  the  large  quantity  of  gold-leaf  and  azure 
supplied  to  the  painters  in  the  Duke's  service,  show 
how  actively  the  internal  decoration  of  the  palace 
was  carried  on.  In  one  particular  instance  Chris- 
tina's influence  is  clearly  to  be  traced.  By  Duke 
Antoine's  orders,  a  fresco  of  the  Last  Supper  was 
begun  by  Hugues  de  la  Faye  in  the  refectory  of  the 
Cordeliers,  but  was  only  completed  after  this  painter's 
death  in  1542,  by  Crock  and  Chappin.  These  two 
Lorraine  artists  were  sent  to  Italy  by  Duke  Francis 
soon  after  his  accession,  and  visited  Milan  amongst 
other  places.  Here  they  saw  Leonardo's  famous 
"  Cenacolo  "  in  the  refectory  of  S.  Maria  le  Grazie, 
which  was  closely  connected  with  the  Sforza  Princes, 
and  must  have  been  very  familiar  to  Christina 
when  she  lived  in  Milan.  The  fresco  which  they 
executed  at  Nancy  is  said  to  have  been  a  replica  of 
Leonardo's  great  work,  and  kneeling  figures  of 
Antoine  and  Renee  were  introduced  on  the  same  wall, 
in  imitation  of  the  portraits  of  Lodovico  Sforza  and 
Beatrice  d'  Este  which  are  still  to  be  seen  in  the 
Dominican  refectory  at  Milan.  Unfortunately,  the 
Lorraine  masters'  painting  suffered  a  still  worse  fate 
than    Leonardo's    immortal  work,   and,   after    being 


Jan.,  1542]       KING  HENRY'S  WIVES  273 

partly  spoilt  by  damp,  was  finally  destroyed  thirty 
years  ago  and  replaced  by  a  modern  copy.^ 

During  this  winter,  when  Christina  was  happily 
settled  in  her  new  home  and  surrounded  by  loyal 
friends  and  subjects,  news  came  from  England  of  the 
trial  and  execution  of  Henry  VIII.'s  fifth  Queen, 
Catherine  Howard.  When  the  Duke  and  Duchess 
were  at  Fontainebleau,  rumours  reached  the  Court 
that  this  unhappy  lady,  of  whom  Henry  was  deeply 
enamoured  but  a  short  time  before,  had  been  sud- 
denly banished  from  his  presence,  and  taken  into 
custody.  ''  Par  ma  foi  de  gen  til  homme  !"  ex- 
claimed King  Francis  when  he  heard  the  account 
of  the  Queen's  misdeeds.  "  She  has  done  wondrous 
naughtily  I"^  But  in  England,  as  Chapuys  reported, 
much  compassion  was  felt  for  the  King's  latest 
victim,  who  had  dragged  down  the  noble  house  of 
Howard  in  her  fall.  Lord  WilHam  Howard,  the 
late  Ambassador,  was  hastily  recalled  from  France, 
and  sent  to  the  Tower  with  his  mother,  the  old 
Duchess  of  Norfolk.  The  King  himself,  wrote 
Chapuys,  felt  the  case  more  than  that  of  any  of  his 
other  wives,  just  as  the  woman  who  had  lost  ten 
husbands  grieved  more  for  the  tenth  when  he  died 
than  for  any  of  the  other  nine  !  But  when  the 
luckless  Queen  was  beheaded,  Henry  recovered  his 
spirits,  and  spent  Carnival  in  feasting  and  enter- 
taining ladies  with  a  gaiety  which  made  people  think 
that  he  meant  to  marry  again.  "  But  few,  if  any, 
ladies  of  the  Court,"  remarked  Chapuys,  "  now  aspire 
to  the  honour  of  becoming  one  of  the  King's  wives. "^ 

^  H.  Lepage,  "  Le  Palais  Ducal  de  Nancy,"  9;  Pfister,  ii.  236- 
-  State  Papers,  Record  Of&ce,  viii,  636. 

3  Calendar  of  Spanish  State  Papers,  vi.  i,  473;  Calendar  of 
State  Papers,  xvi.  2,  51. 


274  DUCHESS  OF  LORRAINE        [Bk.  viii 

It  was  an  honour  to  which  Christina  herself  had 
never  aspired.  One  day  at  the  Court  of  Nancy, 
conversation  turned  on  the  King  of  England,  and 
some  indiscreet  lady  asked  the  Duchess  why  she  had 
rejected  this  monarch's  suit.  A  smile  broke  over 
Christina's  face,  and  the  old  dimples  rose  to  her  cheeks 
as  she  replied  that,  unfortunately,  she  only  had  one 
head,  but  that  if  she  had  possessed  two,  one  might 
have  been  at  His  Majesty's  disposal.  It  was  a 
characteristic  speech,  and  has  passed  into  history.^ 


III. 

All  through  the  winter  of  1541-42  preparations  for 
war  were  actively  carried  on  in  France,  and  intrigue 
was  rife  among  the  Courts  of  Europe.  Francis  was 
determined  to  profit  by  his  rival's  misfortunes,  in 
spite  of  the  remonstrances  of  the  Pope  and  of  the 
deputies  who  were  sent  by  the  Imperial  Diet  to  adjure 
him  not  to  trouble  the  peace  of  Christendom  while 
the  Emperor  was  fighting  against  the  Turks.  By  the 
end  of  the  year  he  succeeded  in  forming  a  strong 
coalition,  which  included  Scotland,  Denmark,  Sweden, 
and  Cleves.  The  Palatine  Frederic  had  once  more 
pressed  his  wife's  claims  to  the  three  kingdoms,  with 
the  result  that  Christian  III.  lent  a  willing  ear  to  the 

1  The  authenticity  of  this  well-known  saying  has  been  often 
disputed,  and  was  certainly  never  addressed  by  the  Duchess  to 
either  of  Henry  VIII.'s  Ambassadors.  But  Christina's  words 
were  recorded  by  Joachim  Sandrart,  who  wrote  in  the  seven- 
teenth century,  as  having  been  spoken  by  a  Princess  of  Lorraine, 
whom  the  English  King  had  wooed  in  vain,  and  were  afterwards 
quoted  by  Horace  Walpole  "as  the  witty  answer  of  that  Duchess 
of  Milan  whose  portrait  Holbein  painted  for  Henry  VIII."  (see 
Wornum's  "Life  of  Holbein,"  311;  J.  Sandrart,  "Deutsche 
Akademie";  and  Walpole's  "  Anecdotes  of  Painting  "). 


May,  1542]  THE  KING'S  CHASE  275 

French  King's  advances,  and  sent  Envo^^s  to  Fon- 
tainebleau,  where  a  secret  treaty  between  France 
and  Denmark  was  signed  a  few  days  after  the  Duke 
and  Duchess  of  Lorraine  had  left  Court.  Francis 
was  now  exceedingly  anxious  to  draw  Lorraine  into 
the  league  and  induce  Duke  Antoine  to  take  up  arms 
against  the  Emperor.  In  May  he  set  out  on  a  pro- 
gress through  Burgundy  and  Champagne,  taking  the 
Queen  and  all  the  Court  with  him,  to  inspect  the 
fortifications  of  the  eastern  frontier  and  enjoy  some 
hunting  on  the  way.  "  Tell  the  Pope,"  he  said  merrily 
to  the  Legate  Ardinghelli,  "  that  I  do  nothing  but 
make  good  cheer  and  amuse  myself,  whether  I  enter- 
tain fair  ladies  or  go  a-hunting  the  deer."  Paget  and 
the  other  Ambassadors  complained  bitterly  of  the  bad 
quarters  ''  in  peevish  villages  "  which  they  had  to  put 
up  with  as  they  followed  the  King  from  place  to 
place,  wherever  "  great  harts  were  to  be  heard  of."^ 
Fortunately,  he  found  excellent  sport  at  the  Duke  of 
Guise's  chateau  of  Esclaron,  where  he  spent  three 
weeks,  and  declared  that  he  had  never  been  so  happy 
in  his  life. 

"  The  King,"  wrote  Duchess  Antoinette  to  Mary  of 
Scotland,  "  has  found  so  many  big  stags  here  that  he 
says  he  was  never  in  a  place  which  pleased  him 
better,  and  that  in  spite  of  torrents  of  rain  and 
God  knows  what  mud  !  And  you  cannot  think  how 
fond  he  is  of  your  father. "^ 

She  herself  went  to  Esclaron  to  receive  her  royal 
guest,  taking  the  eight-year-old  Duke  of  Longueville 
with  her,  to  make  his  bow  to  the  King  and  be  petted 
by  Queen  Eleanor  and  her  ladies.     But  the  hfe  of 

^  State  Papers,  Record  Office,  viii.  641;  Calendar  of  State 
Papers,  xvii.  711. 

2  Balcarres  Manuscripts,  ii.  12. 


2^6  DUCHESS  OF  LORRAINE        [Bk.viii 

a  Court  lady,  as  she  told  her  daughter,  was  little  to 
her  taste,  and  she  returned  to  Joinville  early  in  June, 
to  keep  the  Fete-Dieu  and  prepare  her  husband's 
and  sons'  equipment  for  the  war  which  was  expected 
to  begin  immediately.  Two  days  later,  on  the  loth 
of  June,  the  Duke  and  Duchess  of  Bar  paid  the 
French  King  a  visit  at  Esclaron,  and  were  present  at 
the  reception  of  the  Swedish  Ambassadors,  whom 
Gustavus  Wasa  had  sent  to  sign  the  new  treaty. 
The  ceremony  took  place  in  a  large  barn  hung  with 
tapestries  and  wreathed  with  green  boughs.  The 
King  and  his  guests  sat  on  a  raised  dais,  draped  with 
cloth  of  gold,  under  a  canopy,  while  the  Princes  of 
the  blood  and  the  other  courtiers,  among  whom  were 
no  less  than  six  Cardinals,  stood  below.  Here  Francis 
listened  patiently  to  a  long  Latin  harangue  from 
the  Swedish  Ambassador,  and  then,  coming  down 
from  his  seat,  he  mingled  freely  in  the  crowd  of 
Cardinals  and  Princes,  gentlemen  and  yeomen,  who 
stood  "  all  in  a  heap  "  at  the  doors  of  the  barn,  and 
showed  himself  very  affable,  although,  in  Paget's 
opinion,  ''  his  manner  lacked  the  majesty  which  he 
had  noticed  in  his  own  master  on  similar  occasions."^ 
Christina  looked  with  curiosity  at  these  Envoys 
from  the  Northern  kingdom  over  which  her  father 
had  once  ruled,  many  of  whom  had  known  the 
captive  monarch  in  old  days.  This  time  she  and 
her  husband  had  no  cause  to  complain  of  the  King's 
treatment.  He  was  all  courtesy  and  smiles,  and 
assured  them  in  the  most  cordial  terms  of  the  singular 
affection  which  he  bore  to  all  their  house .  But  he  soon 
saw  that  there  was  no  prospect  of  inducing  Antoine 
and  his  son  to  join  him  against  Christina's  uncle,  and 
^  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xvii.  232. 


June,  1542]     THE  FRENCH  INVASION  277 

on  the  12th  of  June  he  consented  to  sign  an  agree- 
ment by  which  he  promised  to  respect  the  neutraHty 
of  Lorraine  and  the  properties  of  the  Duke's  subjects.^ 
After  spending  another  week  at  Joinville,  enjoying 
the  splendid  hospitahty  of  the  Guises,  he  left  Eleanor 
with  the  Duchess,  and  went  on  to  Ligny,  a  strong 
fortress  on  the  borders  of  Luxembourg,  where  he  gave 
orders  for  the  opening  of  the  campaign. 

By  the  middle  of  July  four  separate  armies  had 
invaded  the  Emperor's  dominions.  Guise  and 
Orleans  fell  upon  Luxembourg,  Vendome  entered 
Flanders,  the  Dauphin  attacked  Roussillon,  and  the 
forces  of  Cleves,  under  the  redoubtable  Guelders 
captain,  Martin  van  Rossem,  laid  Brabant  waste 
with  fire  and  sword.  But  they  met  with  determined 
opposition  in  ever}^  quarter,  and  the  heroism  of  the 
Regent  and  her  captains  saved  the  Netherlands 
from  ruin. 

"  The  attack,"  wrote  De  Praet  to  Charles  on 
September  21,  1542,  "  was  so  secretly  planned  and  so 
well  carried  out  that  it  is  a  miracle  Your  Majesty 
did  not  lose  your  Pays-Bas.  We  must  thank  God 
first  of  all,  and  next  to  Him  the  Queen,  to  whose 
extreme  care,  toil,  and  diligence,  this  is  owing. "^ 

Fortunately  for  the  Imperialists,  Francis's  extrava- 
gance had  emptied  his  treasury.  All  his  money,  as 
Paget  reported,  was  spent  in  building  new  palaces 
and  buying  jewels  for  himself  and  his  favourites. 
Stenay  and  other  places  had  been  fortified  at  vast 
expense,  and  by  the  end  of  the  year  most  of  the 
French  forces  were  disbanded  for  lack  of  funds. 

It  was  a  sad  autumn  at  Joinville,  where  the  good 

^  Gran ve He,  "  Papiers  d'Etat,"ii.  628;  Calendar  of  State  Papers, 
xvii.  273.  2  Lanz,  ii.  364. 

19 


278  DUCHESS  OF  LORRAINE        [Bk.VIII 

Duchess  wept  and  prayed  for  her  absent  lord  and 
sons,  and  sighed  to  think  they  were  fighting  against 
her  daughter  Louise's  husband  and  father-in-law.  In 
September  Guise  was  invalided  home,  and  he  was 
hardly  fit  to  mount  his  horse  again  when  the 
parents  received  the  news  of  Louise's  death,  which 
took  place  at  Brussels  on  the  i8th  of  October.  The 
charming  Princess  had  always  been  a  delicate  girl, 
and  now  she  died  without  leaving  a  child  to  com- 
fort the  husband  and  father  who  had  loved  her  so 
well.  This  sad  event  was  followed  by  tidings  of  the 
disaster  which  had  befallen  the  King  of  Scotland's 
army  in  Solway  Moss,  and  of  his  death  on  the 
1 8th  of  December.  Antoinette's  heart  bled  for  her 
widowed  daughter,  who  had  just  given  birth  to  an 
infant  Princess  at  Linlithgow.  "  It  came  with  a  lass, 
and  it  will  go  with  a  lass,"  were  the  words  of  the  King 
when  he  was  told  of  the  child's  birth,  a  few  days 
before  he  died  at  Falkland  Palace.  Both  Guise  and 
Aumale  would  gladly  have  hastened  to  Mary's  help, 
but  it  was  impossible  for  them  to  leave  the  camp  at 
this  critical  moment,  and  Antoinette  could  only  beg 
her  daughter  to  keep  up  her  courage  and  trust  in  God, 
"  the  Almighty,  who  would  defend  her  and  the  poor 
little  Queen,  who  although  so  young  is  already  ex- 
posed to  the  insults  of  her  enemies."^ 

It  was  a  no  less  anxious  time  for  Christina  in  her 
home  at  Nancy.  From  the  palace  roof  the  smoke 
of  burning  villages  was  to  be  seen  in  all  directions, 
and  the  people  of  Lorraine  were  exposed  to  frequent 
raids  from  the  hordes  of  irregular  soldiers  in  both 
armies,  and  were  compelled  to  raise  trained  bands 
for  the  defence  of  the  frontiers.     It  was  only  by  the 

^  Balcarres  Manuscripts,  ii.  13. 


Jan.,  1543!  BIRTH  OF  A  SON  279 

strictest  observance  of  the  laws  of  neutrality  that  an 
outbreak  of  actual  hostilities  could  be  avoided. 
When  Aumale  was  badly  wounded  by  a  shot  from  a 
crossbow  in  the  siege  of  Luxembourg,  his  uncle  the 
Duke  sternly  refused  to  have  him  carried  into  his 
neighbouring  castle  of  Longwy;  and  when  Mary  of 
Hungary  proposed  to  garrison  this  fortress  to  protect 
his  subjects  from  French  aggression,  he  declined  her 
offer  firmly  at  the  risk  of  incurring  the  imperial  dis- 
pleasure.^ Christina  herself  spent  Christmas  at  Fon- 
tainebleau  with  her  aunt,  Queen  Eleanor.  This  poor 
lady  was  distracted  with  grief  at  the  war  between  her 
husband  and  brother,  and  spent  much  time  in  making 
futile  attempts  to  induce  her  sister,  the  Regent, 
to  listen  to  peace  negotiations.  Early  in  December, 
while  the  King  was  hunting  at  Cognac,  she  sent  a 
gorgeous  litter  to  Bar  to  bring  the  Duchess  to  Court, 
and  kept  her  there  till  the  middle  of  January.^ 
A  month  afterwards — on  the  13th  of  February — 
Christina  gave  birth  to  her  first  child,  a  son,  who 
received  the  name  of  Charles,  after  her  imperial  uncle. 
There  was  great  rejoicing  in  Nancy,  where  the  happy 
event  took  place,  and  the  old  Duke  himself  went  to 
Pont-a-Mousson  to  bear  the  good  news  to  the  vener- 
able Queen  Philippa,  who  thanked  God  that  she  had 
lived  to  see  her  great-grandson.  The  little  Prince's 
christening  was  celebrated  with  as  much  festivity 
as  the  troubled  state  of  the  country  would  allow, 
and  Christina's  faithful  friend,  the  Princess  of  Mace- 
donia, who  had  followed  her  to  Lorraine,  held  the 
child  at  the  font  and  was  appointed  his  governess,^ 

1  Pimodan,  8i ;  Bouille,  i.  142. 

2  Calendar  of  Spanish  State  Papers,  vi.  2,  262. 
*  Calmet,  i.  265;  Pfister,  ii.  200. 


28o  DUCHESS  OF  LORRAINE        [Bk.  Vlll 

Two  days  before  the  Prince's  birth  a  secret  treaty 
between  the  Emperor  and  King  Henry  was  concluded 
at  Whitehall.  Chapuys  had  at  length  attained  the 
object  of  his  untiring  efforts,  and  De  Courrieres  was 
sent  from  Spain  on  a  confidential  mission  to  induce 
Henry  to  declare  war  against  France.  The  defeat 
of  the  Duke  of  Aerschot  at  Sittard  excited  general 
alarm  in  Flanders,  and  Mary  was  at  her  wits'  end  for 
money  and  men.  But  the  Emperor  himself  was 
hastening  across  the  Alps  to  the  help  of  his  loyal 
provinces.  The  marriage  of  his  son  Philip  with  the 
Infanta  of  Portugal  had  been  finally  settled,  and  with 
the  help  of  this  Princess's  large  dowry  and  another 
half-million  of  Mexican  gold,  Charles  was  able  to  raise 
a  large  army  of  German  and  Italian  troops.  On  the 
22nd  of  August  he  appeared  in  person  before  Diiren, 
the  capital  of  Cleves,  which  surrendered  within  a 
week.  The  Duke  threw  himself  on  the  victor's 
mercy,  and  was  pardoned  and  invested  anew  with  his 
hereditary  duchies,  while  Guelders  was  annexed  to 
the  Netherlands  and  the  Prince  of  Orange  became 
its  first  Governor.  Wilham  of  Cleves  on  his  part 
renounced  the  French  aUiance,  and  agreed  to  marry 
one  of  King  Ferdinand's  daughters.  His  previous 
marriage  with  Jeanne  d'Albret  was  annulled  by  the 
Pope,  and  this  resolute  young  Princess  had  the  satis- 
faction of  carrying  her  protest  into  effect .  Encouraged 
by  these  successes,  Charles  now  laid  biege  to  Landrecy, 
the  capital  of  Hainault,  which  had  been  captured  and 
fortified  by  the  French,  and  was  joined  by  a  gallant 
company  of  English  under  Lord  Surrey  and  Sir  John 
Wallop.  "  Par  ma  foi !"  exclaimed  the  Emperor,  as 
he  rode  down  their  ranks,  "  this  is  a  fine  body  of 
gentlemen  !     If  the  French  King  comes,  I  will  live 


Nov.,  1543]     DUKE  ANTOINE  MEDIATES         281 

and  die  with  the  Enghsh."^  But  Francis  refused  to 
be  drawn  into  a  battle,  and  the  approach  of  winter 
made  both  armies  retire  from  the  field. 

The  Duke  of  Lorraine  took  advantage  of  this  tem- 
porary lull  to  mediate  between  the  two  monarchs. 
Old  as  he  was,  and  suffering  severely  with  gout, 
Antoine  came  to  the  Prince  of  Chimay's  house  with 
his  son  Francis,  and  begged  for  an  audience  with  the 
Emperor  and  Regent,  who  were  spending  a  few  days 
at  Valenciennes,  on  their  way  to  Brussels.  Charles 
sent  him  word  not  to  come  into  his  presence  if  he 
brought  offers  from  the  French  King;  but  in  spite 
of  these  peremptory  orders  the  two  Dukes  arrived 
in  the  town  on  Sunda}^,  the  17th  of  November,  and 
were  received  by  the  Emperor  after  dinner.  Antoine 
delivered  a  long  oration  begging  His  Imperial  Majesty 
to  make  peace  for  the  sake  of  Christendom,  and, 
laying  his  hand  on  his  breast,  swore  that  he  had 
taken  this  step  of  his  own  free  will,  without  com- 
municating with  any  other  person.  The  old  man's 
earnestness  touched  Charles,  who  answered  kindly, 
saying  that  he  was  always  welcome  as  a  cousin  and  a 
neighbour,  and  that  this  was  doubly  the  case  now 
that  his  son  had  married  the  Emperor's  dearly  loved 
niece.  But  he  told  him  frankly  that  he  had  been 
too  often  deluded  by  false  promises  to  listen  to  French 
proposals  for  peace,  and  that  in  any  case  he  could  do 
nothing  without  the  consent  of  his  ally,  the  King  of 
England.  Nothing  daunted,  the  old  Duke  went  on  to 
visit  the  Regent,  and  was  found  by  Lord  Surrey  and 
the  English  Ambassador  Brian  sitting  at  a  table  before 
a  fire  in  the  Queen's  room,  playing  at  cards.  Antoine 
greeted  Brian  as  an  old  friend,  and  asked  him  to 
^  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Record  Office,  ix.  522. 


282  DUCHESS  OF  LORRAINE        [Bk.  Vlll 

drink  with  him.  But  Mary  sternly  refused  to  Hsten 
to  the  Duke's  errand,  being  convinced  that  he  came 
from  the  King,  and  declaring  that  all  the  gentlemen 
in  his  suite  were  good  Frenchmen.  When  he  and  his 
son  were  gone,  she  called  Brian  to  her,  and  said: 
"  Monsieur  I'Ambassadeur,  heard  you  ever  so  lean  a 
message?"  ''Madame,"  rephed  the  Enghshman, 
*'  if  the  broth  be  no  fatter,  it  is  not  worth  the  supping," 
a  sentiment  which  provoked  a  hearty  laugh  from  the 
Queen  .^ 

Neither  Queen  Eleanor,  who  sent  an  entreating 
letter  with  a  present  of  falcons  to  her  sister,  nor 
Cardinal  Farnese,  who  brought  fresh  proposals  of 
peace  from  the  Pope,  fared  any  better.  The  young 
Duchess  Christina  now  determined  to  make  an  attempt 
herself,  and  came  to  meet  her  uncle  at  Spires  when 
he  attended  the  Diet.  The  ostensible  reason  of  this 
journey  was  to  visit  her  sister  Dorothea,  but  Charles, 
divining  her  intention,  sent  the  Countess  Palatine 
word  that  if  the  Duchess  of  Bar  brought  proposals 
of  peace  she  might  as  well  stay  at  home.  Christina, 
however,  arrived  at  Spires  on  the  8th  of  February, 
with  a  train  of  fourteen  ladies  and  fifteen  horse,  and 
spent  a  week  with  the  Count  and  Countess  Palatine. 
The  sisters  saw  the  Emperor  and  King  Ferdinand  every 
day,  and  were  to  all  appearance  on  the  most  affectionate 
terms  with  them.  But  nothing  transpired  as  to  what 
passed  between  Christina  and  her  uncle  in  private. 
On  the  day  that  she  left  Spires  to  return  to  Nancy, 
Frederic  heard  of  the  death  of  his  brother,  the  Elector 
Palatine,  and  hastened  to  Heidelberg  with  Dorothea 
to  attend  his  funeral  and  take  possession  of  the  rich 

1  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xviii.  2,  216;  State  Papers,  Record 
Office,  ix.  557;  Bucholtz,  ix.  263. 


May,  1544]         EGMONT'S  WEDDING  283 

Rhineland,  to  which  he  now  succeeded.  Six  weeks 
later  he  returned  to  do  homage  for  the  Palatinate, 
and  assist  at  the  wedding  of  his  cousin  Sabina  with 
Lamoral  d'Egmont,  the  hero  of  so  many  hard-fought 
fields.  The  Emperor  gave  a  sumptuous  banquet  in 
honour  of  his  gallant  brother-at-arms,  Dorothea  led 
the  bride  to  church,  and  Frederic,  in  a  fit  of  generosity, 
settled  14,000  florins  on  his  young  kinswoman.^ 

In  this  same  month  Ambassadors  arrived  at  Spires 
from  Christian  III.  of  Denmark,  who  had  quarrelled 
with  the  French  King  and  was  anxious  to  make  peace 
with  the  Emperor.  In  spite  of  a  protest  from  the 
Palatine,  a  treaty  was  concluded  on  the  23rd  of  May, 
by  which  Charles  recognized  the  reigning  monarch's 
title  to  the  crown.  So  the  long  war,  which  had  lasted 
twenty-one  years,  was  at  length  ended,  and  the 
Emperor  finally  abandoned  the  cause  of  Christian  II. 
But  a  clause  was  added  by  which  his  daughters'  rights 
were  reserved,  and  a  promise  given  that  the  severity 
of  his  captivity  should  be  relaxed  and  that  he  should 
be  allowed  to  hunt  and  fish  in  the  park  at  Sonderburg. 
Christian  III.  gladly  agreed  to  these  more  humane 
conditions,  and  even  offered  to  give  Dorothea  and 
Christina  a  substantial  dowry,  but  the  Palatine 
refused  to  accept  any  terms,  and  persisted  in  asserting 
his  wife's  claims.^ 

IV. 

Soon  after  her  return  from  Spires,  on  the  20th  of 
April,  1544,  Christina  gave  birth,  at  Nancy,  to  a 
daughter,  who  was  named  Renee,  after  the  late 
Duchess.    But  her  happiness  was  clouded  by  the  ill- 

1  Altmeyer,  "  Relations,"  etc.,  476;  Gachard,  "  Voyages  de 
Charles  V.,"  ii.  285, 

2  Schafer,  iv.  462;  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xix.  i,  349. 


284  DUCHESS  OF  LORRAINE        [Bk.VIII 

ness  of  her  husband,  whose  health  had  become  a 
cause  of  grave  anxiety.  Fighting  was  renewed  with 
fresh  vigour  in  the  spring,  and  unexpected  success 
attended  the  imperial  arms.  Luxembourg  was  re- 
covered by  Ferrante  Gonzaga,  and  the  French  in- 
vaders were  expelled  from  most  of  the  strongholds 
which  they  held  in  this  province.  The  war  raged 
fiercely  on  the  borders  of  Lorraine,  and  the  anno3^ance 
to  which  his  subjects  were  exposed,  induced  Duke 
Antoine  to  make  another  effort  at  mediation.  Since 
the  Emperor  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  all  appeals,  he  de- 
cided to  apply  to  King  Francis  in  person,  and  on  the 
8th  of  May  he  set  out  in  a  litter  for  the  French  Court ; 
but  when  he  reached  Bar  he  was  too  ill  to  go  any 
farther,  and  took  to  his  bed  in  this  ancient  castle  of 
his  ancestors.  His  sons  hastened  to  join  him,  and 
Christina  followed  them  as  soon  as  she  was  able  to 
travel,  and  arrived  in  time  to  be  present  at  her  father- 
in-law's  death-bed.  The  fine  old  man  made  his  will, 
appointed  his  brothers,  the  Duke  of  Guise  and  the 
Cardinal,  to  be  his  executors,  and  with  his  last  breath 
begged  his  son  to  rule  Lorraine  wisely  and  raise  as 
few  extraordinary  taxes  as  possible.  Above  all,  he 
adjured  him  to  preserve  his  people  from  the  scourge 
of  war,  and  use  every  endeavour  to  obtain  the  restora- 
tion of  peace.  With  these  words  on  his  lips,  he 
passed  away  on  the  19th  of  June,  1544.-^  The  new 
Duke  was  as  anxious  for  peace  as  his  father,  but  the 
moment  was  unpropitious  for  any  efforts  in  this  direc- 
tion. King  Henry  had  at  length  taken  the  field  and 
invaded  Picardy  with  a  large  army,  and  the  Emperor 
was  bent  on  carrying  the  war  into  the  heart  of 
France,  and  urged  his  ally  to  meet  him  under  the 

*  Calmet,  ii.  11 96;  Pfister,  ii.  192. 


June,  1544]     CHARLES  V.  IN  LORRAINE  285 

walls  of  Paris.  On  the  17th  of  June  Charles  himself 
came  to  Metz  with  Maurice  of  Saxony  and  the  young 
Marquis  Albert  of  Brandenburg,  the  boldest  warrior 
in  Germany,  and  prepared  plans  for  the  extension 
of  the  campaign  which  Ferrante  Gonzaga  and  the 
Prince  of  Orange  wxre  carrying  on  in  Champagne. 
Here  Francis  of  Lorraine  joined  him  as  soon  as  he 
was  able  to  mount  a  horse,  and,  after  spending  some 
days  at  Metz,  induced  the  Emperor  to  accompany 
him  to  Nassau-le-Grand,  where  Christina  was  awaiting 
him.^  On  his  way  Charles  stopped  at  Pont-a- 
Mousson,  and  paid  a  visit  to  Queen  Philippa,  the 
sister  of  his  old  enemy  Charles  of  Guelders,  for  whom 
he  had  always  entertained  a  genuine  regard,  and  who 
was  proud  to  welcome  the  great  Emperor  under  her 
convent  roof.  Since  the  death  of  the  Empress,  five 
years  before,  Charles  had  formed  a  fixed  resolution 
to  end  his  days  in  some  cloistered  retreat,  and  he 
looked  with  admiration,  not  unmixed  with  envy,  on 
the  aged  Queen's  peaceful  home,  and  the  garden 
where  she  hoed  and  raked  the  borders  and  planted 
flowers  with  her  own  hands.  It  was  a  memorable 
day  in  the  convent  annals,  and  one  which  left  pleasant 
recollections  in  the  Emperor's  breast .^ 

But  although  Charles  was  full  of  affection  for 
Christina  and  her  husband,  he  decUned  to  receive 
the  Cardinal  of  Lorraine,  who  begged  for  an  inter- 
view, and  during  his  brief  visit  not  a  word  was 
spoken  with  regard  to  overtures  of  peace  .^  On  the 
1 2th  of  July  he  took  leave  of  the  Duke  and  Duchess, 

^  Gachard,  "  Voyages,"  ii.  289;  Calendar  of  State  Papers. 
Record  Of&ce,  ix.  724. 

2  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xix.  i,  564. 

^  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Record  Office,  x.  43. 


286  DUCHESS  OF  LORRAINE        [Bk.  Vill 

and  joined  the  Prince  of  Orange's  camp  before  St. 
Dizier.  This  town  was  strongly  fortified,  but  Rene 
had  taken  up  his  position  near  a  bridge  across  the 
Marne,  and  opened  fire  from  a  battery  of  guns  placed 
in  the  dry  bed  of  the  castle  moat.  Charles  himself 
visited  the  trenches  on  the  day  of  his  arrival,  and 
early  the  next  morning  the  Prince  of  Orange  walked 
round  to  inspect  the  artillery  with  Ferrante  Gonzaga, 
The  Marquis  of  Marignano  was  sitting  in  a  chair, 
which  had  been  brought  there  for  the  Emperor's  use 
the  day  before,  and,  seeing  the  Prince,  sprang  to  his 
feet  and  offered  him  his  seat.  Compliments  were  ex- 
changed on  both  sides,  and  the  Prince  finally  sat 
down  in  the  empty  chair.  He  had  hardly  taken  his 
seat  before  he  was  struck  by  a  shell  which,  passing 
between  the  Viceroy  and  the  Marquis,  broke  one  of 
his  ribs,  and  shattered  his  shoulder  to  pieces.  They 
bore  his  unconscious  form  to  the  Emperor's  tent, 
where  he  lay  between  life  and  death  for  the  next 
forty-eight  hours.  The  whole  camp  was  filled  with 
consternation. 

'*  I  doubt  yet  what  will  become  of  him,"  wrote 
Wotton,  who  had  followed  Charles  to  the  camp.  "  If 
he  should  die  of  it,  it  were  an  inestimable  loss  to  the 
Emperor,  so  toward  a  gentleman  he  is,  so  well  beloved, 
and  of  such  authority  among  men  of  war." 

Before  the  writer  had  finished  his  letter,  a  servant 
came  in  to  tell  him  that  the  Prince  was  gone.^ 

A  Spanish  officer  on  the  spot  wrote  a  touching 
account  of  the  Prince's  last  moments.  From  the 
first  the  doctors  gave  httle  hope,  and  when  the  Em- 
peror heard  of  Rene's  critical  state  he  hastened  to 
the  wounded  hero's  bedside,  and  knelt  down,  holding 

^  State  Papers,  Record  Office,  ix.  733. 


July,  1544]  DEATH  OF  RENE  287 

his  hand  in  his  own.  The  Prince  knew  him,  and 
begged  him  as  a  last  favour  to  confirm  the  will  which 
he  had  made  a  month  before,  and  take  his  young 
cousin  and  heir,  William  of  Nassau,  under  his  pro- 
tection. Charles  promised  to  do  all  in  his  power  for 
the  boy,  and,  with  tears  streaming  down  his  face, 
kissed  the  Prince's  cheek  before  he  passed  away. 

''  His  Majesty  the  Emperor,"  continued  the  same 
writer,  "  saw  him  die,  and  after  that  retired  to  his 
chamber,  where  he  remained  some  time  alone  without 
seeing  anyone,  and  showed  how  much  he  loved  him. 
The  grief  of  the  whole  army  and  of  the  Court  are  so 
great  that  no  words  of  mine  can  describe  it."^ 

From  all  sides  the  same  bitter  wail  was  heard. 
There  was  sorrow  in  the  ancient  home  at  Bar,  where 
Rene's  marriage  had  been  celebrated  with  great  re- 
joicing four  years  before.  The  Duke  and  Duchess 
wept  for  their  gallant  brother-in-law,  and  Christina 
thought,  with  tender  regret,  of  the  hero  who  in 
youthful  days  had  seemed  to  her  a  very  perfect 
knight.  The  sad  news  was  sent  to  De  Courrieres  at 
the  Enghsh  camp  before  Boulogne,  by  his  Lieutenant 
of  Archers,  and  the  veteran  shed  tears  over  the 
gallant  Prince  whom  he  had  often  followed  to  victory. 
Great  was  the  lamentation  at  Brussels  when  the  truth 
became  known.  Nothing  but  weeping  was  heard  in 
the  streets,  and  Queen  Mary  retired  to  the  Abbey  of 
Groenendal  to  mourn  for  the  loss  which  the  Nether- 
lands had  sustained  by  Rene's  untimely  death. ^  In 
his  own  city  of  Breda  the  sorrow  was  deeper  still. 
There  his  faithful  wife,  Anne  of  Lorraine,  was  waiting 
anxiously  for  news  from  the  battle-field.     Her  father 

^  Calendar  of  Spanish  State  Papers,  vii.  267. 
2  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xix.  i,  608;  Calendar  of  Spanish 
State  Papers,  vii.  280. 


288  DUCHESS  OF  LORRAINE        [Bk.  Viil 

had  died  a  few  weeks  before,  and  now  her  lord  was 
torn  from  her  m  the  flower  of  his  age,  and  she  was  left 
a  childless  widow.  Early  in  the  year  she  had  given 
birth  to  a  daughter,  who  was  christened  on  the  25th  of 
February,  and  called  Mary,  after  her  godmother,  the 
Queen  of  Hungary,  but  who  died  before  she  was  a 
month  old.  Now  report  said  that  she  was  about  to 
become  a  mother  for  the  second  time,  but  her  hopes 
were  once  more  doomed  to  disappointment.  By  Rene's 
last  will,  his  titles  and  the  greater  part  of  his  vast 
estates  passed  to  his  cousin  William  of  Nassau,  a  boy 
of  eleven,  while  a  large  jointure  and  the  rich  lands  of 
Diest  were  left  to  Anne  for  her  Ufe.^  The  Prince's 
corpse,  clad  in  the  robes  of  a  knight  of  the  Golden 
Fleece,  was  borne  to  Breda,  and  buried  with  his 
forefathers;  but  his  heart  was  enshrined  in  the 
Collegiate  Church  of  Bar,  among  the  tombs  which 
held  the  ashes  of  his  wife's  ancestors.  On  his  death- 
bed Rene  had  expressed  a  wish  that  a  representation 
of  his  face  and  form,  not  as  he  was  in  life,  but  as  they 
would  appear  two  years  after  death,  should  be  carved 
on  his  tomb.  This  strange  wish  was  faithfully  carried 
out  by  Anne  of  Lorraine,  who  employed  Ligier- 
Richier,  the  gifted  Lorraine  sculptor,  to  carve  a 
skeleton  with  upraised  hand  clasping  the  golden 
casket  which  contained  the  dead  hero's  heart.  The 
figure,  carved  in  fine  stone  of  ivory  whiteness,  was, 
as  it  were,  a  hteral  rendering  of  the  words,  "  Though 
after  my  skin  worms  destroy  this  body,  yet  in  my 
flesh  shall  I  see  God."  At  the  Revolution,  the 
Collegiate  Church  of  Bar,  with  the  chapel  of  the 
Lorraine  Princes,  which  Montaigne  called   the  most 

1  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xix.    i,   71;  Groen  v.  Prinsterer, 
"  Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange,"  i.  i. 


Aug.,  1544]     LA  SQUELETTE  DE  BAR  289 

sumptuous  in  France,  was  entirely  destroyed;  but 
Rene's  monument  was  saved  and  placed  in  the  Church 
of  St.  Etienne,  where  it  is  commonly  known  as  "  La 
Squelette  de  Bar."^ 

The  memory  of  this  popular  Prince  lingered  long 
in  the  land  of  his  birth,  and  his  fame  lived  in  the 
songs  of  Flanders  and  Holland  for  many  generations. 
One  of  the  best  known  begins  with  the  lines : 

"  C'est  le  Prince  d'Orange, 
Trop  matin  s'est  leve, 
II  appela  son  page, 
Mon  Maure,  est-il  bride  ? 
Que  maudit  soit  la  guerre — 
Mon  Maure,  est-il  bride  ?"- 

And  so  the  story  goes  on  through  many  stanzas, 
which  tell  how,  in  spite  of  his  wife's  dark  forebodings, 
the  hero  rode  out  to  the  wars  to  fight  against  the 
French,  how  he  met  with  his  fatal  wound,  and  never 
came  home  again. 

V. 

The  Prince's  death  threw  a  gloom  over  the  im- 
perial camp,  but  did  not  diminish  the  warlike  ardour 
of  his  battahons,  who  swore  with  one  voice  that  they 
would  avenge  their  leader.  On  the  17th  of  August 
St.  Dizier  at  length  surrendered.  "  A  right  dear- 
bought  town,"  wrote  Wotton,  "  considering  the 
number  of  men  lost  in  the  assault,  and  chiefly  the 
inestimable  loss  of  that  noble  Prince."  Ferrante 
immediately  sent  a  troop  of  light  horse,  with  Fran- 
cesco d'  Este  at  their  head,  against  Joinville,  the 
splendid  home  of  the  Guises,  although,  as  Wotton 
remarked,  this  was  rather  a  house  of  pleasure  than  a 

1  C.  Cournault,  "  Ligier-Richier,"  28. 

2  R.  Putnam,  "  William  the  Silent,  Prince  of  Orange,"  ii.  435. 


290  DUCHESS  OF  LORRAINE        [Bk.  viii 

stronghold.  The  castle  was  spared  by  order  of  the 
Emperor  for  the  sake  of  his  niece  Christina,  who 
begged  him  not  to  add  to  the  Princess  of  Orange's 
grief  by  destroying  her  uncle's  house;  but  the  town 
and  churches  were  sacked  and  set  on  fire,  and  the 
beautiful  gardens,  with  their  fine  water-shows  and 
temples,  were  destroyed.^  The  news  was  received 
with  consternation  in  Paris,  where  Antoinette  and 
her  grandson  had  taken  refuge,  and  the  Duchess's 
brother.  Cardinal  Bourbon,  wrote  to  the  Scottish 
Queen  telling  her  of  the  report  that  the  enemy  had 
burnt  down  Joinville,  which  had  fortunately  proved 
to  be  false.  "  The  destruction  of  such  a  beautiful 
house,"  he  adds,  "  would  indeed  have  been  sad."^ 
This  calamity  had  been  averted  by  Christina,  but,  in 
their  anger  at  the  damage  done  by  the  imperial 
troops,  the  Guise  Princes  hardly  remembered  the  debt 
that  they  owed  her.  The  King  was  furious,  and  in 
the  first  burst  of  his  indignation  sent  the  Duke  of 
Lorraine  a  message,  threatening  to  destroy  him  and 
all  his  house.  The  Duke  now  determined  to  go  to 
the  French  Court  to  defend  himself  from  these  charges 
and  see  if  it  were  possible  to  make  proposals  of  peace 
in  this  quarter.  The  Emperor's  rapid  advance  had 
excited  great  alarm  in  Paris.  Even  the  King  awoke 
to  a  sense  of  danger,  and  said  to  Margaret  of  Navarre, 
the  sister  to  whom  he  turned  in  all  his  worst  troubles, 
"  Ma  mignonne,  pray  God  to  spare  me  the  disgrace 
of  seeing  the  Emperor  encamped  before  my  city  of 
Paris."  Queen  Eleanor,  in  her  distress,  sent  a 
Dominican  friar  in  whom  she  had  great  confidence — 

^  Boiiille,  ii.  148;  Pimodan,  183;  Oudin,  "  Histoire  des  Guises," 
Bib.  Nat.,  f.  118;  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Record  Of&ce,  x.  6,  43. 
2  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xix.  2,  63. 


AUG.,  1544]       THE  DUKE'S  ILLNESS  291 

Don  Gabriel  de  Guzman — to  implore  her  brother  to 
hear  her  prayers.  But  Charles  was  still  obdurate. 
He  received  Francis  of  Lorraine  in  the  camp  after 
the  Prince  of  Orange's  death,  but  when  he  heard 
that  his  nephew  was  going  to  the  French  Court,  he 
sent  Montbardon  to  beg  the  Duchess,  ''  as  she  loved 
him,"  not  to  let  her  husband  go  to  France  so  soon 
after  he  had  seen  him,  lest  people  should  think  that 
he  was  sent  by  the  Emperor  to  treat  of  peace. 

Christina  replied  in  a  letter  written,  as  Wotton  re- 
marked, in  her  own  hand,  telling  her  uncle  that  she 
had  sent  a  servant  post-haste  to  overtake  her  husband, 
but  that  he  was  already  at  Chalons,  and  had  gone 
too  far  to  retrace  his  steps.  In  spite  of  this  manful 
attempt,  the  Duke  never  reached  Paris;  he  fell  from 
his  horse  in  a  fainting  fit  at  Epernay,  and  was  brought 
back  in  a  litter  to  Bar,  where  Christina  nursed  him 
for  several  weeks .^  His  efforts,  however,  proved 
more  effectual  than  he  had  expected.  The  Emperor's 
precautions  were  necessary  owing  to  the  jealousy 
with  which  the  English  King  regarded  every  proposal 
of  peace  on  the  part  of  his  ally,  but  in  reality  Charles 
was  almost  as  eager  as  Francis  to  put  an  end  to  the 
war.  His  resources  were  exhausted,  the  plague  was 
raging  in  Luxembourg  and  Flanders,  and  he  realized 
the  danger  of  advancing  into  the  enemy's  country 
with  the  Dauphin's  army  in  his  rear,  while  his  hopes 
of  the  English  march  on  Paris  had  been  disappointed 
by  Henry's  delays  before  Montreuil  and  Boulogne. 
Under  these  circumstances  he  felt  that  he  could  no 
longer  refuse  to  treat  with  his  foes.  On  the  29th  of 
August,  a  week  after  the  Duke  had  started  on  his 
unfortunate  journey.   Admiral   I'Annebaut    and    the 

^  Calendar  of  Spanish  State  Papers,  vii.  296-298. 


292  DUCHESS  OF  LORRAINE        [Bk.  vill 

French  Chancellor  were  admitted  into  the  Emperor's 
presence,  in  the  camp  near  Chalons,  and  conferences 
were  opened  between  them  and  Granvelle,  with  the 
happy  result  that  on  the  19th  of  September  peace 
was  signed  at  Crepy-en-Laonnois. 

By  this  treaty  the  Duke  of  Orleans  was  to  be  given 
either  the  Emperor's  daughter  in  marriage,  with  the 
reversion  of  the  Netherlands  as  her  dower,  or  else  one 
of  his  Austrian  nieces  with  the  immediate  possession 
of  Milan.  In  return  Francis  was  to  renounce  his 
claims  on  Naples  and  Artois,  restore  the  Duke  of 
Savoy's  dominions,  and  endow  his  son  with  large 
estates  and  revenues.  All  the  towns  and  fortresses 
which  had  been  captured  during  the  recent  war 
were  to  be  restored,  including  Stenay,  which,  as 
Charles  pointed  out,  the  King  of  France  '*  had 
seized  in  the  strangest  manner,  and  held  by  force 
without  paying  homage,  although  it  is  notoriously 
a  fief  of  the  empire."^  As  soon  as  peace  was  signed, 
Granvelle 's  son,  the  young  Bishop  of  Arras,  was 
sent  to  ask  the  English  King  to  become  a  party 
to  the  treaty;  but  Henry,  who  had  just  taken 
Boulogne  after  a  long  siege,  quite  refused,  and  pro- 
fessed great  surprise  to  hear  that  the  Emperor  had 
agreed  to  terms  which  seemed  to  him  more  befitting 
the  vanquished  than  the  victor.  On  the  other  hand, 
a  strong  party  at  the  French  Court  complained  that 
the  rights  of  the  Crown  were  sacrificed  to  the  personal 
aggrandisement  of  Orleans,  and  on  the  12th  of 
December  the  Dauphin  signed  a  secret  protest  against 
the  treaty,  which  was  witnessed  by  Vendome  and 
Aumale.2     g^^  [^  ^]^g  provinces  where  war  had  been 

^  Calendar  of  Spanish  State  Papers,  vii.  305. 
2  Ibid.,  vii.  I,  350,  355. 


Sept.,  1544]    DUKE  ANTOINE'S  FUNERAL        293 

waging,  peace  was  welcomed  with  thankfulness,  and 
the  ruler  and  people  ot  Lorraine  could  once  more 
breathe  freely. 

The  Duke  of  Lorraine  was  now  able  to  convey  his 
father's  body  from  the  Castle  of  Bar,  where  he  had 
died,  to  Nancy.  On  the  15th  of  September  he  and 
his  brother  set  out  at  the  head  of  the  funeral  pro- 
cession, along  roads  lined  with  crowds  of  people 
weeping  for  the  good  Duke  who  had  ruled  the  land  so 
well.  But  since  it  was  impossible  for  the  Duke  of  Guise 
and  his  family  to  come  to  Nancy  at  present,  the  last 
rites  were  put  off  till  the  following  year,  and  the  old 
Duke's  remains  were  left  to  repose  for  the  time  in 
the  Church  of  St.  Georges.^  Little  dreamt  these  loyal 
subjects  that  before  the  year  was  over  the  young 
Duke,  on  whom  their  hopes  were  fixed,  would  himself 
be  numbered  with  the  dead,  and  lie  buried  in  his 
father's  grave.  But  for  the  moment  all  was  well. 
The  return  of  peace  was  hailed  with  rejoicing,  and 
the  restitution  of  Stenay  removed  a  blot  from  the 
scutcheon  of  Lorraine,  while  the  independence  of  the 
duchy  was  confirmed  by  a  decree  of  the  Diet  of  Nurem- 
berg, to  which  the  Emperor  gave  his  sanction.^ 

The  Duke  and  Duchess  received  a  pressing  invita- 
tion to  join  in  the  festivities  that  were  held  at  Brussels 
to  celebrate  the  peace.  Charles  and  Mary  arrived 
there  on  the  ist  of  October,  and  were  shortly  followed 
by  Queen  Eleanor,  bringing  in  her  train  the  Duke  of 
Orleans  and  the  Duchess  of  Etampes,  who  had  used 
all  her  influence  with  the  King  to  bring  about  peace, 
chiefly  from  jealousy  of  the  Dauphin  and  his  mistress, 
Diane  de  Poitiers.     The  burghers  of  Brussels  gave 

^  Calmet,  ii.  11 96;  Pfister,  ii.  192. 

2  Calmet,  ii.  1281;  Ravold,  744;    Pfister,  ii.  188;  Calendar  of 
Spanish  State  Papers,  vi.  2,  262. 

20 


294  DUCHESS  OF  LORRAINE        [Bk.  viil 

the  imperial  family  a  magnificent  entertainment  at 
the  hotel- de-ville,  and  presented  Eleanor  with  a 
golden  fountain  of  exquisite  shape  and  workmanship ; 
while  the  Emperor  lavished  costly  presents  on  his 
guests,  and  gave  the  Queen  of  Hungary  the  fine 
domains  of  Binche  and  Turnhout  in  gratitude  for  her 
services.  Unfortunately,  Christina  was  detained  at 
Nancy  by  a  return  of  her  husband's  illness,  and  did 
not  reach  Brussels  till  the  4th  of  November.  By 
this  time  Eleanor  had  set  out  on  her  return,  and 
Christina,  eager  to  see  her  aunt,  followed  her  to 
Mons,  and  spent  two  days  in  her  company.  On  the 
7th  the  Duchess  came  back  to  Brussels  with  her 
brother-in-law,  Nicolas  de  Vaudemont,  and  remained 
with  her  uncle  and  aunt  during  a  fortnight.  It  was 
her  first  visit  to  Brussels  since  her  w^edding,  more 
than  three  years  before,  and  old  friends  and  faces 
welcomed  her  on  all  sides.  But  one  familiar  figure 
was  missing,  and  she  found  a  melancholy  pleasure  in 
the  company  of  her  sister-in-law,  the  widowed  Prin- 
cess of  Orange,  whom  she  saw  for  the  first  time  since 
her  gallant  husband's  death.  Charles  treated  his 
niece  with  marked  kindness,  and  gave  her  a  superb 
necklace  of  pearls  and  diamonds  as  a  parting  present.^ 
The  winter  was  spent  happily  at  Nancy,  where  the 
new  Duke  and  Duchess  made  themselves  popular 
with  all  classes.  Francis  gave  free  rein  to  his  love 
of  art  and  letters,  and  encouraged  scholars  and  artists 
by  his  enlightened  patronage.  He  took  passionate 
delight  in  music,  and  was  never  happier  than  when  he 
could  surround  himself  with  the  best  singers  and 
players  on  the  lute  and  viol.     Christina  shared  his 

1  Henne,  viii.  212-215;  T.  Juste,   "Marie  de  Hongrie,"   120; 
Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xix.  2,  340. 


Feb.,  1545]    PEACE  AND  PROSPERITY  295 

artistic  tastes,  and  was  greatly  interested  in  the  im- 
provements of  the  ducal  palace.  Together  they  made 
plans  for  the  decoration  of  its  halls  and  gardens, 
and  for  the  construction  of  new  buildings  and  churches 
in  different  parts  of  Lorraine,  while  the  Court  painters, 
Crock  and  Chappin,  were  sent  to  Italy  to  collect 
antiques  and  study  the  best  examples  of  art  and 
architecture.^  At  the  same  time  Christina  took  deep 
interest  in  the  condition  of  her  humbler  subjects,  and 
tried  to  relieve  distress  by  founding  charitable  institu- 
tions on  the  pattern  of  those  in  Flanders.  A  new 
period  of  peace  and  prosperity  seemed  to  have 
dawned  on  Lorraine,  and  everything  promised  a  long 
and  happy  reign. 

By  the  end  of  the  year  the  Duke  and  Duchess 
of  Guise  returned  to  Joinville,  and  were  actively 
engaged  throughout  the  winter  in  rebuilding  the 
ruined  town  and  repairing  the  damage  done  by  the 
imperial  soldiery.  Old  quarrels  between  the  two 
houses  were  forgotten,  and  friendly  intercourse  was 
renewed.  In  February  the  Duke  and  Duchess  of 
Lorraine  were  present  in  the  chapel  of  Joinville,  at 
the  consecration  of  Guise's  son  Charles,  as  Archbishop 
of  Reims,  and  in  March  the  Cardinal  of  Lorraine  came 
to  Nancy  to  discharge  the  duties  of  executor  to  the 
late  Duke.  Antoine  had  provided  liberally  for  all  his 
children.  Nicolas  de  Vaudemont,  his  younger  son, 
received  a  sum  of  15,000  crowns,  and  Christina  gave 
her  brother-in-law  a  handsome  present  of  furniture, 
to  help  him  in  setting  up  house.  Some  lordships  near 
Joinville  were  left  to  the  Duke  of  Guise,  and  every- 
thing was  amicably  arranged.^ 

^  Pfister,  ii.  256;  H.  Lepage,  "  La  Ville  de  Nancy,"  63. 

2  Calendar  of  Spanish  State  Papers,  viii.  102;  Bouille,  i.  244. 


296  DUCHESS  OF  LORRAINE        [Bk.  viii 

Suddenly  the  Duke  fell  ill  for  the  third  time,  and 
during  several  days  his  life  was  in  danger.  Wotton 
was  convinced  that  he  had  been  poisoned  by  his 
French  enemies,  and  so  alarming  were  the  reports 
which  reached  Brussels,  that  the  Emperor  wrote 
privately  to  his  new  Ambassador  in  Paris,  Granvelle's 
brother-in-law,  St.  Mauris,  begging  him  to  keep  a 
watchful  eye  on  the  affairs  of  Lorraine,  lest  Guise 
and  the  Cardinal  should  take  advantage  of  their 
nephew's  condition  to  seize  his  domains.  But  this 
time  Francis  recovered  once  more,  and  was  able  to 
make  his  solemn  entry  into  Nancy  on  the  i6th  of 
April.  At  the  Porte  St.  Nicolas  he  was  met  by  the 
three  orders — the  nobles,  clergy,  and  people — and 
walked  on  foot,  with  Nicolas  de  Vaudemont  at  his 
side,  followed  by  his  Ministers,  to  the  Church  of  St. 
Georges.  Here,  kneeling  at  the  high-altar,  he  kissed 
the  relic  of  the  True  Cross,  and  took  a  solemn  oath 
to  respect  the  privileges  of  the  people  of  Lorraine 
and  the  liberties  of  the  city  of  Nancy.  After  this  a 
Te  Deum  was  chanted  and  a  banquet  held  in  the  ducal 
palace.^  The  next  week,  by  the  advice  of  his  doctors, 
Antoine  Champier  and  Nicolas  le  Pois,  he  went  to 
Blamont,  in  the  hope  that  the  invigorating  air  of  the 
hills  might  complete  his  cure;  but  he  grew  weaker 
every  day,  and  was  subject  to  frequent  fainting  fits  of 
an  alarming  nature.  In  her  anxiety,  Christina  sent 
to  Strasburg  and  Fribourg  for  well-known  physicians, 
and  Mary  of  Hungary  despatched  her  own  doctor  to 
Nancy,  and  consulted  eminent  doctors  in  London 
and    Paris    on    the    patient's    symptoms .^      But   all 

1  Calendar  of  Spanish  State  Papers,  viii.  195;  Pfister,  ii.  192; 
Granvelle,  "Papiers  d'Etat,"  iii.  no. 

2  Ravold,  iii.  764;  Calmet,  ii.  1276. 


June,  1545J  FRANCIS'S  DEATH  297 

was  of  no  avail,  and  as  a  last  resource  the  Duke  was 
carried  in  a  litter  to  Remiremont,  his  favourite 
shooting-lodge  in  the  heart  of  the  Vosges.  It  was 
the  end  of  May,  and  the  beautiful  woods  along  the 
mountain  slopes  were  in  the  first  glory  of  their 
spring  foliage.  For  a  moment  it  seemed  as  if  his 
delight  in  the  beauty  of  the  place  and  the  life-giving 
influence  of  sunshine  and  mountain  air  would  restore 
him  to  health.  But  already  the  hand  of  Death  was 
upon  him.  On  the  Fete-Dieu  he  became  much  worse, 
and  his  end  was  evidently  near ;  but  he  was  perfectly 
conscious,  and,  sending  for  a  notary,  he  made  his  last 
will,  appointing  his  wife  Regent  of  the  State  and 
guardian  of  her  little  son  and  daughter,  and  commend- 
ing her  and  his  children  to  the  Emperor's  care.  After 
this  he  received  the  last  Sacraments,  and  passed  quietly 
away  on  Friday,  the  12th  of  June.  He  was  not  yet 
twenty-eight,  and  had  reigned  exactly  one  year.^ 
Death  had  once  more  severed  the  marriage  tie,  and 
Christina,  who  but  lately  called  herself  the  happiest 
woman  in  the  world,  was  left  stricken  and  desolate, 
a  widow  for  the  second  time,  at  the  age  of  twenty- 
three. 

^  Pfister,  ii.  192. 


BOOK    IX 

CHRISTINA,   REGENT  OF  LORRAINE 
1545— 1552 

I. 

The  premature  death  of  her  husband  left  Christina 
in  a  position  of  exceptional  difficulty.  Everything 
combined  to  add  to  her  distress.  She  herself  was  in 
delicate  health,  expecting  the  birth  of  another  child 
in  a  few  weeks,  her  only  son  was  an  infant  of  two 
years  and  a  half,  and  she  had  not  a  single  near  relative 
or  tried  Minister  to  give  her  the  help  of  his  counsel 
and  experience.  The  Duke  had  appointed  her  Regent 
of  Lorraine  during  his  son's  minority,  but  even  before 
he  breathed  his  last,  her  claims  to  this  office  were  dis- 
puted. Although  Christina  herself  was  popular  with 
all  classes  of  her  son's  subjects,  there  was  a  strong 
party  in  Lorraine  which  dreaded  the  influence  of  her 
powerful  uncle.  At  the  head  of  this  party  was  the 
Rhinegrave,  Jean  de  Salm,  an  able  nobleman  who 
had  always  been  French  in  his  sympathies,  and  who 
now  seized  the  opportunity  of  the  Duke's  last  illness 
to  advance  the  claims  of  Monsieur  de  Metz,  seeing  that 
this  young  Prince  would  be  an  easy  tool  in  his  hands. 
At  ten  o'clock  on  the  Fete-Dieu,  when  the  Duke 
had  received  the  last  Sacraments,  the  Count  de  Salm 
entered  his   room   with   Nicolas  de  Vaudemont,  and 

298 


June,  1545]      VAUDEMONT'S  CLAIMS  299 

thus  addressed  him:  "  Monseigneur,  if  it  please  God 
to  call  you  to  himself,  do  you  wish  that  Monsieur  de 
Metz,  your  brother,  should  have  a  share  in  the 
administration  of  your  State  and  the  care  of  your 
children,  without  prejudice  to  the  arrangements 
which  you  have  already  made,  by  word  and  in  writing, 
with  your  august  wife  the  Duchess  ?"  The  d^dng 
Prince,  who  was  hardly  conscious,  murmured  a  faint 
"  Yes,"  upon  which  the  Count  summoned  a  notary 
to  write  down  the  Duke's  last  wishes,  and  proceeded 
to  read  the  document  to  the  Duchess  in  the  presence 
of  her  servants.^  Christina,  in  her  bitter  distress, 
paid  little  heed  to  this  interruption,  and  was  only 
anxious  to  return  to  her  dying  husband's  bedside; 
but  immediately  after  his  death  she  found  herself 
compelled  to  face  the  question.  Owing  to  her 
delicate  state  of  health,  she  decided  to  put  off  the 
Duke's  funeral,  as  well  as  that  of  his  father,  until 
the  following  year.  A  week  after  his  death  she  joined 
her  young  children  at  her  dower-house  of  Denceuvre, 
and  at  the  same  time  the  Duke's  body  was  removed 
by  Count  de  Salm,  as  Marshal  of  Lorraine,  to  the 
collegiate  church  of  this  place,  and  buried  in  a  tem- 
porary grave,  after  lying  in  state  during  three  days. 

The  Emperor  was  at  Worms  with  the  Elector 
Palatine  and  his  wife  when  the  news  of  the  Duke  of 
Lorraine's  death  reached  him,  and  sent  Montbardon 
at  once  to  his  niece  with  letters  of  condolence. 
Christina  availed  herself  of  this  opportunity  to  ask 
her  uncle's  advice  regarding  the  deed  drawn  up  by 
Jean  de  Salm.  Charles,  realizing  the  critical  nature 
of  the  situation,  immediately  sent  one  of  his  most 
trusted  servants,  Frangois  Bonvalot,  Abbot  of  Luxeuil, 

^  Calmet,  ii.  1276,  iii.  47;  Granvelle,  "  Papiens  d'Etat,"  iii.  152. 


300  REGENT  OF  LORRAINE  [Bk.  ix 

to  Nancy,  with  orders  to  assure  the  Duchess  of  his 
protection,  and  if  possible  secure  her  the  Regency 
and  sole  charge  of  her  children.  Bonvalot  was  the 
brother  of  Granvelle's  wife,  the  excellent  Madame 
Nicole,  and  had  only  lately  resigned  the  office  of 
Ambassador  at  Paris,  and  retired  to  Besangon  to 
administer  the  affairs  of  this  diocese  as  coadjutor  of 
the  Bishop.  No  one  was  better  fitted  to  help  the 
widowed  Duchess  than  this  statesman,  who  was 
intimately  acquainted  with  the  intrigues  of  the  Guise 
Princes  and  the  French  Court.  He  hastened  to 
Denoeuvre  without  delay,  and,  as  soon  as  he  had  seen 
Christina,  wrote  the  following  letter  to  his  brother- 
in-law,  St.  Mauris,  giving  a  clear  and  graphic  account 
of  the  situation : 

"  My  Brother, 

"  The  Emperor,  having  been  informed  of  Mon- 
sieur de  Lorraine's  death,  has  sent  me  here  to  help  his 
niece  the  Duchess,  and  to  secure  her  the  administration 
of  the  State  and  the  guardianship  of  her  children,  which 
belongs  to  her  by  right  and  reason,  but  which  Monsieur 
de  Metz  is  trying  to  claim,  by  virtue  of  the  custom  of 
this  country,  as  well  as  of  certain  acts  somewhat 
suspiciously  passed  by  the  Count  de  Salm  and  other 
of  the  nobles  when  the  late  Lord  Duke  was  in  ex- 
tremis. .  .  .  His  Majesty,  being  anxious  to  comfort 
the  said  lady  in  her  great  affliction,  and  act  the  part 
not  only  of  a  good  uncle,  but  of  a  true  father,  has  sent 
me  here  to  give  her  advice  and  help,  and  begs  you  to 
tell  the  Most  Christian  King  the  wrong  which  has 
been  done  her  in  this  strange  fashion,  and  which  His 
Imperial  Majesty  will  never  allow,  because  of  the  close 
relation  in  which  this  lady  stands  to  him.  He  hopes 
that  the  King  will  join  with  him  in  this,  for  the  sake 
of  the  friendship  which  he  has  ever  iDorne  to  this 
house  and  to  this  widowed  lady  and  her  orphan 
children,  whose  fathers  and  protectors  their  two 
Majesties  ought  to  be.  His  Imperial  Majesty  begs  the 
King  most  earnestly  not  to  allow  the  said  lady  to  be 


June,  1545]    CHRISTINA'S  DIFFICULTIES  301 

deprived  of  this  Regency  to  which  Monsieur  de  Metz 
pretends,  in  spite  of  common  right  and  the  ancient 
custom  of  Lorraine,  as  the  Count  of  Salm's  deed 
abundantly  shows,  since  this  would  have  been  super- 
fluous if  the  custom  were  such  as  he  pretends  it  to 
be.  You  will  lay  these  same  reasons  before  the 
Cardinal  and  Monsieur  de  Guise.  If  you  are  told  that 
Queen  Yolande  resigned  the  government  of  Lorraine 
in  favour  of  her  son,  you  wdll  reply  that  this  was  done 
of  her  own  free  choice;  and  if  any  person  objects 
that  the  mother  of  the  late  Duke  Antoine  and  the 
Cardinal  and  Sieur  de  Guise  did  not  retain  the  ad- 
ministration after  her  husband's  death,  you  wdll  point 
out  that  the  said  Duke  was  of  full  age,  and  that  the 
said  lady  was  content  to  lay  down  the  government 
on  this  account.  .  .  .  And,  further,  you  wdll  inquire 
what  the  King  intends  to  do  in  the  matter,  and  if 
he  means  to  support  Monsieur  de  Metz  or  take  an}^ 
steps  prejudicial  to  the  said  lady  and  the  tranquillity  of 
these  lands,  and  will  inform  His  Imperial  Majesty 
and  m^^self  of  these  things  without  dela3^"^ 

When  Bonvalot  wrote  this  letter  from  Denoeuvre, 
on  the  27th  of  June,  the  3^oung  Archbishop  of  Reims 
had  already  arrived  there,  with  an  agreement  drawn 
up  by  his  uncle  the  Cardinal,  which  he  submitted 
to  the  Duchess  for  approval.  He  informed  the  Abbot 
that  King  Francis  trusted  the  said  lad}'-  would  avoid 
all  occasion  of  strife,  which,  as  Bonvalot  remarked, 
was  exactly  what  the  Emperor  wdshed,  and  Monsieur  de 
Metz,  by  his  singular  action,  had  done  his  best  to  pre- 
vent. In  this  difficult  situation  Christina  showed  re- 
markable good  sense  and  tact.  She  told  Bonvalot 
frankly  that  she  would  gladly  avail  herself  of  her 
brother-in-law's  help  in  the  administration  of  public 
affairs,  and  wished  to  treat  him  with  perfect  friendliness 
as  long  as  she  retained  the  sole  charge  of  her  children 
and  the  chief  authority  in  the  State.     Accordingly, 

^  Granvelle,  iii.  159-163. 


302  REGENT  OF  LORRAINE  [Bk.  ix 

the  agreement  proposed  by  the  Cardinal  was  adopted, 
with  some  modifications,  and  signed  at  Denoeuvre,  on 
the  6th  of  August,  by  Christina,  Nicolas,  the  Count 
de  Salm,  and  other  chief  officials  of  Lorraine.  The 
Duchess  and  her  brother-in-law  were  appointed  joint 
Regents,  and  were  to  affix  their  seal  to  all  pubhc 
deeds.  Vaudemdnt  was  given  a  key  of  the  Treasury, 
and  was  allowed  the  patronage  of  one  out  of  every 
three  vacant  offices;  but  the  real  authority,  as  well 
as  the  care  of  her  children,  was  vested  in  the  Duchess. 
Bonvalot  told  the  Emperor  that,  under  the  circum- 
stances, this  was  the  best  arrangement  that  could  be 
made,  and  Charles  of  Lorraine  and  his  family  had 
nothing  but  praise  for  the  Duchess's  good-will  and 
moderation.^ 

A  fortnight  later,  Christina  gave  birth  to  her  second 
daughter,  who  was  named  Dorothea,  after  the  Countess 
Palatine.  But  the  severe  mental  strain  which  the 
mother  had  undergone  affected  the  child,  who  was  a 
cripple  from  her  birth.  On  the  5th  of  November  the 
Treaty  of  Denoeuvre  was  ratified  by  the  States  assem- 
bled at  Neufchateau,  not,  however,  without  consider- 
able discussion.  Some  of  the  nobles  tried  to  limit  the 
Regents'  powers,  and  managed  to  insert  a  provision 
that  none  but  Lorrains  should  hold  offices  of  State, 
a  measure  clearly  aimed  at  the  Flemings  and  Bur- 
gundians  in  the  Duchess's  service.  Nicolas  de 
Vaudemont,  being  young  and  inexperienced,  agreed 
readily  to  these  demands,  which  drew  forth  a  strong 
protest  from  the  Emperor  and  Mary  of  Hungary.  To 
add  to  Bonvalot's  dissatisfaction.  Monsieur  de  Metz 
accompanied  the  Archbishop  on  his  return  to  France, 

*  Calendar    of    Spanish    State    Papers,    viii.    195;    Granvelle, 
iii.  226. 


Nov.,  1545]     HER  TACT  AND  WISDOM  303 

without  even  informing  Christina  of  his  intention. 
In  spite  of  these  provocations,  she  maintained  the 
same  concihatory  attitude,  and  her  prudence  and 
modesty  excited  the  Abbot's  sincere  admiration. 
The  Emperor  addressed  an  affectionate  letter  to  his 
niece,  assuring  her  of  his  fatherly  love  and  protection, 
and  saying  that  he  would  never  cease  to  regard  her 
interests  as  his  own.  "  And  it  will  be  a  great  pleasure 
to  me,"  he  adds,  "  if  you  will  often  write  to  me,  and 
I  on  my  part  will  let  you  hear  from  me  in  the  same 
manner."  ^ 

Christina  now  returned  to  spend  Christmas  at 
Nancy,  and  settled  in  the  ducal  palace  with  her 
children.  Monsieur  de  Metz  gave  up  his  bishopric, 
and  renouncing  the  ecclesiastical  profession  adopted 
the  style  of  Count  of  Vaudemont.  But  he  showed  no 
further  disposition  to  make  himself  disagreeable  to 
his  sister-in-law,  and  their  mutual  relations  were 
rendered  easier  by  the  presence  of  the  Princess  of 
Orange,  who  spent  most  of  the  yea.T  at  Nancy.  The 
two  widowed  Princesses  were  drawn  together  by 
that  tenderest  of  ties,  the  memory  of  those  whom 
they  had  loved  and  lost.  Henceforth  they  became 
the  dearest  and  closest  of  friends.  During  all  the 
troubles  and  sorrows  of  the  next  twenty  years  Anne's 
loyalty  to  her  sister-in-law  remained  unshaken.  Her 
strong  common-sense  and  practical  qualities,  her 
coolness  and  courage  in  emergencies,  were  a  great 
support  to  Christina,  while  the  confidence  that  Mary 
of  Hungary  reposed  in  her  proved  no  less  valuable. 
The  harmony  of  the  family  circle  continued  unbroken, 
and  the  internal  administration  of  Lorraine  was 
carried  on  as  peaceably  as  before.     The  conduct  of 

^  Lanz,  ii.  478-484. 


304  REGENT  OF  LORRAINE  [Bk.  ix 

foreign  affairs  presented  far  greater  difficulties,  and 
all  Christina's  prudence  was  needed  to  steer  the 
way  safely  through  the  rocks  that  lay  in  her  course. 

In  spite  of  his  friendly  professions,  the  French 
King,  it  soon  became  evident,  was  likely  to  prove  a 
troublesome  neighbour.  As  Wotton  wrote  when 
Francis  of  Lorraine  died,  "  If  the  sweet,  vain  hope 
of  the  delivery  of  Milan  did  not  let  him,  I  think  the 
Duke's  death  might  easily  provoke  the  French  King 
to  attempt  somewhat  on  Bar  and  Lorraine."^  Even 
before  her  husband's  death,  Christina  had  been  in- 
volved in  a  long  correspondence  regarding  Stenay, 
which  the  French  refused  to  give  up  until  Duke 
Antoine's  letters  surrendering  the  town  could  be 
produced.  The  missing  papers  were  at  length  dis- 
covered in  possession  of  the  French  Governor,  De 
Longueval,  who  had  maliciously  concealed  them,  and 
the  town  was  evacuated  at  the  end  of  August,  1545. 
Ten  days  afterwards  the  Duke  of  Orleans  died  of  the 
plague  at  Abbeville,  in  his  twenty-fifth  year.  The 
loss  of  this  favourite  son  was  a  heavy  blow  to  Francis. 
"  God  grant,"  he  wrote  to  the  Emperor,  in  an  outburst 
of  deep  emotion,  "  that  you  may  never  know  what  it 
is  to  lose  a  son  !"  The  event,  as  it  happened,  proved 
most  opportune  for  Charles,  who  was  released  from 
the  unpleasant  necessity  of  giving  his  daughter  or 
niece  to  a  worthless  Prince,  with  Milan  or  the  Nether- 
lands as  her  dower.  But  it  naturally  provoked 
Francis  to  demand  fresh  concessions  and  revive  his 
old  claim  to  Milan. 

The  effect  of  this  new  quarrel  was  to  increase 
Christina's  difficulties.  When  the  French  at  length 
abandoned  Stenay,  it  was  found  that  not  only  the 

^  State  Papers,  Record  Office,  Henry  VIII.,  x.  490. 


June,  1546]    THE  CITADEL  OF  STENAY  305 

recent  fortifications  had  been  destroyed,  as  agreed 
upon  in  the  Treaty  of  Crepy,  but  that  the  old  walls 
of  the  town  had  been  pulled  down.  Mary  of  Hungary 
justly  complained  that  the  defenceless  state  of  Stenay 
w^as  a  grave  cause  of  danger  to  Luxembourg,  and 
urged  her  brother  to  garrison  the  town,  declaring,  if 
war  broke  out,  the  Duchess  would  be  unable  to  main- 
tain the  neutrality  of  Lorraine.  Charles,  who  had 
already  left  the  Netherlands  to  attend  the  Diet  of 
Regensburg,  now  invited  his  niece  to  meet  him  at 
Waldrevange,  on  the  frontiers  of  Luxembourg,  and 
discuss  the  matter.  Christina  obeyed  her  uncle's 
summons  gladly,  and  assured  him  that  she  was  quite 
alive  to  the  importance  of  Stenay,  and  had  already 
asked  her  subjects'  help  in  rebuilding  the  town  walls. 
But  since  the  presence  of  an  imperial  force  might 
excite  suspicion,  she  proposed  to  place  a  young 
Luxembourg  Captain  named  Schauwenbourg  in 
command  of  the  garrison.  The  plan  met  with  Charles's 
approval;  but  Mary  was  by  no  means  satisfied,  and 
begged  the  Emperor  to  insist  on  an  oath  of  allegiance 
to  himself  being  taken  by  the  garrison  and  burghers. 
Charles  replied  that  no  doubt  the  best  plan  would 
be  to  keep  Stenay  altogether,  but  that  this  would  be 
a  direct  violation  of  the  Treaty  of  Crepy,  as  well  as 
a  wrong  to  the  little  Duke,  and  might  stir  up  the 
French  "  to  make  a  great  broil." ^ 

The  invaluable  Bonvalot  was  now  called  in,  and 
accepted  Christina's  invitation  to  attend  the  funeral 
of  the  two  Dukes  on  the  14th  of  June.  But  when 
the  Abbot  reached  Nancy,  he  found  that  only  Duke 
Antoine's  obsequies  were  about  to  be  solemnized, 
and  that  the  Duchess  had  deferred  those  of  her  hus- 

^  Granvelle,  iii.  206-225. 


3o6  REGENT  OF  LORRAINE  [Bk.  IX 

band  in  compliance  with  a  request  from  the  Guise 
Princes.  On  the  day  after  the  old  Duke's  funeral, 
Bonvalot  had  a  long  interview  with  Christina,  who 
expressed  her  anxiety  to  meet  her  aunt's  wishes, 
and  explained  that  Vaudemont  was  only  afraid  of 
arousing  the  suspicions  of  the  French.  While  she 
was  speaking,  Nicolas  himself  came  in  and  told  the 
Abbe  how  grateful  he  felt  to  the  Emperor  for  the 
affection  which  he  showed  to  his  little  nephew,  and  how 
fully  he  realized  the  importance  of  defending  Stenay, 
but  that  he  dared  not  risk  exciting  the  displeasure 
of  Francis,  who  was  already  advancing  a  thousand 
new  claims  on  Bar.  The  members  of  the  Ducal 
Council,  to  whom  the  matter  was  referred,  expressed 
the  same  opinion,  telling  Bonvalot  that  they  looked 
to  the  Emperor  as  their  father  and  protector,  and 
would  guard  Stenay  as  the  apple  of  their  eye.  The 
Abbot  was  satisfied  with  these  assurances,  and 
advised  the  Emperor  to  leave  the  matter  in  his 
niece's  hands.  Charles  had  empowered  him  to  offer 
Nicolas  the  restitution  of  the  Abbey  of  Gorzes,  which 
he  had  formerly  held,  and  which  the  Imperialists 
had  recovered  from  the  French  and  rebuilt  at  con- 
siderable expense.  But  Christina  would  not  hear 
of  this,  saying  that  her  brother-in-law  cared  more 
for  the  good  of  the  State  than  for  his  private  advan- 
tage, and  Nicolas  himself  told  Bonvalot  that  he  would 
not  endanger  his  nephew's  realm  for  ten  wealthy 
abbeys. 

"  As  for  madame  your  niece,  Sire,"  wrote  the 
Abbot,  "  I  have  always  found  her  most  anxious  to 
please  Your  Majesty,  at  whatever  cost.  But  as  a 
mother  she  naturally  fears  to  run  any  risks  which 
might  injure  her  children,  and  would,  if  possible, 
avoid  these  perils.     She  begged  me,  with  tears  in  her 


July,  1546]         THE  GUISE  FAMILY  307 

e3^es,  to  make  Your  Majesty  understand  this,  and 
have  pity  upon  her,  trusting  that  you  will  be  content 
with  the  promises  of  the  Council,  or  else  find  another 
and  less  dangerous  way  of  defending  Stenay.  Sire, 
I  could  not  refuse  to  give  you  this  message,  in  obe- 
dience to  Her  Highness 's  express  commands,  and  beg 
you  very  humbly  to  take  them  in  good  part."^ 

So    the   incident   closed,    and   for   the   time   being 
nothing  more  was  heard  of  Stenay. 


II. 

The  Duke  of  Guise  and  his  family  now  stood  higher 
than  ever  in  the  King's  favour.  His  eldest  son, 
Aumale,  was  dangerously  wounded  in  the  siege  of 
Boulogne  by  an  English  spear,  which  penetrated  so 
deeply  into  his  forehead  that  the  surgeon  could  only 
extract  the  steel  by  planting  his  foot  on  the  patient's 
head.  After  this  ordeal  the  Count  lay  between  life 
and  death  for  several  weeks,  and  owed  his  recovery 
to  the  tender  nursing  of  his  mother,  who  preserved 
as  a  trophy  at  Joinville  the  English  spearhead  which 
so  nearly  ended  her  son's  career .^  As  soon  as  he 
was  able  to  move,  the  King  sent  for  Antoinette,  and 
insisted  on  taking  her  to  hunt  at  St.  Germain,  and 
consulting  her  as  to  his  latest  improvements  in  this 
palace.  Her  grandson,  the  young  Duke  of  Longue- 
ville,  was  also  a  great  favourite  at  Court,  and  when 
peace  was  at  length  concluded,  the  King  gave  him  a 
copy  of  the  new  treaty  with  England  to  send  to  the 
Queen  of  Scotland.  The  boy  enclosed  it  in  a  merry 
letter,  sending  his  love  to  the  little  Queen  his  sister, 
and  telUng  his  mother  that  if  she  would  not  come  to 

1  Granvelle,  iii.  235,  236.  -  Bouille,  i.  155;  Pimodan,  88. 


3o8  REGENT  OF  LORRAINE  [Bk.  ix 

France  he  meant  to  come  and  see  her,  and  was  old 
and  strong  enough  to  face  the  roughest  sea-voyage.^ 

The  Cardinal  now  announced  his  intention  of  taking 
the  whole  family  back  to  Joinville,  to  attend  the  ducal 
funeral;  but  once  more  the  King  interfered,  and  kept 
them  at  Court  for  the  christening  of  the  Dauphin's 
daughter,  which  was  celebrated  with  great  pomp  at 
Fontainebleau.  Henry  VIII.  stood  godfather,  and 
the  little  Princess  was  named  Elizabeth,  after  the 
King's  mother,  "  as  good  and  virtuous  a  woman  as 
ever  lived,"  said  the  English  Ambassador,  Sir  Thomas 
Cheyney;  while  the  Imperialists  declared  that  the 
name  was  chosen  because  of  its  popularity  in  Spain 
and  of  the  hopes  of  the  French  that  the  child  might 
one  day  wed  Don  Carlos. ^ 

Meanwhile  the  arrival  of  the  Guises  was  anxiously 
awaited  at  Nancy.  On  the  17th  of  July  Christina 
wrote  to  inform  Abbot  Bonvalot  that  she  had  at 
length  been  able  to  fix  the  date  of  her  husband's 
funeral : 


"  Monsieur  de  Luxeuil, 

"  I  must  inform  you  that  I  have  heard  from 
the  Cardinal  and  the  Duke  of  Guise,  who  hope  to  be 
here  by  the  end  of  the  month,  so  the  service  will  be 
held  on  the  6th  of  August,  all  being  well.  I  beg  you 
will  not  fail  to  be  present.  As  for  my  news,  all  I  have 
to  tell  you  is  that  the  King  is  giving  me  great  trouble 
in  Bar,  and  is  trying  to  raise  a  tax  in  the  town,  which 
has  never  been  done  or  thought  of  before.  I  fear 
that  in  the  end  I,  too,  shall  have  to  go  to  Court,  but 
shall  wait  until  I  hear  from  the  Emperor.  Can  you 
give  me  any  information  as  to  his  movements  ?  All 
I  can  hear  is  that  His  Majesty  is  collecting  a  large 

^  Balcarres  Manuscripts,  ii.  53,  60,  iii.  102. 
2  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xxi.  592,  642 ;  Calendar  of  Spanish 
State  Papers,  viii.  431. 


Aug.,  1546]     FUNERAL  OF  DUKE  FRANCIS      309 

army  to  make  war  on  the  Princes  of  the  Empire, 
who  have  rebelled  against  him.  I  pray  God  to  help 
him,  and  send  him  success  and  prosperity,  and  have 
good  hope  that  my  prayers  will  be  heard,  as  this  will 
be  for  the  good  of  Christendom.  Here  I  will  end, 
Monsieur  de  Luxeuil,  praying  God  to  have  you  in  His 
holy  keeping. 

"  La  bien  votre, 

"  Chrestienne."^ 

The  coming  of  the  Guises,  however,  was  again 
delayed,  and  the  funeral  did  not  take  place  until  the 
17th  of  August.  On  the  previous  day  the  Duke's 
corpse  was  brought  from  Denoeuvre  to  Nancy  by  the 
great  officers  of  State,  and  laid  on  a  bier  in  the 
Church  of  St.  George's,  surrounded  by  lighted  torches 
and  a  guard  of  armed  men,  who  kept  watch  all  night. 
The  funerals  of  the  Dukes  of  Lorraine  had  always  been 
famous  for  their  magnificence,  and  there  was  an  old 
proverb  which  said:  "  Fortunate  is  the  man  who  has 
seen  the  coronation  of  an  Emperor,  the  sacring  of 
a  King  of  France,  and  the  funeral  of  a  Duke  of 
Lorraine."^  On  this  occasion  nothing  that  could 
heighten  the  imposing  nature  of  the  ceremony  was 
neglected.  All  the  Princes  of  the  blood,  Nicolas 
of  Vaudemont,  the  Duke  of  Guise  with  his  five  sons 
and  grandson,  rode  out  from  the  ducal  palace  to  the 
Church  of  St.  Georges,  and  took  their  places,  as  chief 
mourners,  at  the  head  of  the  long  procession  that 
wound  through  the  streets  to  the  Cordeliers'  shrine. 
In  their  train  came  a  multitude  of  clergy,  nobles,  and 
Ambassadors  from  all  the  crowned  heads  in  Europe, 
followed  by  a  motley  crowd  of  burghers  and  humble 
folk,  all  in  deep  mourning,  with  torches  in  their  hands. 
The  chariot  bearing  the  coffin  was  drawn  by  twelve 

^  Granvelle,  iii.  237^  2  a.  Hallays,  40. 

21 


3IO  REGENT  OF  LORRAINE  [Bk.  ix 

horses,  draped  with  black  velvet  adorned  with  the 
cross  of  Lorraine  in  white  satin.  The  Duke's  war- 
horse,  in  full  armour,  was  led  by  two  pages,  while 
the  servants  of  his  household  walked  bareheaded  on 
either  side,  with  folded  arms,  in  token  that  their 
master  needed  their  services  no  more.  On  the  hearse 
lay  an  image  of  the  dead  Prince,  with  the  ducal 
baton  in  his  hand,  clad  in  crimson  robes  and  a  mantle 
of  gold  brocade  fastened  with  a  diamond  clasp.  This 
effigy  was  placed  on  a  huge  catafalque  erected  in  the 
centre  of  the  church,  lighted  with  a  hundred  torches, 
and  hung  with  banners  emblazoned  with  the  arms 
of  Lorraine,  Bar,  Provence,  Jerusalem,  and  the 
Sicilies. 

In  the  tribune  above  the  choir  knelt  the  Princess 
of  Orange,  the  Duchess  of  Guise,  and  her  newly- 
wedded  daughter-in-law,  Diane  of  Poitiers 's  daughter 
Louise,  Marchioness  of  Mayenne,  all  clad  in  the  same 
long  black  mantles  lined  with  ermine.  The  Countess 
Palatine,  Dorothea,  had  arrived  at  Nancy  on  the 
17th  of  June,  to  attend  her  brother-in-law's  funeral, 
but  as  the  Guises  failed  to  appear,  she  returned  to 
Heidelberg  at  the  end  of  a  fortnight. 

Christina  herself  was  unable  to  be  present,  "  owing 
to  her  excessive  sorrow,"  writes  the  chronicler,  and 
remained  on  her  knees  in  prayer,  with  the  Princess 
of  Macedonia  and  her  young  children,  in  her  own 
room,  hung  with  black,  while  the  requiem  was 
chanted  and  the  last  rites  were  performed.^  When 
all  was  over,  and  the  "  two  Princes  of  peace/'  as  De 
Boullay  called  Francis  and  his  father,  were  laid  side 
by  side  in  the  vault  of  the  Friars'  Church,  the  vast 
assembly   dispersed   and    the   mourners   went    their 

1  Calmet,  ii.  1276,  1281;  Pfister,  ii.  203. 


Oct.,  1546]         ANNE  DE  LORRAINE  311 

ways.  Only  Anne  of  Lorraine  remained  at  Nancy 
with  her  sister-in-law,  who  could  not  bear  to  part 
from  her.  A  letter  which  this  Princess  wrote  to  her 
cousin,  the  Queen  of  Scotland,  this  summer  is  of 
interest  for  the  glimpse  which  it  gives  of  the  widowed 
Duchess  and  the  boy  round  whom  all  her  hopes 
centred : 

"  Your  Majesty's  last  letters  reached  me  on  the 
day  when  I  arrived  here  from  home,  and  I  regret 
extremely  that  I  have  been  unable  to  answer  them 
before.  I  am  very  glad  to  hear  you  are  in  good  health 
and  kind  enough  to  remember  me.  On  my  part,  I 
can  assure  you  that  there  is  no  one  in  your  family 
who  thinks  of  you  with  greater  affection  or  is  more 
anxious  to  do  you  service  than  myself.  I  did  not 
fail  to  give  your  kind  message,  to  Madame  de  Lor- 
raine, my  sister,  and  Her  Highness  returns  her  most 
humble  thanks.  You  will  be  glad  to  hear  that  her 
son  is  well  and  thriving.  I  pray  God  that  he  may 
live  to  fulfil  the  promise  of  his  early  years.  Everyone 
who  sees  him  speaks  well  of  him,  and  his  nature  is 
so  good  that  I  hope  he  will  grow  up  to  satisfy  our 
highest  expectations.  May  God  grant  you  long  life  ! 
"  Your  humble  cousin, 

"  Anne  de  Lorraine."^ 

The  Princess  of  Orange  was  still  in  Lorraine  when 
King  Francis  came  to  visit  the  Duchess.  This 
monarch  was  as  active  as  ever,  in  spite  of  frequent 
attacks  of  illness,  and  spent  the  autumn  in  making 
a  progress  through  Burgundy  and  Champagne,  hunting 
and  travelling  seven  or  eight  leagues  a  day  in  the 
most  inclement  weather. 

In  October  he  came  to  Joinville,  and  Christina,  glad 
to  be  relieved  of  the  necessity  of  going  to  Court 
herself,  invited  him  to  pay  her  a  visit  at  Bar.     In 

^  Balcarres  Manuscripts,  ii.  156. 


312  REGENT  OF  LORRAINE  [Bk.  ix 

this  once  stately  Romanesque  castle,  of  which  little 
now  remains,  the  Duchess  and  the  Princess  of  Orange, 
"  dowagers  both,"  as  Wotton  remarks,  entertained 
Francis  magnificently,  and  provided  a  series  of  hunt- 
ing-parties and  banquets  for  his  amusement. 

The  true  object  of  the  King's  visit  was  to  arrange  a 
marriage  between  the  Duchess  and  the  Count  of 
Aumale.  The  young  soldier  made  no  secret  of  his 
love  for  his  cousin's  beautiful  widow,  Antoinette  was 
anxious  to  see  her  son  settled,  and  both  the  King  and 
the  Guises  were  fully  alive  to  the  political  advantages 
of  the  alhance.  On  the  26th  of  October  Wotton 
wrote  from  Bar,  "  The  fame  continues  of  a  marriage 
between  the  Dowager  of  Lorraine  and  the  Count  of 
Aumale,"  although,  as  he  had  already  remarked  in 
a  previous  letter,  it  was  hard  to  believe  the  Duchess's 
uncles  would  consent  to  the  union.  Aumale 's  own 
hopes  were  high,  and  he  sent  a  messenger  to  Scotland 
to  tell  his  sister  of  the  good  cheer  which  they  were 
enjoying  in  Madame  de  Lorraine's  house  at  Bar.^ 

But  these  hopes  were  doomed  to  disappointment. 
Christina  was  determined  never  to  marry  again. 
Like  her  aunt,  Mary  of  Hungary,  having  once  tasted 
perfect  happiness,  she  was  unwilling  to  repeat  the 
experiment.  Her  beauty  was  in  its  prime,  her 
charms  attracted  lovers  of  every  age  and  rank. 
During  the  next  ten  or  twelve  years  she  was  courted 
by  several  of  the  most  illustrious  personages  and 
bravest  captains  of  the  age.  She  smiled  on  all  her 
suitors  in  turn,  and  gave  them  freely  of  her  friend- 
ship, but  remained  true  to  her  resolve  to  live  for  her 
children  alone,  and  took    for    her  device  a  solitary 

1  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xxi.  2,  izi ;  Balcarres  Manuscripts, 
ii.  87. 


Oct..  1546]      MARRIAGE  PROPOSALS  313 

tower  with  doves  fluttering  round  its  barred  windows, 
and  the  motto  Accipio  niillas  sordida  turris  aves 
(A  ruined  tower,  I  give  shelter  to  no  birds),  as 
a  symbol  of  perpetual  widowhood.^ 

Aumale  consoled  himself  by  winning  fresh  laurels 
in  the  next  war,  and  before  long  married  another 
bride  of  high  degree;  but  Brantome,  who  was  inti- 
mate with  the  Guises,  tells  us  that  he  never  forgave 
Madame  de  Lorraine  for  rejecting  his  suit,  and  re- 
mained her  bitter  enemy  to  the  end  of  his  life.^  The 
King  took  Christina's  refusal  more  lightly.  He  never 
treated  w^omen's  fancies  seriously,  and  when  he  found 
that  Aumale's  suit  was  not  acceptable,  he  sought  the 
Duchess's  help  in  a  scheme  that  lay  nearer  his  heart. 
This  was  the  marriage  of  his  own  daughter  Margaret 
with  Philip  of  Spain,  whose  young  wife  had  died, 
in  June,  1545,  a  few  days  after  giving  birth  to  the 
Infant  Don  Carlos.  The  old  scheme  of  marrying 
this  Princess  to  the  Emperor's  only  son  was  now 
revived  at  the  French  Court,  and  Christina,  who  had 
always  appreciated  Madame  Marguerite's  excellent 
qualities,  entered  readily  into  the  King's  wishes. 
But,  as  she  soon  discovered,  her  aunt.  Queen  Eleanor, 
was  greatly  opposed  to  the  idea,  and  still  ardently 
wished  to  see  Philip  married  to  her  own  daughter, 
the  Infanta  Maria  of  Portugal.^ 

From  Bar  Francis  returned  to  spend  All  Hallows 
at  Joinville,  where  he  enjoyed  fresh  revels,  and 
delighted  the  Duke  of  Longueville  by  telling  him  to 
make  haste  and  grow  tall,  that  he  might  enter  his 
service. 

^  N.  Ratti,  "  La  Famiglia  Sforza,"  ii.  86. 

2  Brantome,  "  GEuvres,"  xii.  114. 

^  Calendar  of  Spanish  State  Papers,  viii.  501. 


314  REGENT  OF  LORRAINE  [Bk.  ix 

"  Now  he  goes,"  wrote  the  boy's  tutor,  Jean  de 
la  Brousse,  "  to  keep  Christmas  at  Compiegne,  and 
will  spend  the  winter  in  Paris,  watching  how  matters 
go  with  the  Emperor  and  the  Protestants,  whose 
armies  have  been  three  months  face  to  face,  and  yet 
do  not  know  how  to  kill  each  other. "^ 

In  the  same  letter  the  writer  describes  how,  on  his 
journey  to  Plessis,  to  bring  the  Princess  of  Navarre 
to  Court,  he  met  the  Queen  of  Scotland's  sister, 
Madame  Renee,  with  a  number  of  old  monks  and 
nuns,  on  her  way  from  Fontevrault  to  Joinville.  On 
the  1 6th  of  December  Madame  Renee  took  possession 
of  the  Convent  of  St.  Pierre  at  Reims,  of  which  she 
was  Abbess,  and  the  Duchess  of  Lorraine  and  the 
Princess  of  Orange  were  among  the  guests  present 
at  this  ceremon}^  at  the  entry  of  her  brother  the 
Archbishop  into  his  episcopal  city  on  the  following 
day. 

Meanwhile  the  news  of  Christina's  supposed  marriage 
travelled  far  and  wide.  It  reached  Venice,  where  the 
fate  of  the  Duchess  who  had  once  reigned  over 
Milan  always  excited  interest,  and  was  reported  to 
King  Henry  of  England  by  one  of  his  Italian  agents. 
His  curiosity  was  aroused,  and  when  the  French 
Ambassador,  Odet  de  Selve,  came  to  Windsor,  he 
asked  him  if  his  master  had  concluded  the  marriage 
which  he  had  in  hand.  "  What  marriage?"  asked 
De  Selve  innocently.  "  That  of  Madame  de  Lor- 
raine," replied  Henry  testily.  "  With  whom  ?"  asked 
the  Ambassador.  But  Henry  would  say  no  more, 
and  relapsed  into  sullen  silence.^  He  had  come  back 
from  Boulogne  seriously  ill,  and  grew  heavier  and 
more  unwieldy  every   day.     A  week  afterwards  he 

1  Balcarres  Manuscripts,  ii.  65;  iii.  105,  114. 

2  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  xxi.  2,  172,  187. 


Jan..  1547]      DEATH  OF  HENRY  VHI.  315 

had  a  severe  attack  of  fever,  and  on  his  return  to 
London  sent  Norfolk  and  Surrey  to  the  Tower. 

Mary  of  Hungary  was  so  much  alarmed  at  this 
fresh  outbreak  of  violence  that  she  sent  to  Chapuys, 
who  was  living  in  retirement  at  Louvain,  for  advice. 
The  veteran  diplomatist,  who  for  sixteen  years  had 
toiled  to  avoid  a  rupture  between  the  two  monarchs, 
wrote  back,  on  the  29th  of  January,  1547,  advising 
the  Queen  to  take  no  action.  ''  Ph^^sicians  say,"  he 
added,  "  that  the  best  and  quickest  cure  for  certain 
maladies  is  to  leave  the  evil  untouched  and  avoid 
further  irritation."  When  the  old  statesman  wrote 
these  words,  the  King,  whose  varying  moods  he  knew 
so  well,  had  already  ceased  from  troubling.  He  died 
at  Whitehall  on  the  28th  of  Januar>^  i547- 

The  news  of  his  ro3^al  brother's  death  moved  the 
King  of  France  deeply.  "  We  were  both  of  the  same 
age,"  he  said,  "  and  now  he  is  gone  it  is  time  for  me 
to  go  hence,  too."^  In  spite  of  the  painful  ailments 
from  which  he  suffered,  Francis  still  moved  restlessly 
from  place  to  place.  Towards  the  end  of  Lent  he 
left  Loches  to  spend  Easter  at  St.  Germain,  but  fell 
ill  on  the  way,  and  died  at  Rambouillet  on  the  31st 
of  March. 

The  death  of  these  two  monarchs,  who  filled  so 
large  a  place  in  the  history  of  the  times,  produced  a 
profound  sensation  throughout  Europe.  No  one  felt 
the  shock  more  than  the  Duchess,  who  had  been 
courted  by  one  Prince,  and  had  lately  received  the 
other  under  her  roof.  But  a  third  death  this  spring 
touched  her  still  more  closely.  On  the  28th  of 
February  the  good  old  Queen  PhiHppa  passed  away 
in  her  humble  cell  at  Pont-a-Mousson.     As  she  lay 

^  Brantome,  iii.  164. 


3i6  REGENT  OF  LORRAINE  [Bk.  IX 

d3dng  she  asked  what  was  the  day  of  the  week,  and, 
being  told  it  was  Saturday,  remarked:  "  All  the  best 
things  of  my  life  came  to  me  on  this  day.  I  was  born 
and  married  to  my  dear  husband  on  a  Saturday,  I 
entered  Nancy  amid  the  rejoicings  of  my  people,  and 
I  forsook  the  world  to  take  the  veil,  on  this  day,  and 
now  on  Saturday  I  am  going  to  God."  Her  children 
and  grandchildren  knelt  at  the  bedside,  but  Guise, 
her  best-loved  son,  only  arrived  from  Paris  at  the 
last  moment.  She  opened  her  eyes  at  the  sound  of 
his  voice.  "  Adieu,  mon  ami,"  she  said,  ''  and  do 
not  forget  to  keep  God  before  your  eyes."  These 
were  her  last  words,  and  as  the  pure  spirit  passed 
out  of  this  life  the  sound  of  weeping  was  broken  by 
the  joyous  songs  of  her  pet  lark.^ 

She  was  buried,  as  she  desired,  in  the  convent 
cloister,  and  the  people,  who  venerated  her  as  a  saint, 
flocked  to  the  funeral.  Christina  employed  Ligier- 
Richier,  the  sculptor  of  the  Prince  of  Orange's  monu- 
ment, to  carve  a  recumbent  effigy  of  the  dead  Queen 
in  coloured  marbles  on  her  tomb.  The  black  cloak 
and  grey  habit  were  faithfully  reproduced,  the  finely- 
modelled  features  were  rendered  in  all  their  ivory 
whiteness,  and  a  tiny  figure  of  a  kneeling  nun  was 
represented  in  the  act  of  laying  the  crown  at  her 
feet.  When  the  convent  church  was  pillaged  by 
rioters  in  1793,  this  monument  was  buried  by  the 
nuns  in  the  garden.  Here  it  was  discovered  in  1822, 
and  brought  to  Nancy,  where  it  now  stands  in  the 
Church  of  the  Cordehers,  near  the  stately  tomb 
which  Philippa  herself  had  reared  to  her  husband, 
King  Rene.^ 

'  Pimodan,  95;  Bouille,  i.  160. 

2  Hallays,   "  La  Ville  de  Nancy,"  22  ;  C.  Coiirnault,  "  Ligicr- 
Richier,"  34. 


Aug.,  1546]   THE  LEAGUE  OF  SCHMALKALDE    317 


III. 

Of  the  three  great  monarchs  whose  fame  had  filled 
the  world  during  the  last  forty  years,  only  one  re- 
mained aHve,  and  he  was  engaged  in  a  desperate 
struggle.  Throughout  the  autumn  and  winter  of 
1546-47,  Charles  V.  carried  on  a  vigorous  campaign 
against  the  coalition  of  Princes  known  as  the  League 
of  Schmalkalde.  Christina  watched  the  progress  of 
the  war  with  keen  anxiety,  and  saw  with  distress 
that  her  brother-in-law,  the  Palatine,  had  joined 
the  rebel  ranks.  Frederic  had  never  forgiven  the 
Emperor  for  sacrificing  his  wife's  rights  by  the 
Treaty  of  Spires,  and  showed  his  displeasure  by 
refusing  to  attend  the  Chapter  of  the  Golden 
Fleece  at  Utrecht  in  January,  1546.  He  further 
annoyed  Charles  by  introducing  Lutheran  rites  at 
Heidelberg,  and  on  Christmas  Day  he  and  Dorothea 
received  Communion  in  both  kinds  at  the  hands  of  a 
Protestant  pastor  in  the  Church  of  the  Holy  Ghost. 
But  he  still  hesitated  to  take  up  arms  against  the 
friend  of  his  youth.  At  length,  in  August,  he  declared 
himself  on  the  Protestant  side,  and  for  the  first  time 
the  red  flag  of  the  Palatinate  was  seen  in  the  camp 
of  the  Emperor's  foes.  Before  long,  however,  his 
courage  failed  him,  and  when  Charles  recovered  the 
imperial  city  of  Halle,  in  Suabia,  Frederic  hastened 
thither  to  make  his  peace.  Tears  rose  to  the  veteran's 
eyes  when  the  Emperor  said  how  much  it  had  grieved 
him  to  see  so  old  a  friend  in  the  ranks  of  his  foes,  but 
hastened  to  add  that  he  forgave  him  freely  and  would 
only  remember  his  past  services.  From  this  time 
the  Palatine's   loyalty  never  again  wavered,  but  he 


3i8  REGENT  OF  LORRAINE  [Bk.  ix 

was  obliged  to  restore  Catholic  rites  in  Heidelberg 
and  to  give  up  his  fortress  of  Hoh-Konigsberg  in 
Franconia  to  Albert  of  Brandenburg.^ 

The  Duke  of  Wiirtemberg  and  the  cities  of  Ulm 
and  Augsburg  soon  followed  the  Palatine's  example, 
and  Charles's  triumph  was  complete  by  the  decisive 
victory  of  Mlihlberg.  "  God  be  thanked,  who  never 
forsakes  his  own,"  wrote  Granvelle  to  Mary  of 
Hungary  from  the  battle-field,  at  midnight  on  the 
24th  of  April. 2  The  Elector  John  Frederick  of 
Saxon}^  and  the  Landgrave  of  Hesse  were  made 
prisoners,  the  League  of  Schmalkalde  was  dis- 
solved, and  Titian  commemorated  the  Emperor's 
heroic  deeds  in  a  famous  equestrian  portrait. 

The  peace  of  Lorraine  was  insured  by  the  victory 
of  Miihlberg,  and  Christina  shared  in  the  general 
sense  of  relief  with  which  the  close  of  the  war  was 
hailed.  When,  in  the  following  autumn,  the  Regent 
and  the  Princess  of  Orange  rode  to  meet  the  Emperor 
at  the  Diet  of  Augsburg,  the  Duchess  joined  them 
on  the  frontiers  of  Lorraine.  These  three  august 
ladies  reached  Augsburg  on  the  21st  of  November, 
and  were  received  by  King  Ferdinand,  his  son  Arch- 
duke Maximihan,  and  the  Prince  of  Piedmont,  who 
met  them  outside  the  gates,  and  escorted  them  to 
the  Emperor's  lodgings  in  the  fine  house  of  the 
Fuggers.  Here  the  Countess  Palatine  and  Ferdinand's 
daughter,  the  Duchess  of  Bavaria,  were  awaiting 
them  at  the  doors  of  the  courtyard,  and  conducted 
them  into  Charles's  presence.  During  the  next  three 
months  Christina  lived  in  the  great  banker's  house, 
with   the  other  members  of  the  imperial  family,  as 

1  Gachard,  ii.  338;  L.  Haiisser,  i.  603;  G.  Voigt,  "  Albert  von 
Brandenburg,"  i.  164.  ^  Granvelle,  iii.  265. 


Nov.,  1547]     THE  DIET  OF  AUGSBURG  319 

her  uncle's  guest.  Augsburg  itself  was  a  noble  city. 
The  wealth  of  her  merchants,  the  splendour  of  their 
houses  and  gardens,  amazed  every  stranger  who 
entered  her  gates.  "  The  Fuggers'  house,"  wrote 
Ascham,  "  would  overbrag  all  Cheapside."  The 
copper  roofs  glittered  in  the  sun,  the  carved  and 
painted  decorations  of  the  interior  were  of  the  most 
costly  and  elaborate  description.^  And  this  winter 
the  streets  of  Augsburg  were  thronged  with  Princes 
and  ladies.  It  was  the  gayest  and  most  splendid 
Diet  ever  seen.  Never  before  had  so  many  Arch- 
duchesses and  Duchesses  been  present,  never  was 
there  so  much  dancing  and  jousting  and  feasting. 
On  St.  Andrew's  Da}^  the  whole  imperial  family 
attended  a  solemn  Mass  in  honour  of  the  Knights  of 
the  Fleece,  and  were  entertained  by  the  Emperor  at 
a  banquet,  after  which  the  Queen  of  Hungary  re- 
ceived the  Companions  of  the  Order  in  her  apart- 
ments. On  Christmas  Day  all  the  Princes  and 
Princesses  were  present  at  High  Mass  in  the  Cathedral, 
and  on  the  Feast  of  the  Three  Kings  they  attended 
service  in  the  Court  chapel,  when  Granvelle's  son,  the 
young  Bishop  of  Arras,  officiated,  and  the  Palatine, 
the  Marquis  of  Brandenburg,  and  the  Archduke, 
presented  the  customary  offerings  of  gold,  frank- 
incense, and  myrrh,  in  the  Emperor's  name.  Except 
on  these  state  occasions,  Charles  dined  alone  and 
never  spoke  at  meals,  but  generally  sat  by  the  window 
for  an  hour  or  two  afterwards,  talking  to  his  brother 
and  sister  or  nephews  and  nieces. 

King   Ferdinand's   rooms,   on   the   contrary,   were 
never  empty.     He  had  lost  his  faithful  wife,  Anna  of 

1  Gachard,  "  Voyages  de  Charles  V.,"  ii.  350-355;  R.  Ascham, 
**  Works,"  ii.  267;  "  Travail  and  Life  of  Sir  T.  Hoby,"  7. 


320  REGENT  OF  LORRAINE  [Bk.  ix 

Bohemia,  in  January,  but  his  son  and  daughter  were 
lavish  in  dispensing  their  father's  hospitahty.  Like 
his  sister  Mary,  Ferdinand  was  very  fond  of  music, 
and  enjoyed  hstening  to  his  fine  Kapelle,  while  one 
of  his  favourite  jesters  was  always  present  to  amuse 
the  Electors  and  Princesses  at  his  table .^  His  son, 
the  Archduke  Max,  as  Ascham  calls  him,  was  a  gay 
and  pleasant  gentleman,  "  of  goodly  person  and 
stature,"  speaking  eight  languages,  and  very  popular 
with  all  classes,  especially  the  Lutherans,  whose 
opinions  he  was  supposed  to  affect.  Charles's  other 
nephew,  Emanuel  Philibert,  the  Prince  of  Piedmont, 
was  another  gallant  squire  of  dames,  as  ready  to  take 
part  in  masque  and  dance  as  he  was  foremost  in 
active  warfare.  Every  evening  there  was  music  and 
dancing  in  the  King's  rooms,  and  the  old  halls  of  the 
merchants  rang  to  the  sound  of  laughter  and  melody. 
In  that  joyous  throng  the  Countess  Palatine  was  the 
gayest  of  the  gay,  and  Christina  forgot  her  sorrows 
to  become  young  once  more. 

There  was  one  man  among  the  Princes  assembled 
at  Augsburg  who  gazed  with  frank  admiration  at  the 
handsome  Duchess;  this  was  the  Marquis  Albert  of 
Brandenburg,  Lord  of  Culmbach  and  Burgrave  of 
Nuremberg.  While  still  a  boy  he  succeeded  to  his 
father's  principality  in  Franconia,  and  was  educated 
by  his  uncle,  the  Duke  of  Prussia  and  Grand-Master 
of  the  Teutonic  Order.  Although  brought  up  a 
Lutheran,  he  entered  the  Emperor's  service  before 
he  was  twenty,  and  fought  gallantly  in  the  wars  of 
Cleves  and  Champagne.  A  wild  and  reckless  spirit, 
who  rode  hard,  drank  deep,  and  knew  no  fear,  Albert 
was  adored  by  his  soldiers,  whose  toils  and  hardships 

Bucholtz,  vi.  298,  300. 


1548]  THE  MARQUIS  ALBERT  321 

he  shared  with  cheerful  courage,  while  his  name  was 
the  terror  of  all  peaceful  citizens.  "  Thunder  and 
lightning,  devouring  fire,"  wrote  a  contemporary, 
"  are  not  more  terrible  than  the  Marquis  Albert  on 
the  battle-field."^  But  there  was  a  fascination  about 
this  ruthless  dare-devil  which  no  woman  could  re- 
sist. His  sisters  were  passionately  devoted  to  him, 
and  Bona,  the  Queen  of  Poland,  tried  in  vain  to  marry 
him  to  one  of  her  daughters.  Roger  Ascham  de- 
scribes him  as 

''  another  Achilles,  his  face  fair  and  beautiful,  but 
stern  and  manly,  wdth  flowing  locks  and  great  rolling 
eyes,  yet  with  a  sad,  restless  look,  as  if  he  was  ever 
seeking  what  he  could  not  find.  A  man  of  few  words 
withal,  but  with  a  deep,  strong  voice,  ever  more  ready 
to  hear  than  to  speak." ^ 

There  seemed  no  heights  to  which  this  soldier  of 
fortune  could  not  aspire.  The  Emperor  treated  him 
with  fatherly  affection,  and  the  Queen  and  the 
Duchess  of  Lorraine  honoured  the  sumptuous  ban- 
quets, in  which  he  displayed  his  usual  prodigality, 
careless  of  the  debts  with  which  he  was  already 
loaded. 

Once  more  rumour  was  bus}^  with  Christina's  name. 
The  Marquis  Albert  proclaimed  himself  her  devoted 
servant,  and  her  marriage  with  the  young  King  Sigis- 
mund  of  Poland  was  seriously  discussed  at  Augsburg. 
This  monarch's  wife,  the  Archduchess  Elizabeth,  had 
died  before  his  accession,  and  his  sister,  the  Electress 
Hedwig  of  Brandenburg,  was  eager  to  bring  about  a 
union  between  him  and  the  Duchess  of  Lorraine;^ 
but,  as  usual,  these  rumours  ended  in  smoke,  and  the 

^  Voigt,  ii.  7.  2  Ascham,  iii.  32;  Voigt,  i.  197. 

3  Bulletins  de  la  Commission  d'Histoire,  xii.  156;  Calendar  of 
State  Papers,  Edward  VI.,  17. 


322  REGENT  OF  LORRAINE  [Bk.  IX 

only  marriage  announced  at  Augsburg  was  that  of 
the  Archduke  Max  and  his  cousin  the  Infanta  Maria 
of  Spain,  an  alhance  which  had  long  been  privately 
arranged. 

Early  in  the  New  Year  another  distinguished  person 
arrived  at  Augsburg,  in  the  person  of  the  great 
Venetian  master,  Titian.  He  came  in  obedience  to 
an  urgent  summons  from  the  Emperor,  and  during 
the  next  few  months  painted  a  magnificent  series  of 
portraits,  including  those  of  Charles  and  Ferdinand, 
the  captive  Elector  of  Saxony,  Chancellor  Gran- 
velle,  his  wife,  and  his  son,  the  Bishop  of  Arras,  who 
was  a  great  admirer  of  Titian's  art.  Fourteen  years 
before,  this  same  master  had  taken  Christina's  portrait, 
when  she  came  to  Milan  as  the  youthful  bride  of 
Francesco  Sforza;  now  he  saw  her  again  in  the 
flower  of  her  womanhood,  and,  had  opportunity 
offered,  would  doubtless  have  painted  her  again.  But 
disquieting  rumours  of  unrest  on  the  frontiers  of 
Lorraine  reached  Augsburg,  and  on  the  i6th  of 
February  the  Duchess  set  out  on  her  return  to  Nancy. 
The  Emperor  gave  his  niece  a  costly  ring  as  a  parting 
present,  and  Archduke  Max,  the  Marquis  Albert,  the 
Prince  of  Piedmont,  together  with  the  Countess  Pala- 
tine and  the  Princess  of  Orange,  escorted  her  some 
leagues  on  her  way.  When,  a  month  later,  the  Queen 
of  Hungary  left  Augsburg,  she  paid  Christina  a  visit  at 
Nancy,  bringing  with  her  Anne  of  Lorraine  and  William, 
the  young  Prince  of  Orange,  a  promising  boy  of  fifteen, 
who  was  being  educated  at  Court,  and  met  with  a 
kindly  welcome  from  the  Duchess  and  her  subjects  for 
the  sake  of  the  lamented  Prince  whose  name  he  bore.^ 
By  Mary's  advice,  the  Regents  took  active  measures 

^  Gacliard,  ii.  357. 


Photo  HanfstaDigl 


To  face  />.  2,'2'2 


CHARLES  \.  (1548) 
By  Titian  (Munich) 


June,  i548j  THE   INTERIM  323 

for  the  defence  of  the  frontier  and  the  fortification 
of  Nancy.  An  arsenal  was  founded,  and  two  bastions, 
which  became  known  as  those  of  Denmark  and 
Vaudemont,  were  built  near  the  palace.  Other  im- 
provements were  carried  out  at  the  same  time:  the 
marshy  ground  under  the  walls  was  thoroughly 
drained,  and  converted  into  a  spacious  square  called 
La  Place  de  la  Carriere ;  many  of  the  streets  were  paved 
and  widened;  and  the  Count  of  Salm,  Bassompierre, 
and  several  of  the  nobles,  built  fine  new  houses  along 
the  Grande  Rue,  opposite  the  Galerie  des  Cerfs.^ 

The  Emperor  remained  at  Augsburg  throughout 
the  summer,  endeavouring  to  effect  a  lasting  settle- 
ment of  the  rehgious  question.  On  the  30th  of  June 
the  so-called  ''  Interim  "  was  proclaimed,  a  compro- 
mise which  satisfied  no  one,  and  was  described  by 
Thomas  Hoby,  a  young  Englishman  who  came  to 
Augsburg  this  summer  on  his  way  to  Italy,  as  an 
attempt  to  set  up  the  old  Babylon  again  in  Germany.^ 
A  fortnight  later  the  Diet  was  prorogued,  and  Charles 
started  for  the  Netherlands,  where  he  arrived  on  the 
8th  of  September,  after  more  than  two  years'  absence. 

A  few  weeks  before  his  arrival  a  marriage  had  taken 
place,  greatly  to  Mary's  satisfaction,  between  the 
widowed  Princess  of  Orange  and  the  Duke  of  Aerschot  .^ 
This  nobleman,  the  premier  peer  of  the  realm  and 
doyen  of  the  Golden  Fleece,  had  lost  his  second  wife 
in  1544,  but  was  still  in  the  prime  of  life,  and,  as  his 
daughter-in-law,  Louise  de  Guise,  told  her  sister,  was 
honoured  and  beloved  throughout  the  Netherlands 
Christina  could  not  herself  be  present  at  the  wedding, 

^  H.  Lepage,  "  La  Ville  de  Nancy,"  44;  Calendar  of  State 
Papers,  Foreign,  Edward  VI.,  i.  16. 

2  T.  Hoby,  "  Memoirs,"  6. 

3  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Edward  VI.,  i.  25. 


324  REGENT  OF  LORRAINE  [Bk.  ix 

but  her  brother-in-law  Nicolas  went  to  Brussels  to 
give  his  sister  away.  Here  he  fell  in  love  with  Count 
Egmont's  sister  Margaret,  and  asked  her  hand  in  mar- 
riage. This  alliance  met  with  the  warm  approval  of  the 
Emperor  and  the  Regent,  but  caused  Christina  many 
searchings  of  heart.  Already  more  than  one  attempt 
had  been  made  by  the  Guises  to  marry  Vaudemont 
to  a  French  bride,  and  she  feared  that  this  union 
would  excite  great  displeasure  in  some  quarters.  In 
her  alarm  she  wrote  to  the  Emperor,  begging  him  to 
forbid  the  marriage  as  dangerous  to  the  welfare  of 
her  State.  Charles,  however,  declined  to  inter- 
fere, and  sent  Granvelle's  brother,  Chantonnay,  to 
advise  his  niece  politely  to  mind  her  own  business. 

"  Since  the  Count  of  Vaudemont  is  bent  on  marry- 
ing," he  wrote  to  his  Envoy,  "  it  is  far  better  that  he 
should  come  here  for  a  wife  than  go  to  France ;  and 
the  Duchess  need  not  feel  in  any  way  responsible  for 
the  alliance,  which  is  entirely  his  own  doing.  .  .  . 
And,  indeed,  I  do  not  see  how  he  could  honourably 
break  his  word,  since  we  ourselves  urged  our  cousins 
of  Egmont  to  agree  to  his  proposals.  But  tell  him 
to  come  here  as  soon  as  he  can,  to  prevent  the  French 
from  making  any  more  mischief  !"^ 

There  was  nothing  more  to  be  said,  and  the  wedding 
was  celebrated  in  the  Court  chapel  at  Brussels,  after 
vespers,  on  the  23rd  of  January,  1549.  The  bride, 
richly  clad  in  cloth  of  gold  and  decked  with  priceless 
gems,  was  led  to  the  altar  by  the  Queen,  while 
Charles  brought  in  the  bridegroom.  A  banquet  and 
masque  were  afterwards  held  in  the  palace,  at  the 
close  of  which  Mary  once  more  took  the  bride  by  the 
hand  and  conducted  her  into  the  nuptial  chamber, 
hung  with  crimson  brocade  and  costly  tapestries. 
The  next  morning  the  newly-wedded  Countess  ap- 
1  Granvelle,  iii.  335. 


Dec,  1548]  ADOLF  OF  HOLSTEIN  325 

peared  at  Mass,  in  another  costume  of  green  velvet 
embroidered  in  silver,  and  jousts  and  dances  suc- 
ceeded each  other  during  the  following  three  days, 
ending  with  a  magnificent  banquet  given  by  the 
Duchess  of  Aerschot.^ 

Among  the  company  present  on  this  occasion  was 
the  Dowager  Queen  Eleanor,  who  came  to  Brussels 
on  the  5th  of  December,  to  make  her  home  with  her 
beloved  brother  and  sister.  On  his  death  -  bed 
Francis  I.  was  seized  with  remorse  for  the  way 
in  which  he  had  neglected  his  wife,  and  begged  his 
daughter  Margaret  to  atone  for  his  shortcomings. 
But  although  Margaret  carried  out  her  father's  last 
instructions  faithfulfy,  and  asked  his  widow  to  re- 
main at  Court,  the  new  King  showed  his  stepmother 
scanty  kindness,  and  Eleanor  left  France  with  few 
regrets.  Another  guest  at  Margaret  of  Egmont's 
wedding  was  Christina's  cousin,  Duke  Adolf  of  Hol- 
stein,  the  King  of  Denmark's  youngest  brother.  Most 
of  his  life  had  been  spent  in  German}^,  and  he  had 
taken  part  in  the  campaign  of  Miihlberg  with  his 
friend  Albert  of  Brandenburg.  Now^,  following  the 
wild  Marquis's  example,  he  came  to  Brussels  in 
October,  1548,  and  entered  the  Emperor's  service. 
This  new  recruit  was  cordially  welcomed,  and  gave 
a  signal  proof  of  his  valour  by  carrying  off  the  first 
prize  in  the  tournament  held  at  the  palace. 

Christina  herself  maintained  the  prudent  attitude 
which  she  had  adopted  with  regard  to  Vaudemont's 
marriage,  and  refused  to  countenance  by  her  presence 
a  union  which  excited  much  unfriendly  criticism  in 
France.  Two  other  weddings  in  which  she  was  also 
keenly  interested  took  place  about  the  same  time. 
On  the  20th  of  October  her  old  suitor,  the  brilliant 

^  Gachard,  ii.  377. 

22 


326  REGENT  OF  LORRAINE  [Bk.  ix 

and    volatile    Duke    of    Vendome,    was    married    at 

Moulins  to  Jeanne  d'Albret,  the  heiress  of  Navarre. 

This    strong-minded    Princess,  who    refused   to    wed 

the  Duke  of  Cleves,  and  took  objection  to  Aumale 

because   his   brother  was  the   husband   of  Diane   de 

Poitiers's     daughter,     fell    suddenly     in    love    with 

Vendome,  and  insisted  on  marrying  him  in  spite  of 

her  mother's  opposition.     So  radiant  was  Jeanne  on 

her  wedding-day  that  King  Henry  declared   her  to 

be  the  most  joyous  bride  whom  he  had  ever  seen. 

Six    weeks    later    Aumale    himself   was    married    at 

St.  Germain  to  Anna  d'  Este,  daughter  of  Duke  Er- 

cole  II.  of  Ferrara  and  Renee  of  France.     Ronsard 

sang  the  praises  of  this  Italian  Venus  who  had  taken 

the  Mars  of  France  for  her  lord,  and  Vendome,  gay 

and  inconsequent  as  ever,  sent  his  old  rival  in  war 

and  love  a  merry  letter,  bidding  him  follow  his  good 

example,  and  stay  at  home  to  play  the  good  husband.^ 

This  union  with  the  King's  first  cousin  satisfied  the 

highest  ambitions  of  the  Guises,  while  Anna's  charm 

and  goodness   were  a   source   of  lasting   content   to 

Duchess  Antoinette.     Christina  was  one  of  the  first 

to  greet  the  bride  on  her  arrival  at  Joinville.     At 

first  the  two  Princesses,  Brantome  tells  us,  looked  at 

each  other  shyly,  but  with  evident  curiosity.     The 

tale    of   Aumale's    courtship    was    well    known,    and 

Christina    naturally  felt    keen   interest    in    the    Este 

Princess  who  came  from  Beatrice's  home  and  was  the 

cousin    of    Francesco    Sforza.     "  Anna,"    writes    the 

chronicler,  "  was  tall  and  beautiful,  but  very  gentle 

and   amiable.     The   two   ladies   met   and    conversed 

together,  and  were  soon  the  best  of  friends." ^ 

.  *  A.  de  Ruble,  "  Le  Mariage  de  Jeanne  d'Albret,"  243-246; 
Bouille,  204. 

2  Brantome,  "  QEuvres,"  xii.  115. 


March,  1549]     CHRISTINA  AT  BRUSSELS  327 

IV. 

Christina's  absence  from  her  brother-in-law's 
wedding  had  been  a  great  disappointment  to  her  aunts, 
and  she  received  a  pressing  invitation  to  come  to 
Brussels  for  the  fetes  in  honour  of  the  Prince  of  Spain, 
whose  arrival  was  expected  early  in  the  spring  of 
1549.  Accordingly,  on  the  28th  of  March  the 
Duchess  reached  Brussels,  attended  by  the  Princess 
of  Macedonia,  and  was  received  by  the  Grand-Ecuyer 
Boussu  and  a  brilliant  escort  of  gentlemen.  One  of 
these  was  the  Marquis  Albert,  whose  name  of  late 
had  been  frequently  coupled  with  her  own,  the  other 
his  friend  Duke  Adolf  of  Holstein.  Christina  natu- 
rally hailed  this  meeting  with  her  cousin,  especially 
now  that  his  brother.  King  Christian,  had  alleviated 
the  rigour  of  her  father's  captivity.  Since  the 
Palatine  had  abandoned  all  attempts  to  maintain  his 
wife's  claims,  the  reigning  monarch  had  agreed  to 
release  his  unfortunate  kinsman  from  the  dungeons 
of  Sonderburg.  On  the  17th  of  February  the  two 
Kings  met  and  dined  together  in  a  friendly  manner, 
after  which  the  deposed  monarch  was  removed  to 
Kallundborg,  a  pleasantly-situated  castle  on  a  prom- 
ontory of  Zeeland,  where  he  spent  the  remaining 
ten  years  of  his  life  in  comparative  freedom.^  This, 
indeed,  was  all  that  the  Emperor  desired.  In  a 
secret  paper  of  instructions  which  he  drew  up  for 
Philip  in  case  of  his  own  death,  he  enjoined  his  son 
to  cultivate  peaceable  relations  with  the  King  of 
Denmark,  and  do  his  utmost  to  keep  the  Princesses 
Dorothea  and  Christina  in  his  good  graces,  and  insure 
their  father's  good  treatment,  "  without  allowing  him 
^  Schafer,  iv.  472;  Bucholtz,  vii.  572. 


328  REGENT  OF  LORRAINE  [Bk.  IX 

such  a  measure  of  liberty  as  might  enable  him  to 
assert  his  old  claims  and  injure  our  State  of  Flanders 
as  he  did  before."^ 

Unfortunately,  the  interest  with  which  Christina 
regarded  the  Danish  Prince  proved  fatal  to  Adolf's 
friendship  with  the  Marquis.  Before  the  outbreak 
of  the  Schmalkalde  War,  Adolf  had  become  affianced 
to  Albert's  sister,  Fraulein  Kunigunde.  The  wedding- 
day  was  fixed,  and  the  citizens  of  Nuremberg  had 
prepared  gold  rings  and  jewels  for  the  bride,  but  the 
disturbed  state  of  Denmark  compelled  the  Duke  to 
postpone  his  marriage  for  a  time.  Then,  as  ill-luck 
would  have  it,  he  met  the  Duchess  of  Lorraine  at 
the  New  Year  festivities  at  Augsburg,  and  fell  desper- 
ately in  love  with  her.  From  this  moment  he  forgot 
Fraulein  Kunigunde,  and  took  the  first  excuse  he 
could  find  to  break  off  his  engagement.  Albert  never 
forgave  the  wrong,  and,  although  the  two  Princes  met 
at  Brussels  and  walked  side  by  side  in  the  Court 
chapel  on  Candlemas  Day,  the  old  friendship  between 
them  was  turned  to  bitter  enmity  .^ 

But  now  private  grievances  had  to  be  put  aside, 
and  friends  and  foes  alike  joined  in  the  public  re- 
joicings which  welcomed  the  Prince  of  Spain's  arrival. 
Charles  was  anxious  to  present  his  son  to  his  future 
subjects  in  the  most  favourable  light,  and  no  pains 
were  spared  to  produce  a  good  impression  both  on 
Philip  himself  and  on  the  loyal  people  of  Brabant. 
On  the  I  St  of  April,  Mary  of  Hungary,  Christina, 
and  Anne  of  Aerschot,  accompanied  by  the  whole 
Court,  received  the  Prince  at  Ter  Vueren,  where  they 

1  Granvelle,  iii.  207. 

2  Lodge,  "  Illustrations,"  i.  183;  Calendar  of  the  Manuscripts 
of  the  Marquis  of  Salisbury,  i.  no;  Voigt,  i.  197. 


April,  1549]  PHILIP  OF  SPAIN  329 

entertained  him  at  dinner  and  witnessed  a  military 
parade  and  sham-fight  on  the  plains  outside  the  town. 
In  the  evening  Philip  made  his  state  entry  into 
Brussels,  clad  in  crimson  velvet  and  riding  on  a 
superb  war-horse,  attended  by  Albert  of  Brandenburg, 
Adolf  of  Holstein,  the  Princes  of  Piedmont,  Orange, 
and  Chimay,  Alva,  Egmont,  Pescara,  and  many 
other  illustrious  personages.  The  chief  burghers  and 
city  guilds  met  the  Prince  at  Ter  Vueren,  and  escorted 
him  to  the  palace  gates,  where  the  two  Queens  and 
Christina  conducted  him  into  the  Emperor's  presence. 
Philip  fell  on  his  knees,  and  his  father  embraced  him 
with  tears  in  his  eyes,  and  conversed  with  him  for 
over  an  hour.  At  nightfall  the  whole  city  was  illu- 
minated, and  bonfires  blazed  from  all  the  neighbour- 
ing heights.  The  next  day  a  tournament  was  held 
on  the  Grande  Place,  and  a  splendid  gold  cup  was 
presented  to  the  Prince  by  the  city,  while  the  States 
of  Brabant  voted  him  a  gift  of  100,000  florins  and 
hailed  him  with  acclamation  as  the  Emperor's  suc- 
cessor. But  in  the  evening  these  rejoicings  were  in- 
terrupted by  the  news  of  the  Duke  of  Aerschot's 
sudden  death.  He  had  gone  to  Spires  to  meet  the 
Prince,  but  had  over-exerted  himself,  and  died  very 
suddenly  at  his  castle  of  Quievrain.  It  was  a  grievous 
blow  to  Anne  of  Lorraine,  who  was  once  more  left 
a  widow,  before  she  had  been  married  quite  nine 
months.  The  deepest  sympathy  was  felt  for  her  at 
Court,  and  Mary  lamented  the  loss  of  her  wisest 
Councillor.  All  festivities  were  put  off  till  Easter. 
Philip  spent  Holy  Week  in  devotional  exercises,  and 
rode  to  S.  Gudule  on  Palm  Sunday,  at  the  head  of  a 
solemn  procession  of  knights  bearing  palms. 

Charles   took   advantage   of  this   quiet   season    to 


330  REGENT  OF  LORRAINE  [Bk.  ix 

initiate  his  son  into  the  administration  of  public 
affairs  and  make  him  acquainted  with  the  leading 
nobles  of  the  Netherlands.  But  the  impression  pro- 
duced by  Philip  was  far  from  being  a  favourable  one. 
Short  in  stature  and  blond  in  complexion,  with  his 
father's  wide  forehead  and  projecting  jaw,  he  was 
Flemish  in  appearance,  but  Spanish  by  nature.  His 
taciturn  air  and  haughty  and  reserved  manners 
formed  a  striking  contrast  to  the  frank  and  genial 
ways  which  endeared  Charles  V.  to  all  classes  of 
his  subjects.  Thomas  Hob}^  who  saw  Philip  at 
Mantua,  noticed  what  "  small  countenance  "  he 
made  to  the  crowd  who  greeted  his  entry,  and  heard 
that  he  had  already  "  acquired  a  name  for  insolency." 
Wherever  he  went  it  was  the  same.  ''  His  severe 
and  morose  appearance,"  wrote  the  Venetian  Suriano, 
"  has  made  him  disagreeable  to  the  Italians,  hated  by 
the  Flemings,  and  odious  to  the  Germans."  His 
marked  preference  for  all  that  was  Spanish  gave 
deadly  offence  to  the  Emperor's  old  servants,  and 
people  in  Brussels  said  openly  that  when  Philip  came 
to  the  throne  no  one  but  Spaniards  would  be  employed 
at  Court.  In  vain  his  father  and  aunt  warned  him 
that  this  exclusive  temper  was  ill-suited  to  a  Prince 
who  was  called  to  rule  over  subjects  of  many  nations. 
He  spoke  little  in  public  and  rarely  smiled.  During 
the  year  which  he  spent  at  Brussels  people  said  that 
he  was  never  seen  to  laugh  except  on  one  occasion, 
when  all  the  Court  witnessed  the  famous  national 
fete  of  the  Ommegang  from  the  hotel-de-ville,  on 
the  Fete-Dieu.  Among  the  varied  groups  in  the 
procession  was  a  bear  playing  on  an  organ,  while 
children  dressed  up  as  monkeys  danced  to  the  music, 
and  unhappy  cats  tied  by  the  tail  in  cages  filled  the 


May,  1549]     HIS  DEVOTION  TO  CHRISTINA      331 

air  with  discordant  cries.  At  the  sight  of  these 
grotesque  figures  even  Phihp's  gravity  gave  way,  and 
he  laughed  till  the  tears  ran  down  his  cheeks.^ 

This  cold  and  haughty  Prince,  who  took  no  pains 
to  commend  himself  to  his  future  subjects,  showed 
a  marked  preference  from  the  first  for  his  cousin 
Christina.  He  sought  her  company  on  every  possible 
occasion,  gave  her  rich  presents,  and  devoted  himself 
to  her  service  with  an  ardour  which  became  a  cause 
of  serious  annoyance  to  his  aunts. 

"  Queen  Eleanor,"  wrote  the  French  Ambassador 
Marillac,  "  is  always  trying  to  treat  of  her  daughter's 
marriage  with  the  Prince,  but  with  very  Uttle  success, 
and  the  great  attentions  which  he  pays  the  Duchess 
of  Lorraine,  the  evident  delight  which  he  takes  in 
her  society,  and  the  gifts  which  he  bestows  upon  her, 
have  excited  great  jealousy. "^ 

Before  long  Christina  herself  found  Philip's  atten- 
tions embarrassing,  and  felt  that  it  would  be  the 
path  of  wisdom  to  leave  Court.  She  was  present, 
however,  at  a  second  tournament  given  on  the 
Grande  Place,  on  the  6th  of  May.  That  day  Count 
d'Aremberg  (the  husband  of  Christina's  intimate 
friend  Margaret  la  Marck),  Mansfeldt,  Horn,  and 
Floris  de  Montmorency,  held  the  hsts  against  all 
assailants,  while  Alva  and  Francesco  d'Estewere  the 
judges.  Philip,  who  inherited  httle  of  his  father's 
taste  for  knightly  exercises,  but  had  been  practising 
riding  and  jousting  diligently  during  the  last  few  weeks, 
entered  the  lists,  and  was  awarded  a  fine  ruby  as  a 
prize,  Egmont  and  the  Prince  of  Piedmont  being 
the  other  victors.  Albert  of  Brandenburg  was  present, 

^  Henne,  viii.  373. 

2  Gachard,  "  Retraite  de  Charles  V.,"  i.  72;  Manuscript  8,625, 
f.  235,  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  Paris. 


332  REGENT  OF  LORRAINE  [Bk.  ix 

but  declined  to  take  part  in  the  tournament.  He 
had  seldom  been  seen  at  Court  since  Philip's  arrival 
and  spent  most  of  his  time  in  his  own  quarters, 
compiling  an  account  of  his  grievances  against  the 
Emperor.  One  day  Charles,  fearing  to  lose  his 
services,  sent  Granvelle  to  offer  him  an  honourable 
and  lucrative  office  in  the  Imperial  Mint.  Albert 
replied  loftily  that,  since  he  was  born  a  Branden- 
burg, no  office  which  the  Emperor  had  to  bestow, 
could  exalt  his  station,  and  that  as  he  never  managed 
to  keep  a  sixpence  in  his  own  pocket,  he  would  rather 
not  attempt  to  meddle  with  other  people's  money. 
A  few  days  after  this  he  asked  leave  to  retire  to  his 
own  domains.  The  last  time  that  he  appeared  in 
public  was  at  the  banquet  which  followed  the  tourna- 
ment, in  the  hotel-de-ville ;  here  he  sat  at  the  Em- 
peror's table,  opposite  the  Duchess  of  Lorraine,  who  was 
placed  between  Philip  and  Emanuel  Philibert  of  Pied- 
mont, while  Adolf  of  Holstein  sat  next  to  the  Princess 
of  Macedonia.  All  these  illustrious  guests  joined  in 
the  ball  which  closed  the  day's  festivities,  and  dancing 
was  kept  up  with  great  spirit  until  after  midnight.^ 

Early  the  next  morning  Christina  left  Brussels, 
accompanied  by  Vaudemont's  wife,  Margaret  of 
Egmont,  and  escorted  for  several  miles  on  her  journey 
by  the  Prince  of  Spain.  Three  weeks  later  the 
Marquis  Albert  also  left  Court,  without  taking  leave 
of  the  Emperor  or  the  Queens.  His  abrupt  departure 
excited  general  surprise,  and  no  one  knew  whether 
it  was  due  to  his  quarrel  with  the  Duke  of  Holstein, 
or  to  some  imaginary  affront  from  the  Prince  or  the 
Duchess  of  Lorraine;  but  when  he  was  at  some 
distance  from  the  town  he  sent  back  a  warrant  for  a 
^  Gachard,  ii.  389. 


^ 


Aug.,  1549]         THE  GUISE  PRINCES  333 

pension  of  4,000  crowns  a  year,  which  he  had  received 
from  the  Emperor,  as  a  sign  that  he  was  no  longer 
in  his  service. 

During  the  course  of  the  summer  PhiUp  made  his 
"  joyeuse  entree  "  into  the  different  cities  of  the 
Low  Countries,  and  a  memorable  series  of  fetes  was 
given  in  his  honour  by  Mary  of  Hungary  at  her 
beautiful  summer  palace  of  Binche.  At  the  end  of 
August  the  Duchess  of  Aerschot  gave  birth  to  a 
posthumous  son,  who  was  christened  by  the  Bishop 
of  Arras  in  the  Court  chapel,  and  named  Charles 
Philip,  after  his  godfathers,  the  Emperor  and  the 
Prince.  But  while  Anne's  second  marriage  and  her 
brother's  union  with  Egmont's  sister  strengthened 
the  ties  between  Lorraine  and  Flanders,  the  close 
connection  of  the  younger  branch  of  the  ducal  house 
with  France  increased  daily.  After  the  marriage  of 
Guise's  third  son,  Mayenne,  with  Diane  de  Poitiers's 
daughter,  his  brothers  were  loaded  with  favours  of 
every  description.  Aumale  was  created  a  Duke 
and  appointed  Governor  of  Savoy,  and  Charles  was 
made  a  Cardinal  at  the  King's  request,  and  loaded 
with  rich  benefices.  Their  mother  stood  sponsor  to 
Henry  II.'s  daughter  Claude,  who  was  one  day  to  be 
the  wife  of  Christina's  only  son,  and  had  the  deputies 
of  the  thirteen  Swiss  cantons  for  her  godfathers.  A 
new  link  was  forged  by  the  coming  of  the  little  Queen 
of  Scots  to  France  in  the  autumn  of  1548,  as  the 
future  bride  of  the  Dauphin.  Antoinette  met  her 
granddaughter  at  Brest,  and  brought  her  to  St.  Ger- 
main, where  the  charms  of  the  little  Queen  soon  won 
all  hearts.  "  I  can  assure  you,"  wrote  the  proud 
grandmother  to  her  eldest  son,  "  she  is  the  best  and 
prettiest  child  of  her  age  that  was  ever  seen  !"     And 


334  REGENT  OF  LORRAINE  [Bk.  ix 

her  uncle  the  Cardinal  added:  "  She  already  governs 
both  the  King  and  Queen."  At  the  Court  ball  in  honour 
of  Aumale's  wedding,  all  the  guests  stood  still  to 
watch  the  lovely  little  Queen  and  the  Dauphin 
dancing  hand  in  hand,  and  the  King  smiled  maliciously 
when  the  English  Ambassador  remarked  that  it  was 
the  most  charming  thing  in  the  world  to  see  the  two 
children  together.^ 

When  Christina  returned  to  Lorraine  in  May,  1549, 
all  the  Guises  were  at  Paris  for  the  King  and  Queen's 
state  entry,  and  the  3^oung  Duke  of  Longueville  led 
his  grandmother's  white  horse  in  the  procession. 
After  this  Antoinette  brought  her  daughter-in-law 
to  spend  the  autumn  quietly  at  Joinville,  and  great 
was  the  rejoicing  when,  on  the  last  day  of  the  year, 
Anna  gave  birth  to  her  first  son,  the  Prince  who  was 
to  become  famous  as  "  Henri  le  Balafre."  Christina 
was  careful  to  remain  on  good  terms  with  the  family  at 
Joinville,  and  the  presence  of  the  Duchess  of  Aerschot, 
who  spent  the  winter  in  Lorraine,  increased  the  friendly 
intercourse  between  the  two  houses.  Anne's  letters 
to  her  aunt  and  cousins  abound  in  playful  allusions  to 
early  recollections,  and  she  always  addressed  Aumale 
as  "Monsieur  mon  serviteur "  and  signed  herself 
"  Votre  bonne  maitresse."  When,  in  January,  1550, 
the  Duke  of  Guise  fell  ill,  Christina  sent  her  steward 
Grammont  repeatedly  to  make  inquiries  at  Joinville. 

"  We  cannot  rest  satisfied,"  wrote  the  Duchess  of 
Aerschot  from  Nancy,  "  without  hearing  the  latest 
accounts  of  my  uncle,  and  trust  the  bearer  will  bring 
us  good  news,  please  God  1  My  sister,  Madame  de 
Lorraine,  is  so  anxious  about  him  that  she  feels  she 

^  Maitland,  "  Miscellany,"  i.  219;  A.  dc  Ruble,  "  La  Jeunesse 
de  Marie  Stuart,"  104. 


April,  1550]  DEATH  OF  GUISE  335 

must  send  over  again.  I  cannot  tell  3^ou,  my  dear 
aunt,  how  much  she  thinks  of  3'ou,  and  how  anxious 
she  is  to  do  you  any  service  in  her  power.  As  for 
myself,  if  there  is  anything  that  I  can  do,  3^ou  have 
only  to  speak,  and  3^ou  will  be  obe^xd."^ 

After  a  long  illness,  Claude  of  Guise  breathed  his 
last  on  the  12th  of  April,  and  was  followed  to  the 
grave  within  a  month  by  his  brother.  Cardinal  Jean, 
who  died  at  Nogent-sur-Seine,  on  his  return  from 
Rome.  The  Duke's  funeral  was  solemnized  in  the 
Church  of  St.  Laurent  at  Joinville,  with  all  the  elabo- 
rate ceremonial  common  on  these  occasions.  An- 
toinette made  a  great  point  of  Christina's  attendance, 
and  Anne  promised  to  do  her  best  to  gratify  her  aunt's 
wish  in  the  matter. 

"  I  shall  be  very  glad,"  she  wrote,  "if  it  is  possible 
for  Madame  my  sister  to  be  present  at  the  obsequies 
of  my  uncle — to  whom  God  grant  peace  ! — and  will  do 
my  utmost  to  effect  this,  not  only  because  of  m}^  owm 
anxiety  to  see  you  and  my  cousins,  but  because  I 
would  gladly  give  you  pleasure." ^ 

Accordingly,  the  two  Duchesses,  accompanied  by 
the  Count  and  Countess  of  Vaudemont  and  several 
nobles,  arrived  at  Joinville  on  Saturday,  the  29th  of 
June,  to  condole  with  the  widow  and  attend  the 
funeral  rites  that  were  protracted  during  the  next 
three  days.  Never  was  there  a  more  attached  family 
than  this  of  the  Guises. 

"  I  cannot  tell  you  the  grief  I  feel,"  wrote  the 
Queen  of  Scotland  to  her  bereaved  mother.  "  You 
know  as  well  as  I  do  that  I  have  lost  the  best  father 
that  ever  child  had,  and  am  left  both  orphaned  and 
widowed." 

1  Pimodan,  367;  Bouille,  349;  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  F.F. 
20,467,  f.  39;  Gaignieres  Manuscripts,  349,  f.  7. 

2  Pimodan,  375;  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  F  F.  20,  468,  f.  9. 


336  REGENT  OF  LORRAINE  [Bk.  ix 

An  imposing  monument,  adorned  with  rich  marbles 
and  bas-rehefs  of  the  dead  Prince's  battles,  was  raised 
by  Antoinette  to  her  husband's  memory  in  the  church 
at  Joinville.  In  the  centre  the  Duke  and  Duchess 
were  both  represented  clad  in  robes  of  state,  kneeling 
with  hands  clasped  together,  and  a  long  Latin  epitaph 
relating  the  hero's  great  deeds  was  inscribed  below, 
ending  with  the  words : 

"  Antoinette  de  Bourbon,  his  wife,  and  her  six 
sons,  have  erected  this  tomb,  in  token  of  undying 
sorrow  and  love  for  an  incomparable  husband  and 
the  best  of  fathers."^ 


V. 

Charles  V.  had  long  cherished  a  wish  to  remove  the 
bones  of  his  ancestor  Charles  the  Bold  from  the 
church  of  St.  Georges  at  Nanc}^  where  they  had  been 
buried  after  his  defeat,  and  bring  them  to  rest  in 
his  daughter  Mary's  tomb  at  Bruges.  At  first  Chris- 
tina hesitated  to  give  her  consent,  fearing  to  arouse 
the  resentment  of  her  subjects,  who  were  proud  of 
possessing  this  trophy  of  King  Rene's  victory,  but 
the  urgent  entreaties  of  her  aunts  at  length  induced 
her  to  yield,  and,  after  ascertaining  that  neither 
Vaudemont  nor  the  States  of  Lorraine  had  any  ob- 
jection to  offer,  she  consented  to  her  uncle's  request, 
on  condition  that  the  removal  of  the  remains  should 
be  effected  as  quietly  as  possible.  Late  in  the  evening 
of  the  22nd  of  September,  1550,  three  imperial 
deputies,  the  Bishop  of  Cambray,  the  Chief  Justice 
of  Luxembourg,  and  the  herald  Toison  d'Or,  met 
the  Provost  and  Canons  of  St.  Georges  in  the  crypt 

^  Bouillc,  i.  227. 


Sept..  1550]  CHARLES  THE  BOLD'S  REMAINS  337 

of  the  collegiate  church.  A  solemn  requiem  was 
chanted,  after  which  the  tomb  was  opened  and  the 
bones,  wrapt  in  a  white  linen  shroud,  were  reverently 
laid  in  a  wooden  casket  and  committed  to  the  charge 
of  two  friars.  A  gift  of  100  gold  crowns  was  made 
to  the  church  in  the  Emperor's  name,  and  the  precious 
casket  was  placed  on  a  chariot  drawn  by  four  black 
horses,  escorted  by  a  troop  of  twenty  men-at-arms. 
The  little  procession  travelled  the  same  night  to  Metz, 
and  thence  across  the  frontier  to  Luxembourg.  Bells 
were  tolled  in  all  the  towns  and  villages  on  their 
way,  and  the  De  Profundis  was  chanted  wherever  a 
halt  was  made,  until  on  the  24th  the  casket  was 
safely  deposited  in  the  choir  of  the  Cordeliers'  church 
at  Luxembourg.  Here  Charles  of  Burgundy's  bones 
were  placed  in  the  grave  of  John  of  Luxembourg, 
the  bHnd  King  of  Bohemia,  who  fell  at  Crecy,  until, 
nine  years  later,  they  were  finally  laid  to  rest  by 
his  daughter's  side  in  the  shrine  of  Our  Lady  at 
Bruges.^ 

When  this  pious  act  was  safely  accomplished, 
Christina  set  out  with  Anne  of  Lorraine  and  the  Count 
and  Countess  of  Vaudemont  to  join  the  imperial  party 
at  Augsburg.  Charles,  Philip,  and  Ferdinand,  had 
been  attendin'g  the  Diet  in  this  city  since  July,  and 
were  joined  there  by  Mary  of  Hungary,  who,  however, 
was  obliged  to  return  to  the  Netherlands  on  the 
26th  of  September,  owing  to  troubles  on  the  French 
frontier.  Christina's  presence  was  the  more  welcome. 
On  the  30th  of  the  same  month  Philip  and  his  uncle 
Ferdinand  were  riding  in  the  fields  near  Augsburg, 
when  they  noticed  a  cloud  of  dust  on  the  highroad, 
and,  galloping  off  in  this  direction,  met  the  Duchess 
^  Calmet,  ii.  1296,  iii.  423;  Granvelle,  iii.  430. 


338  REGENT  OF  LORRAINE  [Bk.  ix 

of  Lorraine  and  her  companions,  with  a  large  train 
of  followers.  Philip  gallantly  escorted  his  cousin  to 
the  Emperor's  lodgings,  where  she  spent  the  next 
three  weeks.  Her  coming  was  the  signal  for  a  round 
of  festivities.  While  Charles  and  Ferdinand  rode 
together  in  earnest  converse,  or  sat  with  closed  doors 
debating  public  matters,  Philip  and  a  few  chosen 
friends — the  Prince  of  Piedmont,  Duke  Adolf,  Pes- 
cara,  and  Ruy  Gomez — spent  the  days  with  the 
Duchess  and  her  ladies.  Sometimes  they  went  hunt- 
ing on  the  Bavarian  plains,  sometimes  they  danced 
or  played  cards,  and  every  evening  they  met  at  supper 
in  Christina's  rooms. ^ 

On  the  1 6th  of  October  a  joust  was  held  in  the 
court  of  the  Fuggers'  house,  and  the  Emperor,  with 
his  niece  and  Duchess  Anne,  looked  on  from  the 
windows.  Egmont  and  Vaudemont  were  judges,  and 
Count  Lalaing  and  Floris  de  Montmorency  won  the 
prizes.  The  Cardinal  of  Trent  entertained  the  com- 
pany at  supper,  and  left  the  next  day  for  Genoa  to 
receive  Maximilian,  the  King  of  Bohemia,  who  had 
been  sent  for  from  Spain  to  take  part  in  the  family 
conference.  Three  days  later  Philip  gave  a  tourna- 
ment on  a  grander  scale,  in  honour  of  the  Duchess, 
and  entered  the  lists  clad  in  ruby  velvet  and  white 
satin,  as  he  figures  in  the  portrait  which  Titian  painted. 
This  time  Christina's  presence  seems  to  have  inspired 
him  with  unwonted  prowess.  He  broke  many  lances, 
and  won  a  fine  gold  chain,  which  he  presented  to  his 
cousin.  She  on  her  part  entertained  the  King  of 
the  Romans  and  all  the  knights  who  rode  in  the  jousts 
at  a  sumptuous  banquet  and  ball,  which  ended  in 

1  Gachard,  ii.  424;  Bulletins  de  la  Commission  d'Histoire, 
serie  2,  xii.  189. 


Oct.,  1550]  ROGER  ASCHAM  339 

the  Prince  presenting  rings  to  all  the  ladies  and  re- 
ceiving a  kiss  from  each  in  turn. 

This  festive  evening  marked  the  close  of  Christina's 
visit  to  Augsburg.  The  next  morning  she  set  out 
for  Nancy,  "  leaving  the  Court  sad  and  widowed," 
writes  an  Italian  chronicler,  "  bereft  of  her  presence, 
and  without  a  lady  to  amuse  the  Princes  or  entertain 
the  Emperor's  guests."  Philip  escorted  her  for  some 
miles  on  her  journey,  and  took  an  affectionate  fare- 
well of  his  favourite  cousin,  whom  he  never  saw  again 
until  he  was  the  husband  of  Mary  Tudor. ^ 

Christina's  route  lay  through  the  duchy  of  Wiirtem- 
berg  and  along  the  valley  of  the  Neckar.  At  EssHn- 
gen,  the  free  imperial  city  on  the  banks  of  this  river 
she  met  the  new  English  Ambassador,  Sir  Richard 
Morosyne,  on  his  way  to  Augsburg.  In  his  train 
was  a  young  secretary  called  Roger  Ascham.  He  had 
been  Lady  Jane  Grey's  tutor,  and  had  left  his  Greek 
studies  and  pleasant  college  life  at  Cambridge  with 
some  reluctance,  but  was  keenly  enjoying  his  first 
sight  of  foreign  parts.  The  journey  up  the  Rhine  in 
a  fair  barge  with  goodly  glass  windows  afforded  him 
great  pleasure.  He  gazed  in  admiration  at  the 
castles  and  abbe3's  perched  on  the  crags,  and  the 
vines  laden  with  purple  grapes  that  grew  in  terraces 
along  the  banks,  while  the  river  at  Spires — "  broader 
a  great  deal  than  the  Thames  at  Greenwich  " — made 
him  realize  for  the  first  time  why  the  Greeks  wor- 
shipped river-gods.  In  the  Court  chapel  at  Brussels 
he  caught  a  glimpse  of  Queen  Eleanor, 

"  looking  as  fair  and  white  as  a  dove  in  her  em- 
broidered linen  robe,  with  her  ladies  clad  in  black 
velvet  with  gold  chains,  and  white  plumes  in  their 
caps,  like  boys  rather  than  maidens." 

^  Guazzo,  730;  Gachard,  ii.  424. 


340  REGENT  OF  LORRAINE  LBk.  ix 

Then,  as  he  rode  through  Tongres,  he  met  the 
Queen  of  Hungary  posting  back  from  Augsburg,  with 
only  thirty  courtiers  in  her  train,  "  having  outridden 
and  wearied  all  the  rest,  and  taken  thirteen  days  to 
do  a  journey  that  men  can  scarce  do  in  seventeen!" 
"  She  is  a  virago,"  the  young  Englishman  remarked, 
"  never  so  well  as  when  she  is  flinging  on  horseback  or 
hunting  all  day."^  Now,  at  Esslingen,  Ascham  fell  in 
with  another  noble  lady,  "  the  Duchess  of  Milan  and 
Lorraine,  daughter  to  the  King  of  Denmark."  Unlike 
Mar}^  of  Hungary,  who  posted  so  fast  that  no  ladies 
could  keep  pace  with  her ,  Christina  was  alwa3^s  attended 
with  a  large  retinue.  Brantome  tells  us  that  at  Court 
she  assumed  a  state  which  rivalled  that  of  the  Queen 
of  France  herself.  On  this  journey  she  rode  a  white 
palfrey,  and  was  followed  by  sixteen  maids  of  honout 
on  horseback  and  four  chariots  filled  with  ladies, 
escorted  by  a  troop  of  300  horse.  Thirty-six  mules 
and  a  dozen  waggons,  laden  with  chamber-stuff, 
brought  up  the  rear,  and  a  great  crowd  of  "  rascals 
belonging  to  her  kitchen  and  stables  came  drabbling 
in  the  dirt  on  foot."  Roger  looked  with  admiration 
at  the  fine  horses  with  their  rich  trappings,  and  was 
profoundly  impressed  by  the  tall  stature  and  stately 
bearing  of  the  Duchess.  "  I  have  never  seen  a  lady  of 
her  port  in  all  my  life  ! "  he  exclaimed .  His  interest  was 
heightened  when  he  heard  "  that  she  should  once  have 
married  King  Henry  VHL,  before  my  Lady  Anne  of 
Cleves,"  and  was  told  that  she  had  now  been  with  the 
Emperor  at  Augsburg,  "  where  she  was  thought  by 
some  to  have  been  a-wooing  to  the  Prince  of  Spain. "^ 

From  Esslingen,  Christina  had  intended  to  go  to 
Heidelberg,  on  a  visit  to  her  sister,  but  the  unsettled 
^  Ascham,  ii.  245-257.  -  Ibid.,  ii.  260. 


Aug.,  1550]    DISCORD  IN  IMPERIAL  FAMILY    341 

state  of  affairs  made  her  presence  necessary  at  home, 
and  she  hurried  on  to  Nancy.  The  French  were  once 
more  busy  with  preparations  for  war,  and  grew  every 
day  more  insolent  in  their  language.  Even  the  Em- 
peror's old  ally,  the  Constable  Montmorency,  who  had 
been  recalled  to  Court  by  Henry  II.,  joined  the  war 
party,  and  seemed  to  be  as  violent  as  the  Guises. 
At  the  same  time  fresh  trouble  was  brewing  in  Ger- 
many. The  Interim  had  proved  very  unpopular. 
Magdeburg  refused  to  accept  the  new  edict,  and 
Maurice  of  Saxony,  who  was  sent  against  the  city, 
carried  on  the  siege  in  so  half-hearted  a  manner  that 
doubts  of  his  loyalty  were  felt,  while  the  Marquis 
Albert  kept  away  from  Court  and  sulked,  like  Achilles 
of  old,  in  his  tent.  But  the  worst  of  all  the  Emperor's 
troubles  were  those  which  had  arisen  in  his  own 
family. 

Granvelle  confessed  to  Paget  at  Brussels  that  it 
had  not  been  easy  for  Charles  to  obtain  the  recogni- 
tion of  his  son  as  his  successor  in  Flanders,  and  that 
he  foresaw  this  would  be  a  far  harder  matter  in 
Germany.  From  the  first,  Philip's  haughty  manners 
and  Spanish  reserve  were  bitterly  resented  by  the 
Princes  of  the  Empire,  and  Charles  realized  with 
dismay  how  difficult  it  would  be  to  obtain  their 
consent  to  the  adoption  of  his  son  as  coadjutor  of 
the  King  of  the  Romans,  and  his  ultimate  successor 
on  the  imperial  throne.  He  had  first  of  all  to  reckon 
with  Ferdinand.  This  monarch  had  always  been  on 
the  most  affectionate  terms  with  his  brother,  but  was 
naturally  indignant  when  rumours  reached  him, 
through  the  Marquis  Albert's  servants,  that  the  Em- 
peror intended  to  make  Philip  King  of  the  Romans 
in  his  place.     In  vain  his  sister  Mary  assured  him  that 

23 


342  REGENT  OF  LORRAINE  [Bk.  ix 

this  idea  had  never  been  entertained.  His  resentment 
was  kindled,  and  he  and  King  Maximihan  were  pre- 
pared to  resist  stoutly  any  infringement  of  their  rights.^ 

Everyone  noticed  how  grave  and  pensive  Charles 
appeared  when  he  entered  Augsburg,  and,  although 
the  prolonged  family  conferences  which  took  place 
were  conducted  in  strict  secrecy,  rumour  was  busy 
with  conjecture,  and  the  latest  gossip  from  Augsburg 
was  greedily  devoured  at  the  French  Court.  At 
this  critical  moment  Chancellor  Granvelle,  who  for 
twenty-five  years  had  been  Charles's  most  trusted 
Councillor,  died  after  a  few  days'  illness  at  Augsburg. 
Friends  and  foes  alike  expressed  their  grief  in  the 
warmest  terms.  The  Constable  wrote  letters  of  condo- 
lence to  his  widow,  and  Charles  and  Ferdinand  came  in 
person  to  visit  Madame  Nicole,  but  found  this  excellent 
woman  too  much  overcome  with  grief  to  be  able  to 
speak.  It  was  an  irreparable  loss  to  the  Emperor^ 
and  no  one  was  better  aware  of  this  than  himself. 
"  My  son,"  he  wrote  to  Philip,  "  you  and  I  have  lost 
a  good  bed  of  down."^  Granvelle's  son,  Antoine 
Perrenot,  the  Bishop  of  Arras,  succeeded  him  as 
imperial  Chancellor,  but  had  neither  his  father's 
wisdom  nor  experience,  and  was  little  fitted  to  cope 
with  the  gravity  of  the  situation. 

Charles  now  sent  for  the  Queen  of  Hungary,  who 
hastened  to  Augsburg  in  September;  but  even  she 
could  effect  little. 

"  Queen  Mary,"  wrote  Stroppiana,  the  Duke  of 
Savoy's  Ambassador,  ''  is  here  to  persuade  the  King 
of  the  Romans  to  accept  the  Prince  of  Spain  as  co- 
adjutor, but  finds  the  ground  very  hard,  and  by  what 
I  hear  can  obtain  nothing."^ 

1  Bucholtz,  vi.  458.  2  Granvelle,  i.  2-6,  iii.  448,  451. 

3  Bulletins,  etc.,  serie  2,  xii.  188. 


Dec,  1550]     THE  EMPEROR'S  ANXIETY  343 

After  Mary's  departure,  Charles's  difficulties  in- 
creased every  day,  and  Christina  tried  in  vain  to 
pour  oil  on  the  troubled  waters.  She  amused  Philip, 
and  did  her  best  to  console  the  Emperor  in  his  fits 
of  profound  dejection.  When  she  was  gone  he  turned 
once  more  to  Mary,  and  begged  her  earnestly  to  come 
to  his  help. 

"  I  had  some  hope,"  he  wrote  on  the  6th  of  De- 
cember," that  the  King  our  nephewmight  be  persuaded 
to  consent  to  the  only  plan  by  which  the  greatness 
and  stability  of  our  house  can  be  maintained.  But, 
as  you  will  see  by  this  letter,  which  my  brother  gave 
me  the  day  before  yesterda}^  I  begin  to  feel  that  my 
hope  was  vain.  And  I  think  that  in  this  he  does  me 
great  wrong,  when  I  have  done  so  much  for  him. 
My  patience  is  almost  at  an  end,  and  I  wish  with  all 
my  heart  that  you  were  here,  as  you  can  help  me  more 
than  anyone  else.  So  I  beg  you  to  hasten  your 
coming  as  soon  as  possible,  and  shall  await  your 
arrival  with  the  utmost  anxiety." 

To  this  letter,  which  had  been  dictated  to  his 
secretary,  Charles  added  the  following  postscript, 
written  with  his  own  gouty  hand : 

"  I  can  assure  you,  my  dear  sister,  that  I  can  bear 
no  more  unless  I  am  to  burst.  Certainly  I  never  felt 
all  that  the  dead  King  of  France  did  against  me,  nor 
all  that  the  present  one  is  trying  to  do,  nor  yet  the 
affronts  which  the  Constable  puts  upon  us  now,  half 
as  keenly  as  I  have  felt  and  am  feeling  the  treatment 
which  I  have  received  from  the  King  my  brother. 
I  can  only  pray  God  to  grant  him  good-will  and  under- 
standing, and  give  me  strength  and  patience,  in  order 
that  we  may  arrive  at  some  agreement,  and  that,  if 
your  coming  does  not  serve  to  convert  him,  it  may 
at  least  give  me  some  consolation. 

"  Your  loving  brother, 

"  Charles."  1 

^  Lanz,  iii.  ii. 


344  REGENT  OF  LORRAINE  [Bk.  ix 

On  receiving  this  letter,  Mary  started  for  Augsburg 
without  a  moment's  delay.  Attended  only  by  the 
Bishop  of  Cambray  and  three  ladies,  the  brave  Queen 
rode  all  the  way  from  Binche  to  Augsburg  in  twelve 
days,  and  arrived  at  five  o'clock  on  the  evening  of 
New  Year's  Day,  1 5  5 1 . 

All  through  November  and  December  the  Emperor 
hardty  left  his  room.  When  he  dined  with  the 
Knights  of  the  Fleece  on  St.  Andrew's  Day,  the  hall 
was  heated  like  a  furnace,  and  Marillac,  the  French 
Ambassador,  remarked  that  he  looked  so  old  and 
feeble  he  could  not  be  long  for  this  world. ^  But  on 
the  Feast  of  the  Three  Kings  he  dined  in  public,  with 
his  brother  and  sister,  and  his  two  nephews,  Maxi- 
milian, who  had  arrived  from  Spain  on  the  loth  of 
December,  and  the  young  Archduke  Ferdinand. 
They  were,  to  all  appearances,  a  happy  and  united 
family,  and  Stroppiana  noted  an  evident  improve- 
ment in  the  Emperor's  spirits.  Roger  Ascham 
watched  these  illustrious  personages  with  keen  in- 
terest. He  describes  how  Charles  and  Ferdinand  sat 
under  the  cloth  of  state  and  ate  together  very  hand- 
somely, ''  his  Chapel  singing  wonderful  cunningly  all 
dinner-time."  "  The  Emperor,"  he  remarked,  "  hath 
a  good  face,  constant  air,  and  looked  somewhat  like  the 
parson  of  Epurstone.  He  wore  a  black  taffety  gown, 
and  furred  nightcap  on  his  head,  and  fed  well  of  a  capon 
— I  have  had  a  better  from  mine  hostess  Barnes  many 
times."  Ferdinand  he  describes  as  "  a  very  homely 
man,  gentle  to  be  spoken  to  of  any  man,"  the  Prince  of 
Spain  as  "  not  in  all  so  wise  as  his  father."  But  King 
Max  was  Roger's  favourite — "  a  Prince  peerless  "  in 
his  eyes.     He  is  never  tired  of  extolling  this  "  worthy 

^  P.  de  Vaissiere,  "  Vie  de  Charles  de  Marillac,"  174,  178. 


Jan.,  155 1]        FAMILY  CONFERENCES  345 

gentleman,   learned,  wise,   liberal,  gentle,  loved   and 
praised  of  all."^ 

During  the  next  few  weeks  prolonged  conferences 
were  held  in  the  Emperor's  rooms.  King  Max  from 
the  first  flatly  refused  to  consent  to  Philip's  appoint- 
ment as  coadjutor  with  the  King  of  the  Romans, 
and  the  quarrel  waxed  hot  between  them.  Night 
and  day  Arras  went  secretly  to  and  fro  with  letters 
between  Charles  and  Ferdinand.  If  the  Queen  of 
Hungary  was  seen  leaving  the  King  of  the  Romans 
with  flushed  face  and  flashing  eyes,  it  was  a  sure  sign 
that  things  were  going  badly  for  the  Emperor.  li 
Ferdinand  and  his  sons  wore  a  joyous  air,  and  there 
were  tokens  of  affection  between  them  and  Mary, 
Stroppiana  and  Marillac  were  satisfied  that  all  was 
going  well.^  As  for  Philip  and  Max,  it  was  easy  to 
see  that  there  was  no  love  lost  between  them.  They 
met  occasionally  at  night  in  Charles's  rooms  and 
exchanged  formal  greetings,  but  never  paid  each  other 
visits  or  attended  Mass  and  took  meals  together. 
The  rivalry  between  the  two  Princes  became  every 
day  more  marked. 

"  The  King  of  Bohemia,"  writes  Marillac,  "  is 
frank,  gay,  and  fearless,  and  is  as  much  beloved  by 
the  Germans  as  Don  Philip  is  disliked.  His  Spanish 
education,  haughty  bearing,  and  suspicious  nature, 
all  help  to  make  him  unpopular,  although  to  please 
his  father  he  wears  German  clothes  and  tries  to  adopt 
German  customs,  even  with  regard  to  drink,  so  that 
two  or  three  times  he  is  said  to  have  taken  more  than 
he  could  well  carry. "^ 

Nor  was  PhiHp  more  fortunate  in  his  attempts  to 
distinguish  himself  in  the  tilting.     In  the  jousts  held 

1  Ascham,  ii.  268.  2  Bulletins,  serie  2,  xii.  188 

3  Vaissidre,  186-188. 


346  REGENT  OF  LORRAINE  [Bk.  IX 

at  Candlemas,  Marillac  reports  that  all  jousted  badly, 
but  Philip  worst  of  all,  for  he  never  broke  a  single 
lance ;  and  Ascham  remarks  that  the  Prince  of  Spain 
*'  jousted  genteelly,  for  he  neither  hurt  himself,  nor 
his  horse  and  spear,  nor  him  that  he  ran  with."  He 
redeemed  his  character  to  some  extent,  however,  in 
a  tournament  given  a  week  later  in  the  Queen's 
honour,  and  succeeded  in  winning  one  prize;  while  the 
Prince  of  Orange  and  Archduke  Ferdinand  were  the 
heroes  of  the  day.  "  And  as  for  noble  Max,  he  ran  not 
at  all. "1 

A  few  days  afterwards  the  Diet  was  prorogued, 
and  Stroppiana  told  Marillac  that  owing  to  Mary's 
influence  a  secret  agreement  had  been  framed,  by 
which  Philip  was  to  have  a  share  in  the  administra- 
tion of  imperial  affairs,  and  that,  when  he  succeeded 
his  uncle  as  Emperor,  Maximihan  should  become 
King  of  the  Romans.  On  the  loth  of  March  an 
agreement  to  this  effect  was  drawn  up  by  the  Bishop 
of  Arras,  and  signed  by  all  four  Princes.  On  the  same 
day  Mary  gave  a  farewell  banquet,  after  which  Fer- 
dinand took  an  affectionate  farewell  of  his  brother, 
and  went  to  Vienna  with  his  sons. 

"  Noble  Max,"  wrote  Ascham,  "goes  to  meet  the 
Turk.  I  pray  God  he  may  give  him  an  overthrow. 
He  taketh  with  him  the  hearts,  good-will,  and  prayers, 
of  rich  and  poor."^ 

On  the  7th  of  April  Mary  left  for  Brussels,  after 
giving  an  audience  to  Morosyne,  who  saw  that  "  she 
was  in  the  dumps,"  although  she  smiled  two  or  three 
times  and  tried  to  hide  her  feelings.'^  By  this  time 
she  had  probably  realized  how  fruitless  all  attempts 

1  Ascham,  ii.  280;  Gachard,  ii.  853.  2  Ascham,  ii.  278. 

3  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Foreign,  Edward  VI.,  i.  85. 


April,  1551]  THE  EMPEROR  DISAPPOINTED     347 

to  conciliate  the  German  Princes  would  prove.  The 
Electors  unanimously  declined  to  sanction  the  agree- 
ment which  had  been  the  cause  of  so  mam^  heart- 
burnings, and  it  remained  a  dead  letter.  The  Arch- 
bishop of  Treves  declared  that  there  could  only  be 
one  Emperor  in  Germany  and  one  sun  in  heaven. 
The  Palatine,  says  Morosyne,  hke  the  wise  old  fox 
that  he  was,  replied  that  so  important  a  question 
needed  time  for  consideration,  and  Joachim  of  Bran- 
denburg vowed  that  he  would  never  consent  to  a 
scheme  which  would  be  odious  to  all  Germany.^ 
Philip  returned  to  Spain  at  the  end  of  Ma}^  and  the 
Emperor  was  reluctantly  compelled  to  accept  the 
inevitable,  and  surrender  the  long-cherished  hope 
that  his  son  would  succeed  to  his  vast  empire. 


VI. 

While  the  eyes  of  all  Europe  were  fixed  on  the 
imperial  family  at  Augsburg,  Christina  waited  anx- 
iously for  news  in  her  palace  at  Nancy.  She  had  sent 
two  of  her  Itahan  secretaries,  Innocenzo  Gadio  and 
Massimo  del  Pero,  to  wait  on  the  Queen  of  Hungary, 
with  strict  orders  to  keep  her  informed  of  all  that  was 
happening.  Gadio 's  cipher  letters  have  unluckily 
disappeared,  but  some  of  those  addressed  to  him  by 
Niccolo  Belloni  have  recently  been  discovered  in 
a  private  library  near  Pavia.^  Belloni  belonged  to 
a  good  Milanese  family,  and  had,  at  his  parents* 
entreaty,  been  retained  by  the  Duchess  in  her  service 

^  Bucholtz,  vi.  467. 

2  These  extracts  from  manuscripts  preserved  in  the  Biblioteca 
of  Zelada,  near  Pavia,  are  published  by  the  kind  permission  of 
their  owner,  Count  Antonio  Cavagna-Sangiuliani. 


348  REGENT  OF  LORRAINE  [Bk.  ix 

when  she  left  Italy.  He  had  succeeded  Benedetto 
da  Corte  as  master  of  her  household,  and  followed 
Christina  to  Lorraine.  Niccolo  enjoyed  his  mistress's 
complete  confidence,  and  his  letters  to  Messer 
Innocenzo  reveal  all  that  was  passing  in  her  mind  at 
this  critical  moment.  On  the  2nd  of  January,  1551, 
he  writes : 

"  Honoured  Friend, 

"  Madame's  page  arrived  a  few  days  ago  with 
your  letters,  which  were  most  anxiously  expected  and 
gratefully  read  by  Her  Excellency.  The  next  morn- 
ing she  received  those  which  came  by  Heidelberg,  and 
yesterday  those  which  you  sent  by  the  Flemish  ser- 
vant, which  gave  Her  Excellency  still  greater  pleasure. 
She  deciphered  them  herself,  and  read  them  over 
several  times.  You  will  continue  to  write  as  before, 
and  I  will  tell  you  all  I  hear  from  other  quarters.  Do 
not  fail  to  report  every  detail  of  the  difficulties  which 
are  delaying  the  negotiations,  using  Madame's  ordinary 
cipher  for  this  purpose.  ...  I  send  this  messenger  by 
the  post  to  seek  for  news,  so  do  not  keep  him  at  Augs- 
burg more  than  a  day,  even  if  Monsignore  d 'Arras's 
letter  is  not  ready,  as  another  courier  will  be  sent  in 
four  or  five  days.  I  have  received  Don  Ferrante's 
letters,  and  should  be  glad  to  know  if  my  letters  for 
Fanzoni  and  Trissino  are  gone  to  Milan.  Tell  Signor 
Badoer  [the  Venetian  Ambassador]  that  I  will  not  fail 
to  satisfy  his  curiosity,  but  it  will  take  some  time  to 
obtain  the  desired  information  and  will  require  great 
caution.  .  .  .  Send  me  some  fine  writing-paper,  please 
— very  fine,  I  repeat,  because  it  is  for  Madame." 

Christina's  Milanese  servants  evidently  carried  on 
a  correspondence  with  their  friends  at  home  through 
the  imperial  messengers  who  were  sent  from  Augsburg 
to  the  Viceroy,  and  the  Princess  of  Macedonia  con- 
stantly despatched  packets  to  Milan  and  Mantua  by 
the  same  channel,  while  the  Duchess  herself  often 
wrote  to  Don  Ferrante  regarding  the  payment  of  her 


Feb.,  155 1]  BELLONI'S  LETTERS  349 

dowry  and  questions  affecting  the  city  of  Tortona. 
A  week  later  Christina  sent  a  Lorraine  gentleman, 
Monsieur  de  Saint-Hilaire,  to  convey  her  salutations 
to  the  King  of  Bohemia,  on  his  arrival  at  Augsburg, 
and  Belloni  took  this  opportunity  to  beg  Gadio  to  be 
diligent  in  reporting  everything  he  heard,  for  Madame 's 
benefit,  assuring  him  that  Her  Excellency  read  his 
letters  again  and  again,  and  beheved  impHcitly  in 
their  contents.  On  the  12th  of  February  he  repeated 
the  same  orders : 

"  It  would  be  well  if  you  would  write  fuller  par- 
ticulars of  the  great  matter  in  hand,  above  all  what- 
ever you  hear  of  the  angry  disputes  and  quarrels  which 
have  arisen  between  the  Prince  and  the  King  of 
Bohemia,  including  all  the  bad  language  which  they 
use — in  fact,  ever^^thing  that  is  said  on  the  subject. 
It  will  all  be  treated  as  strictly  confidential,  and  I  for 
my  part  know  that  the  King  will  not  be  governed  b}^ 
the  Prince,  and  will  use  rude  and  contemptuous  w^ords, 
as  you  may  imagine  !  These  are  the  things  that  Her 
Highness  wishes  to  learn  from  your  letters.  ...  I  may 
possibly  take  a  flight  to  the  Court  of  France,  so,  if  you 
wish  to  write  to  me  privatel}^  address  3'our  letters  to 
the  Princess  of  Macedonia,  who  will  keep  them  safely 
for  me,  especially  if  the}^  come  from  Italy.  Your 
letters  of  the  29th  of  January  and  3rd  of  this  month 
have  arrived,  and  are,  as  usual,  most  welcome,  and 
Her  Excellency  agrees  with  you  that  nothing  has 
really  been  arranged.  Once  the  business  for  which 
3^ou  were  sent  to  Augsburg  is  settled.  Her  Excellenc}^ 
thinks  you  may  as  well  return,  and  be  sure  that  you 
bring  plenty  of  letters  for  Her  Excellency  from  all  the 
world,  and  a  whole  waggon-load  of  news  !  I  am  sorry 
to  hear  that  your  horse  has  hurt  his  foot  and  you 
have  had  to  sell  him  cheap.  You  must  procure 
another,  and  Madame  will  pa}'  for  it  all.  Only  let  us 
have  the  truth  about  these  negotiations  !" 

But  the  Duchess  changed  her  mind  again,  and  Inno- 
cenzo  was  desired  to  stay  at  Augsburg  as  long  as  the 


350  REGENT  OF  LORRAINE  [Bk.  ix 

Queen  was  there,  even  if  theKing  and  his  sons  had  left, 
in  order  that  she  might  hear  all  that  her  aunt  had  to 
tell  of  these  important  matters.  Niccolo's  last  letter 
to  Augsburg  is  dated  the  13th  of  March,  and  contains 
a  reminder  to  Gadio  to  bring  the  writing-paper  for 
Madame,  and  to  make  inquiries  about  a  new  method 
of  coining  money  at  the  Imperial  Court,  which  had 
excited  the  Princess  of  Macedonia's  curiosity.^  The 
flight  to  the  French  Court  which  Niccolo  meditated 
in  March,  1 55 1 ,  was  taken  in  the  company  of  the  Count 
of  Vaudemont,  who  went  to  Blois  to  pay  his  respects 
to  the  King  and  Queen,  and  discover  if  there  were  any 
truth  in  the  sinister  report  that  Henry  II.  was  planning 
the  conquest  of  Lorraine.  But  he  only  met  with 
civil  speeches,  and  found  the  Court  on  the  eve  of  a 
journey  to  Brittany,  to  meet  the  Dowager  Queen  of 
Scotland,  who  was  coming  over  to  see  her  child  and 
visit  her  aged  mother  at  Joinville.  So  the  Count  was 
able  to  allay  his  sister-in-law's  alarms,  and,  instead 
of  the  dreaded  threats  of  invasion,  brought  back  a 
proposal  from  the  King  that  her  son  should  be  affi- 
anced to  one  of  his  little  daughters.  The  offer  excited 
some  surprise,  considering  the  strained  relations  that 
existed  between  Henry  II.  and  Charles  V.,  but  Chris- 
tina returned  a  courteous  reply,  and  promised  to  lay 
the  matter  before  the  States  of  Lorraine.^  For  the 
present  she  felt  that  she  could  breathe  freely  and  give 
herself  up  unreservedly  to  the  enjoyment  of  a  visit 
which  she  was  expecting  from  her  sister  Dorothea. 

Since  the  restoration  of  peace  in  Germany,  the  Elector 
Palatine  had  devoted  his  time  and  money  to  the  im- 

^  Manuscript  vii.,  Biblioteca  di  Zelada. 

2  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Foreign,  Edward  VI.,  i.  79;  Gran- 
velle,  iii.  522. 


May,  I55I]       THE  PALATINE'S  VISIT  351 

provement  of  his  ancestral  castle  at  Heidelberg.  His 
natural  love  of  building  found  expression  in  the  noble 
Renaissance  court,  with  the  lovely  oriel  and  grand 
Hall  of  Mirrors,  where  we  may  still  read  "  Frau 
Dorothea's  "  name,  and  the  arms  of  the  Three  King- 
doms by  the  side  of  the  Palatine's  lion  and  the  badge 
of  the  Golden  Fleece.  But  the  passion  for  travel  and 
adventure  was  still  strong  in  the  old  Palsgrave's 
breast,  and  when  the  last  stone  had  been  placed  on  the 
lofty  bell- tower  he  and  his  wife  set  out,  with  a  great 
company  of  courtiers  and  ladies,  for  Lorraine.  They 
sailed  down  the  Rhine  to  Coblenz,  and,  taking  horse, 
rode  through  Treves  and  Metz,  where  Christina  met 
them,  and  the  whole  party  proceeded  to  Pont-a- 
Mousson  and  the  Count  of  Vaudemont's  castle  at 
Nomeny.  Here  they  attended  the  christening  of  the 
Countess's  daughter,  and  Frederic  stood  sponsor,  while 
his  wife  was  proxy  for  the  French  Queen,  after  whom 
the  child  w^as  named.  After  a  week  of  festivities,  the 
party  went  on  to  a  hunt  at  Conde,  the  Duke's  fair 
chateau  in  the  forest  on  the  banks  of  the  Moselle,  and 
killed  five  stags.  Hubert,  who  accompanied  his 
master  and  gives  every  detail  of  the  journey,  relates 
how  the  Palatine,  tired  with  the  da3^'s  sport,  accepted 
a  seat  in  the  Duchess's  chariot,  and  how  his  com- 
panion. Count  Jacob  von  Busch,  being  a  big  man, 
weighed  down  the  carriage  on  one  side,  much  to  the 
amusement  of  Dorothea,  who  laughed  till  the  tears 
ran  down  her  cheeks.  But  heav}^  rains  had  made 
the  roads  almost  impassable,  and  presently  the  wheels 
caught  in  a  rut  and  the  chariot  was  upset.  The  ladies 
were  covered  with  mud,  and  Dorothea's  face  was 
badly  scratched;  but  she  made  light  of  the  accident, 
and  only  laughed  the.  more  as,  leaving  the  lumbering 


352  REGENT  OF  LORRAINE  [Bk.  ix 

coach  in  the  ditch,  they  mounted  horses  to  ride  to 
Nancy.  At  the  gates  of  the  city  they  were  met  by  the 
young  Duke  Charles,  a  handsome  boy  of  eight,  who 
lifted  his  cap  with  charming  grace,  and,  springing  to  the 
ground,  embraced  his  uncle  and  aunt,  and  rode  at  their 
side,  conversing  in  a  way  that  amazed  the  Germans. 

"  We  all  wondered,"  writes  Hubert,  '*  at  the  beauty 
and  wisdom  of  the  boy,  who  is  indeed  remarkably 
intelligent,  and  has  been  trained  by  his  lady  mother 
in  all  knowledge  and  courtesy."^ 

His  sisters,  Renee  and  Dorothea,  received  the  guests 
at  the  palace  gates,  "  both  lovely  little  maidens,"  says 
Hubert,  "  only  that  the  youngest  is  lame  and  cannot 
walk,  for  which  cause  her  uncle  and  aunt  embraced 
her  the  more  tenderly . ' '  All  the  fatigues  of  the  j  ourney 
were  forgotten  in  the  delights  of  the  week  which  the 
travellers  spent  at  Nancy.  The  Duchess  prepared  a 
new  pastime  for  each  day,  and  masques,  jousts,  and 
dances,  followed  each  other  in  gay  succession.  On  the 
last  day  Christina  took  her  guests  to  the  beautiful 
grassy  vale  known  as  the  Ochsenthal.  It  was  a  lovely 
May  morning,  and  a  banquet  was  served  in  a  green 
bower  on  the  banks  of  the  stream.  Suddenly  a  merry 
blast  of  bugles  rang  out,  and,  while  huntsmen  and  dogs 
chased  the  deer,  two  parties  of  horse  galloped  up,  and, 
charging  each  other,  crossed  swords  and  fired  guns .  "It 
might  have  been  an  invasion  of  the  Moors  !"  exclaims 
Hubert,  who  enjoyed  the  surprise  as  much  as  anyone. 
At  sunset  the  warriors  returned  to  the  palace,  where 
the  fairest  maidens  of  the  Duchess's  Court  crowned 
the  victors  with  roses,  and  danced  with  them  till 
morning.  The  next  day  Frederic  and  Dorothea  made 
the  Duchess  and  her  children  and  servants  handsome 
1  Hubertus  Thomas,  464. 


May,  I55I]  TOO  LITTLE  BEER  353 

presents  of  gold  chains  and  rings  and  brooches,  and 
Christina,  not  to  be  outdone,  gave  Hubert  a  massive 
silver  tankard,  begging  him  to  keep  it  in  remembrance 
of  her,  and  continue  to  serve  the  Palatine  and  her 
sister  as  well  in  the  future  as  he  had  done  in  the  past. 
After  this  we  need  not  wonder  at  the  glowing  pages  in 
which  the  honest  secretary  praises  the  delicacy  of  the 
viands,  the  choice  flavour  of  the  wines  set  before  the 
guests,  and  the  polished  manners  of  the  Court  of  Nancy. 

"  Indeed,"  he  adds,  "  some  of  our  Germans  com- 
plained that  there  was  too  little  beer,  because  people 
here  do  not  sit  up  drinking  all  night,  and  go  to  bed 
like  pigs,  as  we  do  at  Heidelberg."^ 

The  3^oung  Duke  and  his  sisters  accompanied  the 
guests  to  Luneville,  w^here  they  spent  Whitsuntide 
together  and  took  their  leave,  the  little  ladies  shedding 
many  tears  at  parting  from  their  aunt.  Even  then 
Christina  could  not  tear  herself  from  her  sister,  and  the 
next  day,  as  the  Palatine  and  his  wife  were  dining  at 
one  of  the  Duke's  country-houses  on  their  route,  the 
Duchess  suddenly  appeared,  riding  up  the  hill.  Hubert 
and  his  comrades  ran  out  to  welcome  her,  waving 
green  boughs  in  their  hands,  and  greeted  her  with 
ringing  cheers,  and  they  all  sat  down  to  a  merry  meal. 
Dorothea  begged  her  sister  to  accompany  her  to 
Alsace;  but  the  Duchess  could  not  leave  home,  and 
the  travellers  pushed  on  that  night  to  Strasburg,  and 
on  the  I  St  of  June  reached  Heidelberg,  where  the}^ 
were  greeted  by  a  gay  peal  of  bells  from  the  new-built 
tower.  It  was  the  last  visit  that  either  Frederic  or  his 
wife  ever  paid  to  Lorraine.  When  the  sisters  met  again, 
Christina  was  an  exile  and  a  fugitive,  and  had  lost  son 
and  home,  together  with  all  that  she  loved  best  on  earth . 
^  Hubertus  Thomas,  467;  L.  Haiisser,  i.  625. 


BOOK  X 

THE  FRENCH  INVASION 
1551— 1553 

I. 

Michaelmas  Day,  1551,  was  memorable,  both  in 
France  and  Germany,  for  a  snowstorm  of  extraordi- 
nary severity,  followed  by  an  alarming  earthquake  and 
violent  tempest,  omens,  as  it  proved,  of  impending 
disasters. 

In  this  same  month  of  September,  Henry  II.  recalled 
his  Ambassador  from  Augsburg.  Ten  da3^s  later  he 
declared  war.  For  some  time  past  he  had  been  sup- 
porting Ottavio  Farnese,  who  was  in  open  revolt 
against  his  father-in-law,  and  carrying  on  secret  in- 
trigues with  Maurice  of  Saxony  and  the  Protestant 
Electors.  The  Marquis  Albert  had  never  forgiven  the 
Emperor  for  the  affronts  of  which  he  imagined  himself 
to  be  the  victim,  and,  after  vainly  offering  his  sword  to 
the  English  King  and  his  hand  to  Princess  Mary,  he 
went  to  France  as  Maurice's  emissary.  Here  he  con- 
cluded a  secret  treaty,  which  was  signed  at  Friedewald 
on  the  5th  of  October  by  the  German  Princes,  and 
ratified  at  Chambord  by  Henry  11.^ 

Charles's  affairs  were  in  a  critical  state.     The  war 

^  Granvelle,  iii.  630;  Henne,  ix.  162;  T.  Juste,  185. 
354 


Sept.,  1551]    INTRIGUES  WITH  FRANCE  355 

of  Parma  was  a  heavy  drain  on  his  resources,  and  had 
swallowed  up  the  gold  of  Mexico  and  the  best  Spanish 
soldiers,  while  Maurice's  treachery  had  converted  the 
strongest  body  of  imperial  Landsknechten  into  foes. 

"  The  Emperor  doth  little  yet,"  wrote  Roger 
Ascham  from  Augsburg,  "  but  the  French  be  a  great 
deal  aforehand.  He  is  wise  enough,  but  hath  many 
irons  in  the  fire,  and  everyone  alone  to  give  him  work 
enough,  the  Turk  by  land  and  sea,  the  French  sitting 
on  his  skirts,  beside  Magdeburg  and  the  rest."^ 

The  discontent  in  Augsburg  rose  to  the  highest 
pitch  when,  one  day  in  September,  ten  preachers  were 
summarily  banished.  The  imperial  residence  was 
besieged  by  crowds  of  furious  women,  clamouring  to 
have  their  babes  christened,  and  guards  were  doubled 
at  every  gate,  while  Charles  sat  within,  enfeebled  by 
gout  and  reluctant  to  face  the  coming  peril. 

In  vain  Mary  of  Hungary  warned  him  of  Maurice 
and  Albert's  intrigues  with  France,  and  told  him  that 
his  incredulity  was  like  to  cost  him  very  dear,  and 
that  if  he  did  not  take  care  he  would  lose,  not  only 
German}^,  but  also  the  Netherlands,  which  were  not  the 
meanest  feather  in  his  cap.  Both  he  and  Arras  refused 
to  listen.  Instead  of  following  his  sister's  advice  and 
remaining  at  Worms  or  Spires  to  control  Germany 
and  protect  Lorraine,  Charles  lingered  on  at  Augsburg 
after  war  was  declared,  and  persisted  in  taking  refuge 
at  Innsbruck.  After  protracted  delays,  he  at  length 
left  Augsburg  on  the  21st  of  October,  dragging  the 
reluctant  Ambassadors  in  his  train,  and  crossed  ''  the 
cold  Alps,  already,"  sighed  Ascham,  "  full  of  snow," 
to  descend  on  Tyrol  .^ 

^  Ascham,  ii.  313;  Papiers  d'^^tat,  viii.,  Archives  du  Royaume, 
Bruxelles.  2  Lanz,  iii.  75;  Granvelle,  iii.  527. 


356  THE  FRENCH  INVASION  [Bk.  x 

Meanwhile  his  niece  was  watching  the  course  of 
events  with  increasing  anxiety.  All  the  French 
King's  fine  promises  could  not  allay  Christina's  fears, 
as  the  autumn  months  went  by,  and  the  din  of  warlike 
preparations  sounded  louder  in  her  ears.  In  her 
terror  she  clung  to  the  Guises,  hoping  that  their 
influen(>e  might  save  her  son  and  his  realm  from  ruin. 
On  the  2oth  of  July  she  went  to  Joinville  to  meet  the 
Dowager  Queen  of  Scotland  and  stand  proxy  for 
Queen  Catherine  at  the  christening  of  Francis  of 
Guise's  daughter,  afterwards  the  notorious  Duchess 
of  Montpensier.  When,  in  October,  the  young  Duke 
of  Longueville  died  suddenly,  on  the  eve  of  his  mother's 
departure,  Christina  once  more  went  to  condole  with 
Antoinette  on  the  loss  of  her  ''  Benjamin."^  Both 
she  and  Anne,  who  came  to  Nancy  at  her  earnest 
request,  were  full  of  sympathy  for  the  venerable 
Duchess  in  the  trials  that  clouded  her  declining  years. 
A  fresh  proof  of  Christina's  anxiety  to  gratify  her 
powerful  relatives  appears  in  a  letter  which  she  wrote  to 
her  uncle  from  Pont-a-Mousson  on  the  28th  of  October, 
begging  him  to  grant  a  request  of  the  Cardinal  regard- 
ing the  Abbey  of  Gorzes,  which  he  had  lately  annexed 
to  his  vast  possessions. 

"  I  could  not  refuse  this  petition,"  she  adds,  "  as 
my  Lord  Cardinal  is  so  near  of  kin  to  my  children,  and 
has  always  treated  me  and  my  son  with  so  much  kind- 
ness and  affection.  And  I  humbly  beg  Your  Majesty 
to  show  him  favour,  in  order  that  he  may  see  that  I 
do  all  that  is  possible  to  please  him  and  his  house. "^ 

As  the  year  drew  to  its  close,  the  insolence  of  the 
French  increased,  and  their  incursions  and  depredations 

1  Pimodan,  375,  381. 

2  Lettrcs    des    Seigneurs,    iii.     104,    Archives    du    Royaume, 
Bruxelles. 


Jan.,  1552]  FRENCH  INTRIGUES  357 

were  a  perpetual  source  of  annoyance  to  the  people  of 
Lorraine.  At  the  same  time  their  intrigues  fomented  dis- 
content among  the  nobles,  some  of  whom  were  annoyed 
at  the  appointment  of  Monsieur  de  Montbardon  to 
be  the  young  Duke's  tutor.  This  French  Baron  had 
original!}^  followed  the  Constable  of  Bourbon  into  exile, 
and,  after  being  for  many  years  in  the  Emperor's 
service,  had  by  his  wish  accompanied  Christina  to 
Lorraine.  And  both  the  Regents  had  good  reason  to 
doubt  the  loyalty  of  one  of  the  Lorraine  magnates, 
Jean  de  Salm,  a  son  of  the  late  Marshal,  commonly 
known  as  the  Rhinegrave,  who  had  lately  received  the 
Order  of  St .  Michel  from  Henry  1 1 .  All  Christina  could 
do  in  this  critical  state  of  affairs  was  to  keep  Mary  of 
Hungar}^  and  the  Emperor  fully  informed  of  current 
events. 

On  the  7th  of  January  the  Sieur  de  Tassigny,  an 
agent  whom  the  Queen  had  sent  to  Nancy,  received  a 
command  from  a  Court  page  to  come  to  the  Duchess's 
rooms  that  night,  in  order  that  she  might  tell  him 
certain  things  which  she  dared  not  write.  Tassigny 
obeyed  the  summons,  and  had  a  long  talk  with  Chris- 
tina in  the  privacy  of  her  own  chamber.  She  told 
him  that  the  French  were  assembling  in  great  force  on 
the  frontier,  and  that  Lorraine  would  be  the  first 
country  to  be  attacked.  And  she  further  informed 
him  that  certain  great  personages  in  Germany,  the 
Marquis  Albert,  Duke  Maurice,  and  others,  were  in 
secret  communication  with  the  King,  and  were  about 
to  take  up  arms  against  the  Emperor,  and  join  the 
French  when  they  crossed  the  Rhine.  The  Rhine- 
grave  had  been  often  seen  going  to  and  fro  in  disguise 
between  the  King  and  Duke  Maurice.  Moreover,  a 
German  had  lately  told  the  Duchess  that  he  had  been 

24 


358  THE  FRENCH  INVASION  [Bk.  x 

at  table  with  the  Elector  the  day  before,  and  had 
heard  him  vow  that  he  would  release  his  father-in-law, 
the  captive  Landgrave  of  Hesse,  were  he  at  the  Em- 
peror's own  side  !  When  another  guest  warned  Duke 
Maurice  to  be  more  careful,  lest  his  rash  words  should 
be  repeated,  he  replied  defiantly:  '*  What  I  say  here 
is  meant  for  all  the  world  to  hear." 

This  confidential  conversation  was  faithfully  re- 
ported to  Mary  of  Hungary  by  Tassigny,  who  con- 
cluded his  letter  with  the  following  words : 

"  En  somme,  Madame  complains  that  she  is  in  a 
terrible  position,  seeing  that  Lorraine  will  be  entirely 
at  the  mercy  of  the  French,  and  that  there  is  not  a 
single  person  in  whom  she  can  trust  and  who  is  loyal 
to  His  Imperial  Majesty,  excepting  Monsieur  de  Bas- 
sompierre,  her  chief  Councillor,  and  Monsieur  de 
Vaudemont,  who  is  quite  alienated  from  France, 
and  entirely  devoted  to  the  Emperor,  saying  that  it 
is  impossible  to  serve  two  masters."^ 

By  Christina's  wish,  Tassigny  went  on  to  Nomeny 
the  next  day,  and  had  a  long  interview  with  Vaude- 
mont, who  assured  him  that  every  word  spoken  by 
Her  Excellency  was  true,  that  at  Candlemas  there 
would  be  a  great  revolt  in  Germany,  and  that  the 
French  King  meant  to  seize  the  three  bishoprics — 
Toul,  Verdun,  and  Metz.  The  only  way  to  prevent 
this  would  be  for  the  Emperor  to  place  strong  garrisons 
in  these  cities,  and  thus  defeat  his  enemies'  plans.  The 
Count's  information,  as  time  showed,  was  perfectly 
accurate,  and,  in  spite  of  all  that  has  been  alleged  to 
the  contrary,  he  was  probably  loyal  to  the  Duchess, 
who  never  doubted  his  honesty,  and  to  whom  he  seems 
to  have  been  sincerely  attached.     But  he  was  timid 

^  Lettres  des  Seigneurs,  iii.  90. 


Feb.,  1552]     LE  VOYAGE  D'AUSTRASIE  359 

and  vacillating,  and  lacked  courage  and  firmness  to 
face  the  crisis  when  it  came. 

Mary,  to  whom  Christina  turned  in  this  extremity, 
was  powerless  to  help.  Every  available  man  was 
needed  to  defend  the  Low  Countries,  and  she  could 
only  advise  her  niece  to  claim  the  protection  of  the 
Empire  for  her  son's  State,  and,  if  Lorraine  were 
actually  invaded,  retire  with  her  children  to  the  Pala- 
tinate. Even  Charles  began  to  wake  up  from  his 
lethargy,  and  to  realize  too  late  that  Mary  had  been 
right  all  the  time.  At  Christmas  Stroppiana  wrote 
from  Innsbruck: 

"  We  begin  to  suspect  the  existence  of  a  plot  against 
the  Emperor,  hidden  under  the  cloak  of  a  military 
revolt.  Maurice  is  not  a  stranger  to  this  conspiracy, 
and  Albert  has  let  his  soldiers  loose  and  is  ravaging 
Germany."^ 

A  few  weeks  later  Christina's  secretary,  who  kept 
Arras  informed  of  all  that  was  happening  in  Lorraine, 
sent  the  Emperor  a  message  to  say  that  the  King  was 
collecting  his  forces  at  Chalons,  and  that  Maurice  was 
marching  on  Augsburg  at  the  head  of  his  Landsknechien , 
although  no  one  knew  whether  he  meant  to  fight  for 
the  King  or  the  Emperor.^ 

On  the  5th  of  February  Henry  issued  a  manifesto, 
stamped  with  the  cap  of  liberty,  proclaiming  himself 
the  protector  of  the  Germans  and  their  deliverer  from 
the  Emperor's  yoke,  and,  after  solemnly  invoking 
St.  Denis's  help,  set  out  for  Reims  with  the  Queen  and 
Dauphin.  The  gilded  youth  of  France  all  flocked  to 
the  camp  at  Chalons,  eager  to  start  on  the  voyage 
d* Anstrasie ,  as  the  expedition  was  termed  by  these 

1  Bulletins,  etc.,  serie  2,  xii.  189. 

2  Lettres  des  Seigneurs,  iv.  108 ;  Granvelle,  iii.  613. 


36o  THE  FRENCH  INVASION  [Bk.  x 

gay  spirits,  and  drive  Charles  of  Austria  out  of  Ger- 
many. The  Constable  was  appointed  to  the  chief 
command,  Aumale  was  made  Captain  of  the  horse, 
and  the  Rhinegrave  Colonel  of  the  German  in- 
fantry. 

As  soon  as  the  news  reached  Nancy,  the  Duchess 
sent  Bassompierre  to  Brussels,  and  told  the  Queen 
that  terror  reigned  everywhere,  although  it  was 
doubtful  if  Henry  would  march  on  Germany  or  turn 
aside  to  invade  Lorraine.  The  alarm  which  filled  the 
hearts  of  these  two  defenceless  women  is  reflected  in 
the  letters  which  Anne  and  Christina  wrote  during 
these  anxious  days.  The  wildest  rumours  were 
abroad,  and  death  and  ruin  seemed  to  be  staring  them 
in  the  face.  Bassompierre  soon  returned  with  a  letter 
from  Mary,  thanking  Anne  for  her  valuable  informa- 
tion, and  begging  her  not  to  desert  the  sorely- tried 
Duchess  at  this  crisis.  Since  Madame  was  good 
enough  to  honour  her  with  her  commands,  Anne 
asked  nothing  better  than  to  obey.  She  wrote  daily 
to  Brussels,  giving  minute  details  of  the  King's  ad- 
vance. On  the  1 5th  of  March  he  left  Reims,  and 
reached  Joinville  on  the  22nd.  From  here  he  sent 
Commissioners  to  Nancy  to  inform  the  Duchess  that 
her  towns  would  not  be  attacked,  and  that  there  was 
no  need  to  fortify  them.  The  Regents  only  raised  a 
sufficient  body  of  men  under  the  Governor  of  Nancy, 
Baron  d'Haussonville,  to  protect  the  Duke's  person. 
Following  her  aunt's  advice,  Christina  sent  one  of  her 
secretaries  to  Innsbruck  to  ask  the  Emperor  for  assist- 
ance; but  Charles  could  only  lament  his  inability  to 
come  to  her  help,  and  advise  her  to  ask  the  French  King 
to  respect  the  neutrality  of  Lorraine.  This  was  her 
only  hope,  and,  encouraged  by  the  Cardinal  of  Guise, 


March,  1552]     HENRY  II.  AT  JOINVILLE  361 

she  and  Anne  went  to  Joinville  on  the  ist  of  April, 

and  sought  an  audience  from  the  King.^ 

Here   they  were  received   in  the  kindest  manner 

by   the    old    Duchess,  and    conducted    into    Henry's 

presence  by  the  Constable.     The  King  received  them 

courteously,  and  conversed  some  time  with  them  in 

a  friendly  manner.     Christina  begged  him  to  take  her 

son  under  his  protection,  and  reminded  him  that  his 

grandmother,  Renee  de  Bourbon,  w^as  a  Princess  of 

the  blood  royal;  then,  gathering  courage,  she  told  him 

that  she  had  been  accused  of  designs  against  him  by 

slanderous  tongues,  and  asked  nothing  better  than  to 

show  that  she  was  absolutely  innocent  of  these  charges. 

"  So  great  a  lady,"  remarked  the  Sieur  de  Rabutin, 

who  witnessed  the  interview,  ''  must  have  been  very 

reluctant  to  plead  so  humbly,  and  I  doubt  if  she  would 

ever  have  taken  a  step  so  contrary  to  her  natural 

inclination  if  her  uncle  had  been  able  to  give  her 

help." 2     The  King  Hstened  civilly,  and  replied  that 

he  bore  her  no  ill-will  whatsoever,  but  was  obliged  to 

secure  the  frontier  and  protect  himself  from  danger  on 

the  side  of  Lorraine.     As  for  her  son,  he  cherished 

the  most  friendly  feelings  for  him,  and  was  anxious  to 

see  him  affianced  to  his  own  daughter,  if  the  Duchess 

were     agreeable.       This    kind      language     and     the 

affection  shown  her  by  the  Cardinal  and  his  mother 

relieved    Christina's    worst    fears.     She    begged    the 

King  to  do  her  the  honour  of  staying  under  her  roof 

if  he  came  in  that  direction,  and  returned  to  Nancy 

with  the  Constable,  who  escorted  the  two  Duchesses 

home,  in  the  most  amiable  fashion,  and  then  went 

on  to  take  possession  of  Toul. 

^  Lettres  des  Seigneurs,  iv.  42,  108. 

^  Calmet,  ii.  1290;  F.  de  Rabutin,  "  Collection  de  Memoires," 
xxxvii.  185. 


362  THE  FRENCH   INVASION  [Bk.  X 

On  her  return,  Christina  wrote  the  following  letter 
to  the  Emperor : 

"   MONSEIGNEUR, 

"  I  have  been  to  Joinville  in  accordance  with 
Your  Majesty's  advice,  and  have  sent  full  particulars  of 
my  interview  with  the  King  to  Monsieur  d 'Arras.  I 
beg  you,  Monseigneur,  to  give  me  your  commands  as 
to  my  future  conduct,  as  my  only  wish  is  to  obey 
Your  Majesty  to  the  end  of  my  Hfe. 

Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  niece, 

"  Chrestienne. 
"  From  Nancy,  April  5,  1552."^ 

A  few  days  of  anxious  suspense  followed.  The 
French  Queen  fell  ill  of  quinsy,  and  was  in  danger  of 
her  life.  Solemn  prayers  and  litanies  were  chanted 
for  her  recovery  in  all  the  churches,  and  Diane  of 
Poitiers  hastened  to  Joinville,  where  she  found  the 
King  "  playing  the  good  husband  at  his  wife's  bed- 
side."^ But  by  Palm  Sunday  Catherine  recovered 
sufficiently  for  Henry  to  leave  her  in  the  charge  of 
Duchess  Antoinette  and  continue  his  march.  On 
Monday,  the  nth  of  April,  he  joined  the  Constable 
before  Toul,  which  opened  its  gates  the  next  day. 
On  the  13th  the  King  left  the  bulk  of  the  army  to  go 
on  to  Metz  with  the  Constable,  and,  taking  the  house- 
hold cavalry  and  a  few  companies  of  men-at-arms 
under  the  Duke  of  Guise,  turned  his  steps  towards 
Nancy. 

II. 

Eastertide,  1552,  was  a  sad  and  memorable  epoch 
in  the  annals  of  Lorraine.  At  two  o'clock  on  Maundy 
Thursday,  Henry  II.  entered  Nancy  at  the  head  of 

^  Lettres  des  Seigneurs,  iv.  19. 

-  A.  de  Ruble,  "  La  Jeunesse  de  Marie  Stuart,"  73. 


April,  1552]     THE  FRENCH  AT  NANCY  363 

his  troops,  with  trumpets  blowing  and  banners  flying. 
For  the  first  time  in  the  last  hundred  years,  foreign 
soldiers  were  seen  within  the  walls  of  Nancy.  The 
Cardinal  and  the  Duke  of  Guise  rode  on  before,  to 
inform  the  Duchess  of  the  King's  coming  and  see 
that  due  arrangements  were  made  for  his  reception. 
Christina  nerved  herself  for  a  final  effort,  and  with 
splendid  courage  prepared  to  welcome  the  eneni}^  of 
her  race  within  her  palace  gates.  Salutes  were  fired 
from  the  bastions  as  the  King  entered  the  town,  and 
the  young  Duke  rode  out  to  meet  him  at  the  head 
of  the  nobles  and  magistrates,  and  escorted  him  to 
the  church  of  St.  Georges.  Here  Henry  alighted,  and 
the  citizens  held  a  canopy  of  state  over  him  as  he 
entered  the  ancient  shrine  of  the  Lorraine  Princes, 
and,  after  kissing  the  rehcs  of  the  saints  on  the  altar 
steps,  prayed  by  the  tomb  of  King  Rene.  Then  the 
young  Duke  led  him  through  the  stately  portal, 
under  his  grandfather's  equestrian  statue,  to  the  hall 
where  his  mother  was  waiting  to  receive  her  royal 
guest,  with  the  Duchess  of  Aerschot  and  the  young 
Princesses.  Henry,  the  Duke  of  Guise,  the  Cardinal, 
the  Marshal  St.  Andre,  and  200  gentlemen  of  the 
royal  household,  were  sumptuously  lodged  in  the 
ducal  palace,  while  the  troops  were  quartered  in  the 
town,  and  French  guards  were  stationed  at  the 
gates,  not  without  a  protest  from  Baron  d'Hausson- 
ville.i 

That  evening  the  Duchess  entertained  her  guests 
at  a  magnificent  banquet  in  the  Galerie  des  Cerfs, 
and  the  brilliantly-lighted  hall,  with  its  vaulted  fret- 
work of  blue  and  gold,  frescoed  w^alls,  and  rich 
tapestries,  excited  the  admiration  of  all  the  French. 
^  Calmet,  ii.  1199. 


364  THE  FRENCH  INVASION  [Bk.  x 

Francois  de  Rabutin,  the  young  Captain  in  Monsieur  de 
Nevers's  corps  of  archers,  walked  through  the  streets 
of  the  "  fine,  strong  little  town/'  lost  in  wonder  at 
the  splendour  of  the  palace,  the  prosperity  of  the 
citizens,  and  their  affection  for  the  ducal  family. 
More  than  all  he  was  struck  by  the  young  Duke  him- 
self, who  appeared  to  him  "  the  handsomest  and 
cleverest  boy  in  the  world,"  and  who  evidently  made 
the  same  impression  on  the  King.  Henry  paid  the 
Duchess  many  compliments  on  her  son's  good  looks 
and  intelligence,  and  expressed  so  much  pleasure  at 
his  reception  that  her  worst  alarms  were  allayed. 
Late  in  the  same  evening  she  wrote  a  letter  to  her 
aunt,  telling  her  of  the  kind  expressions  used  by  His 
Majesty,  and  of  her  hopes  that  all  might  yet  be  well. 
But  a  rude  awakening  was  in  store  for  her.  Early 
on  Good  Friday  morning  Vaudemont  appeared  at 
the  door  of  her  room  with  consternation  written  on 
his  face.  The  King  had  sent  him  to  inform  the 
Duchess  that  her  son  was  to  leave  Nancy  the  next 
day  for  Bar,  in  charge  of  one  of  the  King's  captains, 
while  she  was  deprived  of  all  share  in  the  government, 
which  was  henceforth  to  be  administered  by  Vaude- 
mont as  sole  Regent.  On  receiving  this  unexpected 
message,  Christina  hastily  summoned  as  many 
members  of  the  Council  as  could  be  brought  together, 
and  with  their  help  and  her  brother-in-law's  support, 
drew  up  a  protest  couched  in  respectful  and  dignified 
language,  reminding  the  King  of  the  terms  of  the 
late  Duke's  will,  and  of  her  own  rights  both  as 
mother  and  Regent.  Henry's  only  reply  to  this 
appeal  was  to  send  the  Duchess  a  copy  of  the 
agreement  to  which  she  was  expected  to  conform. 
It  was  as  follows: 


April,  1552]      CHRISTINA'S  DISTRESS  365 

"  The  Duke  is  to  start  to-morrow  for  Bar  before 
the  King  leaves  Nancy.  His  mother  may  accompany 
him,  or  go  elsewhere,  if  she  prefers.  She  may  retain 
the  administration  of  her  son's  property,  but  will  no 
longer  have  any  authority  over  the  fortresses  in  Lor- 
raine. All  subjects  of  the  Emperor  who  hold  any 
office  in  the  government  or  in  the  Duke's  household 
are  commanded  to  leave  Lorraine  without  delay.  A 
French  garrison  of  600  men  will  be  left  in  Nancy  under 
Monsieur  de  Thou,  but  Monsieur  de  Vaudemont  will 
remain  Governor  of  the  city,  and  take  an  oath  to  ob- 
serve the  conditions  laid  down  by  the  King.  A  French 
garrison  of  300  men  will  also  be  placed  in  Stenay 
under  the  Sieur  de  Parroy."^ 

These  hard  conditions  filled  Christina  with  dismay. 
She  begged  the  Cardinal  to  defend  her  rights,  but  he 
could  only  advise  her  to  submit  to  the  inevitable. 
Both  he  and  Francis  of  Guise  have  often  been  blamed 
for  not  opposing  Henry  II. 's  arbitrary  proceedings, 
but  there  seems  little  doubt  that  the  King  originally 
intended  to  reduce  Lorraine  from  the  rank  of  an  in- 
dependent State  to  that  of  a  fief  of  the  Crown,  and 
that  it  was  only  the  opposition  of  the  Guises  which 
saved  the  duchy  from  this  fate.  In  her  despair 
Christina  made  a  last  attempt  to  soften  the  King's 
heart.  Clad  in  her  black  robes  and  flowing  white 
veil,  she  entered  the  Galerie  des  Cerfs,  where  Henry 
and  his  courtiers  were  assembled,  and,  throwing 
herself  on  her  knees  at  the  King's  feet,  implored 
him,  for  the  love  of  Christ  who  died  on  the  cross 
that  day,  to  have  pity  upon  an  unhappy  mother. 
The  sight  of  her  distress,  and  the  touching  words 
in  which  she  begged  the  King  to  take  everything 
else,  but  allow  her  to  keep  her  son,  moved  all 
hearts,   and   there  was  not  a   dry  eye  in   the  whole 

^  Lettres  des  Seigneurs,  iv.  loi,  f.  320. 


366  THE  FRENCH  INVASION  [Bk.  x 

assembly.  Even  Henry  was  filled  with  compas- 
sion, and,  raising  the  Duchess  from  her  knees,  he 
assured  her  that  he  only  wished  to  confirm  the 
friendship  between  the  two  houses.  Far  from  in- 
tending any  harm  to  the  young  Duke,  he  proposed 
to  bring  him  up  with  his  children,  and  to  treat  him 
as  if  he  were  his  own  son,  but  Lorraine  was  too 
near  the  frontiers  of  Germany,  and  too  much  ex- 
posed to  attacks  from  his  enemies,  for  him  to  be 
able  to  leave  the  boy  there.  With  these  consoling 
words,  he  took  the  weeping  Duchess  by  the  hand  and 
led  her  to  the  doors  of  the  gallery,  but,  as  Anne  after- 
wards told  the  Queen  of  Hungary,  the  King  vouch- 
safed no  reply  to  her  sister's  entreaty  that  she  might 
not  be  deprived  of  her  boy,  and  Christina's  prayer 
remained  unanswered.^ 

Early  the  next  morning  Vaudemont  and  the  Coun- 
cillors renewed  their  oaths  of  allegiance  to  Duke 
Charles  III.,  after  which  the  young  Prince  left  Nancy 
in  charge  of  the  French  captain  Bourdillon  and  an 
escort  of  fifty  men-at-arms.  The  parting  between 
the  Duchess  and  her  son  was  heartrending.  The 
poor  mother  gave  way  to  passionate  tears,  in  which 
she  was  joined  not  only  by  Vaudemont  and  Anne, 
but  by  all  the  nobles  and  people  who  had  assembled 
at  the  palace  gates  to  see  the  last  of  their  beloved 
Duke.  Nothing  but  the  sound  of  weeping  and 
lamentation  was  to  be  heard,  and  Rabutin,  with 
all  his  hatred  of  the  House  of  Austria,  was  filled 
with  compassion  at  the  sight  of  the  Duchess's 
grief. 

On  Easter  Day  Christina  wrote  the  following  letter 

^  Calmet,  ii.  1300;  Pfister,  ii.  188;  Brantome,  xii.  no;  Lettres 
des  Seigneurs,  iv.  10 1 ;    Ravold,  iii.  780. 


April,  1552]  CAPTURE  OF  THE  YOUNG  DUKE  367 

to  her  aunt,  enclosing  a  copy  of  the  articles  drawn  up 
by  the  French  King: 

"  Madame, 

"  The  extreme  grief  and  distress  which  the 
King's  violence  has  caused  me  prevents  me  from 
writing  to  you  as  fully  as  the  occasion  requires;  but 
I  must  tell  you  what  has  happened  since  my  last 
letter,  in  which  I  told  you  of  the  King's  arrival. 
Now,  in  reward  for  the  good  cheer  which  I  made  him, 
he  has  carried  off  my  son  by  force,  with  a  violence 
which  could  not  have  been  greater  if  I  had  been  a 
slave.  Not  content  with  this,  he  has  deprived  me 
of  the  chief  part  of  my  authority,  so  that  I  can  hardly 
remain  here  with  honour  and  reputation,  and,  what 
is  worse,  I  shall  no  longer  have  the  power  of  doing 
Your  Majesty  service,  which  is  one  of  my  greatest 
regrets.  Have  pity,  Madame,  on  a  poor  mother, 
whose  son  has  been  torn  from  her  arms,  as  you  will 
see  more  fully  by  this  copy  of  the  King's  final  resolu- 
tions, which  he  has  sent  me  in  writing.  These  have 
been  carried  out  in  every  particular.  Before  he  left,  my 
brother.  Monsieur  de  Vaudemont,  and  all  the  members 
of  the  Council,  except  myself,  were  made  to  take  an 
oath,  pledging  themselves  to  defend  the  strong  places 
in  this  land  against  all  his  enemies,  and  to  open  their 
gates  to  him  whenever  required .  The  same  oath  was 
taken  by  the  garrison  who  are  to  guard  this  town, 
and  I  was  asked  to  give  up  the  keys  of  the  postern 
gate.  So  that  I,  who  was  first  here,  and  could  once 
serve  Your  Majesty,  am  now  deprived  of  all  power, 
and  am  little  better  than  a  slave.  I  foresee  that  I 
shall  soon  be  stripped  of  everything,  in  spite  of  the 
treaties  and  agreements  formerly  made  between  Your 
Majesties  and  this  State.  This  ill-treatment  and  the 
evident  wish  shown  by  the  French  that  I  should 
leave  this  house  have  made  me  decide  to  retire  to 
Blamont,  where  I  will  await  Your  Majesty's  advice 
as  to  my  future  action.  ...  I  must  warn  Your 
Majesty,  with  regard  to  Stenay,  that  the  new  Captain, 
Sieur  du  Parroy,  although  of  Lorraine  birth,  belongs 
to  the  King's  household,  and  is  devoted  to  French 
interests,  as  is  also  the  second  in  command.  Madame, 


368  THE  FRENCH  INVASION  [Bk.  x 

I  have  written  all  this  to  the  Emperor,  but  he  is  so 
far  away  and  in  so  remote  a  place  that  I  felt  I  must 
also    tell    Your   Majesty    what    had    happened    here, 
begging  her  humbly  to  let  me  know  her  good  pleasure. 
"  Your  humble  and  obedient  niece, 

"  Chrestienne. 

"  Nancy,  April  17,  1552."^ 

The  letter  which  Anne  addressed  to  the  Queen  the 
next  day  is  still  more  graphic  in  the  details  it  supplies : 

"  I  cannot  help  writing  to  inform  you,  Madame,  of 
the  utter  desolation  and  misery  to  which  my  poor 
sister  is  reduced  owing  to  the  great  rudeness  and 
cruelty  with  which  she  was  treated  by  the  King  of 
France  on  Good  Friday.  He  came  here  under  pre- 
tence of  good  faith  and  true  friendship,  as  he  had 
latety  given  us  to  understand.  On  his  arrival  he 
was  received  with  all  possible  honour  and  entertained 
in  the  most  hospitable  manner.  On  Good  Friday 
he  told  Madame  that,  in  order  to  satisfy  the  conditions 
of  his  league  with  the  Germans,  he  must  secure  all 
the  fortified  posts  in  Lorraine,  as  well  as  the  Duke's 
person,  and  with  this  end  must  take  him  to  Bar.  In 
order  to  prevent  this ,  Madame,  Monsieur  de  Vaudemont 
and  I,  with  all  the  members  of  the  Council,  drew  up 
a  remonstrance  couched  in  the  most  humble  terms, 
to  which  he  only  replied  by  sending  us  a  written  copy 
of  his  resolutions.  Upon  this  my  sister  went  to  find 
him  in  the  Grande  Galerie,  and  begged  him  humbly, 
even  going  as  far  as  to  fall  on  her  knees  to  implore 
him,  for  the  love  of  God,  not  to  take  her  son  away 
from  her.  He  made  no  repty,  and,  to  make  an  end 
of  the  story,  Madame,  on  Easter  Eve  the}^  took  the 
boy,  escorted  by  a  band  of  armed  men,  in  charge  of 
the  Sieur  de  Bourdillon  and  the  Marcchal  de  St. 
Andre,  who  did  not  leave  his  side  until  he  had  seen 
him  well  out  of  the  town.  It  was  indeed  a  piteous 
thing  to  see  his  poor  mother,  Monsieur  de  Vaudemont, 
and  all  the  nobles  and  this  poor  people,  in  tears 
and  lamentation  at  his  departure.  Madame,  Your 
Majesty  can  imagine  the  terrible  grief  of  my  poor 

^  Lettres  des  Seigneurs,  iv.  loi,  1.  320. 


April,  1552]    THE  DUKE  AT  JOINVILLE  369 

sister  at  this  outrage,  and  will  understand  that  her 
sorrow  at  losing  her  son  is  still  so  great  that  I  have 
been  obliged  to  abandon  my  intention  of  returning 
home,  and  feel  that  I  cannot  leave  her.  The  King 
allows  her  to  keep  the  charge  of  her  daughters  and 
the  administration  of  her  children's  estates,  except- 
ing in  the  case  of  the  fortified  towns,  which  remain  in 
the  hands  of  Monsieur  de  Vaudemont. .  .  .  And  since, 
Madame,  I  am  still  as  ever  very  anxious  to  do  Your 
Majesty  service,  I  beg  you  to  lay  your  commands 
upon  me,  and  they  will  be  obeyed  by  one  who  is  the 
most  affectionate  servant  that  Your  Majesty  will  ever 
have. 

"  Anne  de  Lorraine. 

"  From  Nancy,  the  day  after  Easter. 
April  i8."i 

In  a  postscript  Anne  further  informed  Mary  that 
her  sister  had  just  received  a  letter  from  the  King, 
telHng  her  that,  hearing  an  attempt  would  be  made 
to  carry  off  the  young  Duke,  he  had  ordered  Bour- 
dillon  to  take  him  to  join  the  Queen  at  Joinville. 
Henry's  letter  was  written  from  Pont-a-Mousson, 
where  he  spent  Easter  Da}^  after  sleeping  at  the 
Duke's  country-house  at  Conde  on  Saturday : 

"  My  Sister, 

''  After  leaving  you  I  received  warnings  from 
several  quarters  that  the  Burgundians  were  going  to 
make  an  attempt  to  surprise  Bar  and  carry  off  my 
cousin,  the  Duke  of  Lorraine;  and  as  I  am  anxious  to 
prevent  this,  I  ordered  Monsieur  de  Bourdillon  to  take 
him  straight  to  Joinville,  which  is  sufficient^  remote 
to  escape  this  danger,  and  where  both  you  and  he  would 
be  quite  at  home  in  his  own  family.  And  you  will 
find  good  company  there  and  be  given  the  best  of 
cheer,  just  as  if  I  were  there  myself.  I  hope,  my 
sister,  that  this  may  be  agreeable  to  you,  and  that 
you  will  believe^that   my  anxiety  for  his  person  is 

^  Lettres  des  Seigneurs,  iv.  loi,  f.  330  (see  Appendix). 


370  THE  FRENCH  INVASION  [Bk.  X 

the  reason  why  I  wish  to  avoid  any  risk  of  injury, 
which  would  be  a  cause  of  grave  displeasure  to  those 
who  love  him,  as  you  and  I  do.  Farewell,  my  sister, 
and  may  God  have  you  in  His  holy  keeping. 

"  Your  good  brother, 

"  Henry. 
"  Written  at  Pont-a-Mousson, 
April  17,  1552."! 

The  tone  of  the  letter  was  kind.  Henry  had  evi- 
dently been  touched  by  Christina's  distress,  and  tried 
to  soften  the  blow.  Fortunately,  the  little  Duke 
himself  was  too  young  to  realize  the  meaning  of  these 
starthng  events.  The  ride  to  Joinville  and  the 
welcome  which  he  received  from  the  kind  old  Duchess 
amused  him,  but  at  bedtime  he  missed  the  familiar 
faces,  and  asked  for  his  mother  and  tutor.  Monsieur 
de  Montbardon.  When  he  was  told  that  they  had 
stayed  at  Nancy,  the  poor  child  burst  into  incontrol- 
lable  sobs,  and  refused  to  be  comforted .^ 

III. 

The  invasion  of  Lorraine  and  the  harsh  treatment 
which  the  Duchess  suffered  at  the  French  King's 
hands  were  keenly  resented  by  her  imperial  relatives. 
Mary  wrote  indignantly  to  Charles  at  Innsbruck,  com- 
plaining justly  of  Henry's  violation  of  the  neutrality 
of  Lorraine  and  of  the  young  Duke's^  capture. 
To  Christina  herself  she  expressed  her  anger  at  the 
King's  wicked  act,  at  the  same  time  advising  her  to 
bow  to  the  storm  and  retire  to  Blamont  for  the  pre- 
sent. This  the  Duchess  did  three  days  after  her  son's 
departure,  taking  the  two  Princesses  as  well  as  her 

^  Lettres  des  Seigneurs,  iv.  loi,  f.  319. 

2  Bulletins  de  la  Commission  d'Histoire,  serie  2,  xii.  213. 

3  Buclioltz,  ix.  539. 


May,  1552]     CHRISTINA  AT  DENCEUVRE  371 

faithful  sister-in-law.  Anne's  pen  was  never  idle,  and 
on  the  following  Sunday — that  of  P agues- fleuries — 
she  sent  the  Queen  a  list  of  all  the  Princes  who  were 
members  of  the  League.  But  they  had  not  been  many 
days  at  Blamont,  when  their  peace  was  disturbed  by 
the  arrival  of  the  French  King  and  the  Constable, 
who,  after  taking  possession  of  Metz,  marched  through 
the  Vosges  on  their  way  to  Strasburg,  and  took  up 
their  quarters  in  the  castle.  The  Duchesses  left 
hurriedly  to  avoid  another  meeting  with  the  King, 
and  moved  to  Denoeuvre,  where  they  remained  during 
the  next  three  months.  But  the  strain  of  recent 
events  had  been  too  much  for  Christina's  strength; 
she  became  seriously  ill,  and  her  condition  was  a 
grave  cause  of  anxiety  to  Anne  and  her  ladies. 

Count  Stroppiana,  who  heard  the  details  of  the 
French  invasion  from  Belloni's  own  Hps  at  Innsbruck, 
wrote  the  following  account  of  the  Duchess's  wrongs 
to  his  master,  the  Duke  of  Savoy : 

"  The  King  of  France,  we  hear,  has  occupied  Lor- 
raine, and  sent  the  young  Duke  to  Chalons,  guarded 
by  100  men-at-arms,  contrary  to  the  promises  which 
he  made  to  the  Duchess  his  mother.  She  threw  her- 
self at  his  feet,  imploring  him  not  to  rob  her  of  her 
son,  her  only  joy  and  consolation,  without  whom  she 
could  not  bear  to  live,  with  many  other  words  which 
would  have  moved  the  hardest  heart  to  pity.  The 
King  would  not  listen,  and  repulsed  her  with  many 
rough  words,  forbidding  any  of  the  Emperor's  sub- 
jects to  remain  in  her  service  on  pain  of  death.  He 
has  deprived  her  of  the  Regency,  and  relegated  her  to 
a  remote  country  place,  where  she  does  nothing  but 
weep  and  lament,  and  will  certainly  die  before  long, 
if  her  great  sorrow  is  not  comforted,  as  she  has  been 
ill  for  some  time  past.  The  poor  Httle  Duke  is  said 
to  be  ill,  too.  When  he  reached  the  first  stage  of  his 
journey,  he  asked  for  his  mother  and  tutor,  and,  when 


372  THE  FRENCH  INVASION  [Bk.  x 

he  did  not  see  them,  wept  so  bitterly  that  it  was 
impossible  to  comfort  him."^ 

The  boy's  tears  were  soon  dried,  and  he  recovered 
his  spirits  in  the  charge  of  the  Duke  of  Longueville's 
old  tutor,  Jean  de  la  Brousse,  and  the  companionship 
of  the  royal  children.  His  mother  remained  long 
inconsolable  for  his  loss,  but  the  affection  of  her  son's 
subjects  was  her  best  solace.  So  earnest  were  their 
entreaties  that  she  should  remain  among  them  that 
she  declined  her  aunt's  urgent  invitation  to  take 
refuge  in  Flanders,  and  decided  to  stay  at  Denoeuvre. 
On  the  31st  of  May  she  wrote  as  follows  to  inform 
the  Emperor  of  her  intention ; 

"   MONSEIGNEUR, 

"  At  the  prayer  of  my  brother  Monsieur  de 
Vaudemont,  and  my  sister  the  Duchess  of  Aerschot, 
and  the  earnest  desire  of  my  good  people,  I  have  been 
bold  enough  to  remain  here,  although  Your  Majesty 
had  sent  me  orders  to  join  the  Queens.  I  trust  you 
will  not  take  this  in  bad  part,  but  will  understand 
that  I  have  only  done  this  at  the  urgent  prayer  of 
my  brother  and  sister,  and  not  out  of  disrespect  to 
your  command,  since  my  sole  desire  is  to  obey  you 
all  my  life,  and  I  beg  you  to  believe  this  and  re- 
member my  son  and  his  poor  country. 

"  Your  humble  niece  and  servant, 

"  Chrestienne. 
"  From  Denoeuvre,  May  31,  1552. "^ 

This  letter  found  the  Emperor  at  the  lowest  depth 
of  his  fortunes.  On  the  19th  of  May  he  was  carried 
in  his  litter  by  torchlight  over  the  Brenner  in  torrents 
of  driving  rain,  and  hardly  paused  till  he  arrived  at 
Villach  in  Carinthia.     A  few  hours  after  he  left  Inns- 

1  Bulletins,  etc.,  serie  2,  xii.  213. 

2  Lettres  des  Seigneurs,  iv.  102,  f.  127  (see  Appendix)  ; 
Lanz,  iii.  208. 


JuLV,  1552]        CHRISTINA  BANISHED  37J 

bruck,  Maurice  and  his  troopers  entered  the  town, 
plundered  the  Emperor's  quarters,  and  robbed  the 
baggage  which  had  been  forgotten  in  his  hasty  de- 
parture. The  victor  might  easily  have  captured  the 
fugitive  Emperor,  but,  as  Maurice  said  himself,  he  had 
no  cage  for  so  fine  a  bird. 

The  tide,  however,  was  already  turning.  Strasburg 
closed  her  gates  against  the  French  invaders,  and 
early  in  May  an  Imperial  army  attacked  Champagne 
and  sent  Queen  Catherine  flying  in  terror  from 
Reims.  Alarmed  by  these  reports,  Henry  beat  a 
hasty  retreat,  and  contented  himself  with  the  empty 
boast  that  he  had  watered  his  horses  in  the  Rhine. 
The  seat  of  the  war  was  now  transferred  to  Luxem- 
bourg, and  Lorraine  was  once  more  harassed  by  the 
outposts  of  the  two  contending  armies.  From  their 
safe  retreat  at  Denoeuvre,  Christina  and  Anne 
watched  the  course  of  the  campaign  anxiously,  and 
kept  up  a  constant  correspondence  with  Mary  of 
Hungary.  The  bold  measure  of  placing  an  Imperialist 
garrison  in  Nancy  was  now  proposed  by  the  Duchess, 
and  gladly  accepted  by  her  uncle,  who  realized  the 
advantages  of  the  scheme,  and  wrote  that  Lorraine 
might  well  be  occupied,  on  the  ground  of  the  Duke's 
detention,  and  would  be  restored  to  him  as  soon  as 
he  was  released.^  Early  in  July,  Christina's  trusted 
servant,  Bassompierre,  the  Bailiff  of  the  Vosges, 
arrived  at  Denoeuvre  with  a  message  from  Vaudemont, 
promising  to  admit  the  Imperialist  force  within  the 
gates  of  Nancy  on  condition  that  the  occupation  was 
only  temporary.  The  Duchess  promptly  sent  a 
lackey  to  Flanders  with  a  cipher  letter  to  inform  the 
Queen  of  his  consent.  But,  as  ill-luck  would  have  it, 
^  Bucholtz,  ix.  543;  Bulletins,  2,  xii.  igi. 

^5 


3^4  THE  FRENCH  INVASION  [Bk.  X 

the  servant  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  French,  who 
were  besieging  Luxembourg,  and  he  was  brought 
before  the  King  and  forced  to  confess  the  object  of 
his  errand.  Henry  was  furious  at  discovering  the 
plot,  and  sent  a  gentleman  of  his  household.  Monsieur 
de  Rostain,  to  Denoeuvre,  with  a  letter  to  the  Duchess, 
saying  that  he  feared  her  attachment  to  the  Emperor 
was  greater  than  her  maternal  love,  and  desired  her 
to  leave  Lorraine  without  delay.  Christina  sent  one  of 
her  gentlemen.  Monsieur  de  Doulans,  back  with  Rostain 
to  protest  against  this  order,  saying  that,  after  robbing 
her  of  her  son  and  depriving  her  of  the  Regency,  the 
King  would  surely  not  be  so  cruel  as  to  drive  her  out 
of  her  own  dower-house,  especially  as  Denoeuvre  was 
a  fief  of  the  Empire.  But  these  passionate  appeals 
availed  her  little.  A  week  later  Henry  sent  another 
gentleman.  Monsieur  de  Fontaine,  to  order  the  Duchess 
to  leave  Denoeuvre  immediately,  if  she  did  not  wish  to 
feel  the  full  weight  of  his  displeasure.  This  time  the 
messenger  had  orders  not  to  return  to  the  King's 
presence  until  he  had  seen  the  Duchess  across  the 
frontier.  So  with  a  heavy  heart  the  two  Princesses 
left  the  land  of  Lorraine,  where  they  were  both  so 
fondly  beloved,  and  took  refuge  in  Alsace.  Belloni, 
who  sent  the  Queen  an  account  of  his  mistress's 
latest  troubles  in  his  clear  Italian  handwriting,  was 
desired  to  tell  her  aunt  that  the  Duchess  had  many 
more  things  of  importance  to  say,  but  must  wait  for  a 
more  convenient  season.  Only  one  thing  she  must  add, 
and  this  was  that  through  all  Monsieur  de  Vaudemont 
had  remained  perfectly  true  and  lo3^al  to  her,  although 
he  was  compelled  by  his  office  to  conform  outwardly 
to  the  French  King's  tyranny.^ 

^  Lettres  des  Seigneurs,  vii.  603. 


Aug.,  1552]  BELLONI'S  END  375 

On  receiving  this  bad  news,  Mary  sent  to  beg  her 
niece  to  come  to  Flanders  without  delay,  promising  the 
Duchess  a  home  for  herself  and  her  little  daughters. 
Unfortunately,  as  Christina  found,  this  was  no  easy 
task.  Not  only  was  the  whole  countryside  in  peril 
of  daily  attacks  from  the  French,  but  the  Marquis 
Albert  had  descended  like  a  whirlwind  from  the 
Suabian  hills,  and  was  spreading  terror  and  destruc- 
tion along  the  banks  of  the  Rhine.  The  next  letter 
which  she  addressed  to  her  aunt  from  the  imperial 
city  of  Schlettstadt,  where  she  had  sought  refuge, 
gives  vent  to  these  alarms : 

"  Madame, 

"  I  received  the  kind  and  loving  letter  which 
Your  Majesty  was  so  good  as  to  send  me  on  the  6th 
of  August.  It  came  at  the  right  moment,  for  I  can 
assure  you  that  I  was  sorely  troubled,  but  Your 
Majesty's  kindness  in  saying  that  I  shall  be  welcome 
has  done  me  so  much  good  that  I  feel  I  do  not  know 
how  to  thank  you  enough,  and  am  only  sorry  I  cannot 
set  out  at  once.  For  the  roads  are  very  dangerous, 
above  all  for  children.  .  .  .  Your  Majesty  will  under- 
stand how  distressed  I  shall  be  until  I  can  find  some 
way  of  coming  to  you,  and  certainly  one  year  will 
seem  to  me  a  hundred,  until  I  am  with  Your  Majesty 


This  grateful  letter  was  written  from  Schlettstadt 
on  the  22nd  of  August,  and  sent  to  Brussels  by  Nic- 
colo  Belloni,  the  only  messenger  whom  Christina  felt 
that  she  could  trust.  But  fresh  trouble  awaited  her 
in  this  direction.  Belloni  reached  Flanders  safely, 
and  came  back  to  Lorraine  with  letters  to  the  Count 
and  Countess  of  Vaudemont,  but  disappeared  in 
some  mysterious  manner  two  days  after  he  reached 

1  Lettres  des  Seigneurs,  iv.  103,  f.  348. 


376  THE  FRENCH  INVASION  [Bk.  x 

Nancy.  It  seems  doubtful  whether  he  died  of  the 
plague,  as  Massimo  del  Pero  wrote  to  his  friend 
Innocenzo  Gadio,  or  whether  he  fell  into  some  am- 
bush and  was  slain  by  the  enemy's  hand.  The  loss 
was  a  great  one  to  the  Duchess,  whom  he  had  served 
so  faithfully  and  well  for  the  past  sixteen  years,  and 
the  honest  Milanese  was  lamented  by  all  his  col- 
leagues. Innocenzo  Gadio,  sent  the  sad  news  to  the 
Princess  of  Macedonia's  daughter,  Dejanira,  the  wife  of 
Count  Gaspare  Trivulzio,  who  had  formerly  received 
Christina  in  his  castle  at  Codogno.  The  Countess  ex- 
pressed her  sympathy  with  her  dearest  Messer  Inno- 
cenzo in  the  warmest  terms. 

"  I  am  sure,"  she  wrote,  "  that  the  death  of  so 
beloved  a  friend  wdll  cause  m}^  mother  the  greatest 
sorrow.  When  you  return  to  Lorraine,"  she  adds, 
"  please^kiss  Her  Excellency's  hands  for  me,  and  tell 
her  that  the  sufferings  which  she  has  undergone  in 
those  parts  grieve  me  to  the  bottom  of  my  soul ;  and 
tell  her  too  that  we,  her  servants  in  this  country, 
shall  always  be  ready  to  risk  our  lives  and  all  that 
we  have  m  her  service." 

"  Dejanira,  Contessa  Trivulzio. 

"  From  Codogno,  September  29,  1552. "^ 

There  were  still  faithful  hearts  in  this  far-off  land 
who  never  forgot  the  Duchess  whom  they  had  known 
in  early  youth,  and  who  followed  her  fortunes  with 
tender  sympathy  and  affection. 

But  now  help  came  to  the  sorely-tried  Princess 
from  an  unexpected  quarter.  The  Marquis  Albert 
had  haughtily  declined  to  take  any  part  in  the  con- 
ference that  was  being  held  at  Passau  between  King 
Ferdinand  and  Maurice  of  Saxony,  or  to  be  included 
in  the  treaty  which  was  signed  between  the  Emperor 

1  Manuscript  18,  Biblioteca  Cavagna  Sangiuliani,  Zelada  (see 
Appendix) . 


Aug.,  1552]      AT  HOH-KONIGSBERG  377 

and  the  Elector  on  the  15th  of  August.  Instead  of 
laying  down  his  arms,  he  chose  to  continue  his  reck- 
less course,  and  marched  through  the  Rhineland 
plundering  towns  and  burning  villages,  "  making 
war,"  wrote  an  eyewitness,  "  as  if  he  were  the  devil 
himself."^  But  when  he  reached  Treves  he  heard  of 
the  Duchess's  expulsion  from  Lorraine  and  her  dis- 
tressed condition,  and,  with  a  touch  of  the  old  chivalry 
that  made  him  dear  to  women,  he  promptty  sent  to 
offer  her  shelter  in  his  castle  of  Hoh-Konigsberg,  the 
strongest  and  finest  citadel  in  the  Vosges.  Christina 
accepted  the  offer  gratefully,  and  during  the  next 
few  weeks  the  red  sandstone  fortress  which  still 
crowns  the  heights  above  Schlettstadt  became  her 
abode.  She  was  there  still  when  the  Emperor  made 
his  way  from  Augsburg  to  the  banks  of  the  Rhine, 
at  the  head  of  a  formidable  army. 

On  the  7th  of  September  he  entered  Strasburg ;  on 
the  15th  he  crossed  the  river  and  encamped  at 
Landau.  A  week  before  he  sent  one  of  his  bravest 
Burgundian  captains,  Ferry  de  Carondelet,  to  visit 
her  at  Hoh-Konigsberg  and  invite  her  to  visit  him 
in  the  camp.^  Christina  obeyed  the  summons  joy- 
fully, and  a  few  days  after  the  Emperor  reached  Lan- 
dau she  and  Anne  of  Aerschot  made  their  way  by 
the  Rhine  to  the  imperial  camp.  The  Prince  of  Pied- 
mont rode  out  to  meet  them,  and  Anne's  kinsfolk, 
Egmont  and  D'Arenberg  joined  with  Emanuel 
Philibert  and  Ferrante  Gonzaga  in  welcoming  the 
distressed  ladies  and  condoling  with  them  on  the 
terrors  and  hardships  which  they  had  undergone. 
Only  one  thing  grieved  Christina.  The  Emperor  firmly 
refused  to  admit  her  trusted  Councillor,  Bassompierre, 

^  Lettres des  Seigneurs, iv. 518  (see  Appendix).  ^  Ibid., iv.  103. 


378  THE  FRENCH  INVASION  [Bk.  x 

into  his  presence,  being  convinced  that  he  had  be- 
trayed his  mistress  and  played  into  the  French  King's 
hands.  Nothing  that  she  could  say  altered  his 
opinion  in  this  respect,  and  she  thought  it  wiser  to 
send  the  Bailiff  to  Nancy,  where  he  was  able  to  watch 
over  her  interests  and  send  reports  to  the  Queen  of 
Hungary.^ 

Charles  was  suffering  from  gout  and  fever,  and 
Christina  was  shocked  to  see  his  altered  appearance. 
The  fatigues  and  anxieties  of  the  last  few  months  had 
left  their  mark  upon  him.  His  face  was  pale  and 
worn,  his  hands  thin  and  bloodless,  and  he  spoke 
with  difficulty  owing  to  the  soreness  of  his  mouth 
and  the  leaf  which  he  kept  between  his  lips  to  relieve 
their  dryness.  Only  his  eyes  kept  the  old  fire,  and 
no  one  could  divine  the  thoughts  which  lay  hidden 
under  the  mask-like  face.  As  Morosyne  wrote  after 
an  interview  which  he  had  with  the  Emperor  about 
this  time:  "  He  maketh  me  think  of  Solomon's  say- 
ing: '  Heaven  is  high,  the  earth  is  deep,  and  a  king's 
heart  is  unsearchable.'  "^  But  he  was  full  of  kind- 
ness for  Christina,  telHng  her  that  she  and  her  children 
would  always  find  a  home  at  Brussels.  Since,  however, 
her  cousin  of  Guise  had  entrenched  himself  in  Metz 
and  the  country  round  was  swarming  with  soldiery,  he 
advised  her  to  remain  at  Heidelberg  for  the  present. 

The  Duchess  obeyed  this  advice  and  retired  to  her 
brother-in-law's  Court.  The  Palatine  was  growing 
old,  his  beard  had  turned  white  and  his  strength 
began  to  fail,  but  his  influence  was  as  great  as  ever 
in  Germany.     Morosyne,  who  met  him  at  Spires,  pro- 

1  Bulletins  de  la  Commission  d'Histoire,  serie  2,  xii.  232 ; 
Lettres  des  Seigneurs,  iv.  518. 

2  "Hardwicke  Papers,"  i.  55. 


Nov.,  1552]       CHARLES.  V.  AND  ALBERT  379 

nounced  him  to  be  the  wisest  and  best  of  all  the 
Electors,  and  was  touched  by  the  affection  with  which 
he  spoke  of  the  late  King  Henry  VII L,  declaring  that 
his  shirt  never  lay  so  near  his  skin  as  King  Edward's 
noble  father  lay  near  his  heart.  The  Ambassador's 
secretary,  Roger  Ascham,  made  friends  with  Hubert, 
who  sent  him  long  dissertations  on  the  pronuncia- 
tion of  Greek,  and  invited  him  to  Heidelberg.  Now 
Frederic  and  his  wife  welcomed  the  Duchess  and  her 
children  with  their  wonted  hospitality,  and  insisted 
on  keeping  them  until  the  end  of  the  year ;  but  Chris- 
tina's heart  was  with  her  poor  subjects,  who  suffered 
severe^  from  the  ravages  of  the  war.  From  Nancy, 
Bassompierre  sent  word  that  the  Marquis  Albert  had 
suddenly  deserted  his  French  allies,  and  had  captured 
Aumale  and  carried  him  in  triumph  to  the  imperial 
camp  before  Metz.^ 

Here,  on  the  20th  of  November,  Charles  came  face 
to  face  with  the  man  who  had  wronged  him  so  deeply. 
"  God  knows  what  I  feel,"  he  wrote  to  Mary,  "  at 
having  to  make  friends  with  the  Marquis  Albert,  but 
necessity  knows  no  law."^  At  least,  he  accepted  the 
situation  with  a  good  grace.  Morosyne  was  present 
when  the  Emperor  came  riding  into  the  camp  on  a 
great  white  horse  of  Naples  breed,  and,  seeing  Albert, 
took  his  hand  with  a  gracious  smile,  and  shook  it 
warmly  twice  or  thrice. 

"  The  Marquis  fixed  his  eyes  fast  on  the  Emperor's 
countenance,  as  one  that  meant  to  see  what  thoughts 
his  looks  betrayed.  When  he  saw  that  all  was  well, 
or  at  least  could  not  see  but  all  seemed  well,  he  spake 
a  few  words,  which  His  Majesty  seemed  to  take  in 
very  good  part." 

^  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Foreign,  Edward  VI.,  230. 
2  Lanz,  iii.  513. 


38o  THE  FRENCH  INVASION  [Bk.  x 

Calling  a  page  to  his  side,  he  took  a  red  scarf,  the 
Imperiahst  badge,  from  his  hands,  and  gave  it  to  the 
Marquis.  Albert  received  it  with  deep  reverence, 
saying  that  he  had  not  fared  badly  when  he  wore 
these  colours  before,  and  trusted  the  Emperor's  gift 
would  bring  him  the  same  good  fortune  as  of  old.^ 

The  return  of  the  wanderer  saved  Charles  from 
utter  ruin.  His  affairs  were  still  going  badly.  Vieille- 
ville,the  French  Governor  of  Verdun,  seized  the  boats 
laden  with  provisions  for  the  imperial  camp,  which 
Christina  had  sent  down  the  Rhine,  and  laid  violent 
hands  on  six  waggons  of  choice  fruits,  wines,  and 
cakes,  which  were  despatched  from  Nancy  for  her 
uncle's  table.  Worse  than  this,  he  contrived  to 
enter  Pont-a-Mousson,  which  Fabrizio  Colonna  held, 
disguised  as  a  messenger  from  the  Duchess,  and 
obtained  possession  of  this  important  place  by 
stratagem.^  The  valour  of  Guise  and  the  strong 
fortifications  of  Metz  were  proof  against  the  reckless 
courage  of  Albert  and  the  might  of  the  imperial 
army.  The  heavy  rains  and  biting  cold  of  an 
early  winter  increased  the  sufferings  of  the  troops, 
and,  after  losing  half  his  army  by  famine  and  dysen- 
tery, Charles  was  compelled  to  raise  the  siege  at  the 
New  Year.  "  Fortune  is  a  woman,"  he  remarked  to 
one  of  his  captains;  "  she  abandons  the  old,  and  keeps 
her  smiles  for  young  men."^  In  this  forced  retreat 
the  Marquis  performed  prodigies  of  valour,  and  suc- 
ceeded in  bringing  his  guns  safely  over  roads  rendered 
impassable  by  a  sudden  thaw.  The  bulk  of  the  army 
was  dismissed,  only  the  veteran  Spanish  and  German 

^  Voigt,  ii.  9,  lo;  P.  F.  Tytler,  "  England  under  Edward  VI.,*' 
144. 

2  Vieilleville,  161,  176.  ^  Calmet,  ii.  338. 


Feb.,  1553]     THE  EMPEROR  TO  RETURN  381 

forces  being  quartered  in  Artois  and  Luxembourg, 
and  Charles  himself  set  out  for  Brussels.  His  faiHng 
strength  compelled  him  to  halt  on  the  way,  and 
Morosyne  gave  it  as  his  opinion  that  the  Emperor 
would  never  reach  the  end  of  his  journey  alive.  But 
his  spirit  was  indomitable  as  ever,  and  on  Sunday, 
the  6th  of  February,  he  entered  Brussels  in  an  open 
htter,  amid  scenes  of  the  wildest  enthusiasm. 

"  To-day,"  wrote  the  Ambassador  of  Savoy,  "  I 
have  witnessed  the  safe  arrival  of  the  Emperor.  He 
was  received  with  the  greatest  transports  of  joy  and 
delight  by  the  whole  people,  who  feared  that  he  was 
dead  and  that  they  would  never  see  him  again." 

And  Charles  himself  wrote  to  Ferdinand  that,  now 
he  was  once  more  in  his  native  land  and  in  the  com- 
pany of  his  beloved  sisters,  he  would  soon  recover 
his  health.^ 

1  Bulletins,  etc.,  serie  2,  xii.  238;  State  Papers,  Edward  VI., 
Foreign,  236,  243;  Lanz,  iii.  542. 


BOOK  XI 

CHRISTINA  AT  BRUSSELS 
1553— 1559 

I. 

Christina  was  at   Brussels  on  the  memorable  day 
when  the  Emperor  set  foot  once  more  on  his  native 
soil.     She   heard   the  shouts   of  joy  which  rent   the 
air,  and  joined  with  the  Queens  in  the  welcome  which 
greeted  him  on  the  threshold  of  his  palace.     Early 
in   January   she   had   left    Heidelberg   and   travelled 
safely  down  the  Rhine  and  through  the  friendly  states 
of  her  Cleves  cousins  to   Brussels.     Here  she  occu- 
pied    the    suite     of    rooms    where     she     had     lived 
before  her  second  marriage,  and  to  a  large  extent 
resumed  her  former  habits.     She  spent  much  of  her 
time  with  her  aunts  and  the  Duchess  of  Aerschot, 
and  renewed  her  old  friendship  with  Countess  d'Aren- 
berg   and   other   ladies   of  the   Court.     The   deepest 
sympathy  was  felt  for  her  by  all  classes,  and  when 
Charles  addressed  the  States-General  on  the  13th  of 
February,  and  alluded  to  the  treachery  of  the  French 
in  carrying  off  the  young  Duke  of  Lorraine  and  driving 
his  mother  out  of  the  realm,  his  words  provoked  an 
outburst  of  tumultuous  indignation.^ 

Through   her    brother-in-law  Vaudemont  she   still 

^  Henne,  x.  13. 
382 


Jan.,  1553]       CHRISTINA'S  SUITORS  383 

maintained  close  relations  with  Lorraine,  while  the 
Cardinal  kept  her  informed  of  all  that  concerned  her 
son,  and  the  boy's  own  letters  satisfied  her  that  he  was 
well  and  happy  at  the  French  Court.  But  although 
Charles  shared  all  the  advantages  enjoyed  by  the 
King's  children,  and  soon  became  a  general  favourite 
in  the  royal  family,  it  was  bitter  for  the  Duchess  to 
feel  that  her  only  son  was  growing  up,  in  a  foreign 
land,  among  the  hereditary  foes  of  her  race.  The 
restoration  of  peace  between  Charles  and  Henry 
was  the  only  means  by  which  she  could  hope  to 
recover  her  lost  child,  and  this  becam_e  the  goal  of 
all  her  efforts  during  the  six  years  that  she  spent  in 
exile. 

The  Widow  of  Milan  had  been  courted  by  Kings  and 
Princes,  and  hardly  was  Christina  settled  at  Brussels 
before  she  was  assailed  by  fresh  offers  of  marriage. 
Henry,  King  of  Navarre,  whose  accomplished  wife 
had  died  soon  after  her  daughter's  marriage,  asked 
the  Emperor  for  his  niece's  hand,  but  his  proposals 
met  with  small  favour.  Far  more  serious  was  the 
courtship  of  Albert  of  Brandenburg,  who  felt  this  to 
be  a  favourable  moment  for  renewing  his  old  suit. 
<*  No  one,"  as  Thomas  Hoby  wrote,  "  had  done  the 
Emperor  worthier  or  more  faithful  service  "  in  the 
siege  of  Metz,  and  was  better  entitled  to  reward.  His 
claims  were  strongly  supported  by  the  Palatine,  who 
invited  the  Marquis  to  Heidelberg  to  confer  with  the 
other  German  Princes  on  the  best  means  of  recovering 
Metz.  Albert  himself  not  only  aspired  to  the 
Duchess's  hand,  but  to  the  Duke  of  Alva's  post  of 
Commander-in-Chief,  and  boasted  that  once  Christina 
was  his  bride  he  would  easily  recover  her  father's 
kingdoms. 


384  CHRISTINA  AT  BRUSSELS         [Bk.  XI 

"  It  is  supposed/'  wrote  Morosyne  from  Brussels 
on  the  20th  of  February,  "  that  the  Marquis  will 
marry  the  Duchess  of  Lorraine  and  have  Alva's  place. 
The  Palsgrave  would  fain  it  were  so,  in  order  that,  if 
the  Marquis  married  his  wife's  sister,  he  might  help 
him  to  recover  Denmark;  for  besides  that  a  slender 
title  is  apt  to  set  such  a  one  to  work,  he  should,  by 
being  married  to  the  Emperor's  niece,  and  afterwards 
coming,  when  his  uncle  died,  to  the  duchy  of  Prussia, 
be  able  easily  to  trouble  Denmark.  The  Marquis 
doth  much  desire  it,  for  that  the  Duke  of  Holstein  has 
been  and  is  a  great  suitor  to  the  Duchess,  who  was 
once  so  nigh  marrying  the  Marquis  Albert's  sister  that 
the  contracts  were  drawn  up  and  put  into  writing,  but 
broke  it  off  upon  sight  of  the  Duchess  of  Lorraine. 
The  Palsgrave  would  rather  any  did  marry  with  her 
than  the  Duke  of  Holstein,  for  that  his  brother.  King 
Christian,  keeps  his  wife's  father  in  prison.  And  the 
Emperor,  it  is  held  certain,  will  help  it,  in  order  that 
he  may  by  this  means  trouble  Denmark,  which  he  has 
never  had  leisure  to  trouble  himself."^ 

Whatever  her  relatives  may  have  thought  of  the 
Marquis's  suit,  Christina  herself  never  considered  it 
seriously,  and  told  the  Palatine  plainly  that  such  a 
marriage  was  out  of  the  question.  The  Marquis 
vented  his  anger  on  the  Emperor,  and  left  Heidelberg 
in  high  displeasure,  without  taking  leave  of  the  Pala- 
tine or  anyone  else.  Hot  words  passed  between  him 
and  Maurice,  and  these  two  Princes,  who  had  once  been 
the  closest  friends,  were  henceforth  bitter  enemies. 
Albert  returned  to  his  hfe  of  raids  and  plunder, 
and  when,  soon  afterwards,  he  was  placed  under 
the  ban  of  the  Empire,  Maurice  led  an  army  against 
him.  A  fiercely-contested  battle  was  fought  on  the 
9th  of  July  at  Sievershausen,  in  which  Albert  was 
completely   routed   and   Maurice   lost   his   life.     The 

^  Calendar  of  the  Manuscripts  of  the  Marquis  of  Sahsbury, 
i.  no;  Lodge,  "  Illustrations,"  i.  183. 


June.  1553]     PHILIP  HOBY'S  AUDIENCE  385 

Marquis  was  deprived  of  fortune  and  patrimony,  his 
ancestral    home    of   Plassenburg    was    burnt    to    the 
ground,  and  after  leading  a  roving  life  for  some  years, 
and  wandering  from  one  Court  to  another,  he  died  in 
the   house    of   his    brother-in-law,    the   Margrave   of 
Baden,  on  the  8th  of  January,  1557.     So  in  exile  and 
poverty  this  brave  and  brilliant  adventurer  ended  his 
career,  before  he  had  completed  his  thirty-fifth  year.^ 
While  the  Palatine  was  holding  vain  conferences  at 
Heidelberg,  and  the  Marquis  and  Duke  Adolf  were 
still  quarrelling  for  the  Duchess's  hand,  she  herself  was 
endeavouring  to  open  negotiations  with  the  French 
King    through    Bassompierre  and  Vaudemont.     But 
nothing  would  induce  Henry  to  give  up  Metz,  and  in 
April  war  was  renewed  with  fresh  vigour.     The  young 
Prince  of  Piedmont,  who  succeeded  the  unpopular 
Alva  in  command  of  the  imperial  army,  won  a  series 
of  victories,  and  razed  the  forts  of  Therouenne  and 
Hesdin  to  the  ground.     But  the  Emperor  was  too  ill 
to  take  part  in  the  campaign  or  even  to  give  audiences. 
Sir    Philip    Hoby,   who    now    succeeded    Morosyne, 
actually  believed  him  to  be  dead,  until  De  Courrieres 
came  to  dine  with  his  English  friends,  and  assured 
them,  on  his  honour  as  a  gentleman,  that  he  had  seen 
the   Emperor   alive   that    morning  .^     Upon   this   Sir 
Philip's  brother  Thomas,  who  had  just  arrived  from 
Paris,   where   he   had   been   spending   the  winter   in 
translating  Castiglione's  "  Cortegiano,"  was  sent  to 
see  his  old  Augsburg  friend,  the  Bishop  of  Arras,  and 
beg  for  an  audience.     At  length,  on  the  8th  of  June, 
the    Englishmen     were     admitted     into     the    privy 
chamber,  and  found  the  Emperor  sitting  up,  with  his 

^  Voigt,  ii.  207. 

2  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Edward  VI.,  Foreign,  282. 


386  CHRISTINA  AT  BRUSSELS        [Bk.  XI 

feet  on  a  stool, ''  very  pale,  weak,  and  lean,  but  nothing 
so  ill  as  they  had  believed."  His  eye  was  lively,  his 
speech  sensible,  and  his  manner  very  friendly  and 
agreeable.  But,  although  he  expressed  an  earnest 
wish  for  peace,  he  declared  that  the  French  demands 
made  this  quite  impossible.^ 

A  month  later  an  unexpected  event  produced  a 
change  in  the  Emperor's  fortunes.  King  Edward  VI. 
died,  and,  after  a  vain  attempt  on  Northumberland's 
part  to  set  Lady  Jane  Grey  on  the  throne,  Catherine 
of  Aragon's  daughter  Mary  succeeded  peaceably  to 
the  throne.  Her  accession  was  hailed  with  joy  at  the 
Imperial  Court,  and  on  the  Feast  of  St.  Bartholomew 
the  Regent  celebrated  the  event  by  giving  a  banquet, 
to  which  the  English  Ambassadors  were  invited.  "  It 
was  such  a  dinner,"  writes  Hoby,  "  as  we  had  seldom 
seen  in  all  our  lives,  and  greater  good  cheer  or  enter- 
tainment than  Her  Grace  gave  us  could  not  be  de- 
vised." Mary  was  in  high  spirits  that  evening.  She 
toasted  the  Ambassadors,  conversed  with  them  after 
dinner  for  more  than  an  hour,  and  told  Morosyne 
laughingly  that  his  French  could  not  be  worse  than 
her  ItaUan.  Sir  Philip  sat  next  to  the  Duchess  of 
Lorraine,  and  reminded  her  of  the  memorable  morn- 
ing, fifteen  years  before,  when  he  brought  the  German 
Court  painter  to  take  her  portrait .^  Since  then  much 
had  happened .  King  Henry  himself,  the  great  painter 
Holbein,  Rene  of  Orange,  and  Francis  of  Lorraine, 
were  all  gone,  and  she  had  lost  home  and  state  and 
had  seen  her  only  son  snatched  from  her  arms.  Yet 
she  was  still  beautiful  and  fascinating,  and  counted 

1  "Travail  and  Life  of  Sir  T.  Hoby,"  85;  Calendar  of  State 
Papers,  Edward  VI.,  Foreign,  288. 

2  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Mary,  Foreign,  8;  T.  Hoby,  102. 


Sept.,  1553]       ACCESSION  OF  MARY  387 

almost  as  many  suitors  as  of  old.  Adolf  of  Holstein 
wooed  her  with  a  constancy  which  no  coldness  could 
repel,  and  if  the  wild  Marquis  had  been  forced  to 
renounce  all  hope  of  winning  her  hand,  another  hero, 
the  young  Prince  of  Piedmont,  was  ready  to  lay  his 
laurels  at  her  feet.  But  Christina  remained  the  same, 
calm  and  unmoved,  and  was  an  interested  and  amused 
spectator  of  the  matrimonial  plans  which  now  formed 
the  all-absorbing  topic  in  the  family  conclave. 

Charles  quickly  reaHzed  the  importance  of  securing 
the  new  Queen's  hand  for  his  son.  As  soon  as  he 
heard  of  Edward's  death,  he  sent  orders  to  his  Am- 
bassador at  Lisbon  to  delay  drawing  up  the  marriage 
contract  which  had  been  agreed  upon  between  Philip 
and  Eleanor's  daughter,  Maria  of  Portugal,  and  wrote 
to  his  son,  setting  forth  the  superior  advantages  of 
the  English  alliance.  Phihp  replied  dutifully  that,  as 
his  cousin  the  Queen  was  twelve  years  older  than 
himself,  his  father  would  be  a  more  suitable  husband, 
but  added  that  he  was  ready  to  obey  the  Emperor's 
will  in  all  respects.^ 

On  the  20th  of  September  Charles  wrote  from 
Valenciennes,  where  he  was  directing  military  opera- 
tions from  his  litter,  to  the  English  Queen.  After 
explaining  that  he  was  too  old  and  infirm  to  think  of 
marriage,  and  had  solemnly  vowed  after  the  Empress's 
death  never  to  take  a  second  wife,  he  offered  her  the 
dearest  thing  he  had  in  life — his  own  son.  He  then 
proceeded  to  point  out  the  great  advantages  of  the 
proposed  union,  while  at  the  same  time  he  advised 
Mary  to  observe  the  utmost  caution,  being  "  well 
aware  of  the  hatred  with  which  the  English,  more  than 
any  other  nation,  regard  foreigners."  Mary's  own 
1  Granvelle,  iv.  113,  iig. 


388  CHRISTINA  AT  BRUSSELS         [Bk.  XI 

mind  was  soon  made  up.  In  spite  of  protests  from 
her  subjects  and  remonstrances  from  the  French 
King,  she  was  determined  to  marry  her  cousin.  On 
the  30th  of  October  she  sent  for  the  Imperial  Envoy, 
Renard,  and,  kneeUng  down  before  the  Blessed  Sacra- 
ment in  her  chapel,  she  said  the  Veni  Creator,  and 
took  a  solemn  vow  to  wed  the  Prince  of  Spain. ^ 

The   most  friendly    letters    were    now    exchanged 
between  the  two  Courts.     The  holy  chrism  for  Mary's 
coronation  was  sent  from  Brussels,  with  venison  and 
wild-boar   for    her    table.      Charles   gave   his    future 
daughter  magnificent  tapestries  and  jewels,  and  Mary 
of  Hungary  sent  the  Queen  a  yet  more  precious  gift, 
Titian's  portrait  of  Philip,  telling  her  that,  if  she  stands 
at  some  distance  from  the  canvas,  it  will  give  her  a  good 
idea  of  the  Prince,  only  that  he  is  older  and  more 
bearded  than  he  was  when  the  artist  painted  it  three 
years  ago.    The  Regent  took  care  to  add  that  she  could 
only  lend  the  Queen  the  picture  on  condition  that  it 
should  be  returned  ''  when  the  living  man  joined  her." 
In  reply,  Mary  begged  her  good  aunt  to  pay  her  a 
visit;  but  the  Regent  excused  herself,  owing  to  the 
Emperor's  ill-health,  and  promised  to  come  and  see 
her  later  on,    it  might  be  in  the  Prince's  company. 
The   same   cordial   invitation   was   extended    to    the 
Duchess  of  Lorraine,  who  sent  her  new  maitre  d'hutel, 
Baron  De  Silliers,  to  London  in  April,  1554,  to  con- 
gratulate the  Queen  on  her  marriage.     Mary  made 
Christina   a   present   of   a  fine   diamond,   which    De 
Courrieres  was  desired  to  give  her,  and  when,  on  the 
20th  of  July,  Philip  landed  at  Southampton,  and  the 
wedding  was  celebrated  in  Winchester  Cathedral,  the 
happy  spouse  sent  costly  jewels  to  the  Emperor  and 

^  Mignet,  "  Retraite  de  Charles  V.,"  69,  70. 


Jan.,  1554]    CARDINAL  POLE  AT  BRUSSELS    389 

the  two  Queens,  and  a  beautiful  emerald  to  her  dear 
cousin  the  Duchess. 

In  January  Cardinal  Pole,  the  Papal  Legate,  came 
to  the  monastery  of  Diligam,  near  Brussels,  with  pro- 
posals of  peace  from  the  Pope,  on  his  way  to  con- 
gratulate  Queen   Mary  on   her   accession,   and    help 
to  restore  Catholic  rites  in  the  kingdom.     Pole  was 
known  to  be  averse  to  the  Spanish  marriage,   and 
Charles  had  put  every  obstacle  in  the  way  of  his 
journey  to  England.      On  his  arrival  he  gave  him  a 
very  cold  reception,  and  the  Cardinal  complained  to 
the  Pope  that  the  Emperor  and  Arras  could  not  have 
used  greater  violence,  unless  they  had  taken  a  stick 
to  drive  him  back.^     The  Regent  and  the  Duchess  of 
Lorraine,  however,  were  much  more  friendly  when  he 
dined  wath  them  the  next  day,  after  attending  Mass 
in   the  royal   chapel.     Mary   told   him   that   no   one 
wished  for  peace  more  earnestly  than  herself,  seeing 
how  terribly  her  poor  people  of  the  Netherlands  had 
suffered  from  the  war,  and  Christina  spoke  to  him  of 
her  son  with  tears  in  her  eyes.     When  the  Cardinal 
went  on  to  Fontainebleau,  he  saw  the  young  Duke, 
and  was  able  to  give  him  his  mother's  messages.     But 
he  found  Henry  II.  still  less  amenable  than  Charles, 
and  returned  to  Brussels  convinced  that  his  mission 
was  a  failure  as  far  as  the  hope  of  peace  was  con- 
cerned. 

Before  the  end  of  April  the  French  King  invaded 
Hainault,  at  the  head  of  a  large  army,  and  took  the 
strong  citadel  of  Marienburg.  Namur  was  only  saved 
by  the  promptitude  of  Charles,  who  once  more  took 
the  field,  although  he  could  no  longer  mount  a  horse, 
and  showed  all  his  old  courage  in  this  his  last  cam- 

^  M.  Haile,  "  Life  of  Reginald  Pole,"  432. 

26 


390  CHRISTINA  AT  BRUSSELS         [Bk.  XI 

paign.  After  an  indecisive  battle  at  Renty,  the 
French  retired  with  heavy  loss,  spreading  famine  and 
desolation  in  their  track.  One  act  of  vandalism  for 
which  Henry  was  condemned,  even  by  his  own  cap- 
tains, was  the  destruction  of  Mary  of  Hungary's 
beautiful  palace  of  Binche,  with  its  famous  gardens 
and  treasures  of  art.  The  Queen  received  the  news 
with  equanimity,  saying  that  she  was  proud  of  being 
the  object  of  the  French  King's  vindictiveness,  and 
glad  the  world  should  know  that  she  was  the  Em- 
peror's devoted  servant. 

'*  As  for  the  damage  which  has  been  done,"  she 
wrote  to  Arras,  "  I  do  not  care  a  straw.  I  am  not 
the  woman  to  grieve  over  the  loss  of  things  transitory, 
which  we  are  meant  to  enjoy  as  long  as  we  have  them, 
and  do  without  when  they  are  gone.  That,  upon  my 
word,  is  all  the  regret  I  feel."^ 

In  the  autumn  Christina  made  another  fruitless 
attempt  to  open  negotiations  through  Vaudemont, 
who  after  the  death  of  his  first  wife,  Margaret  of 
Egmont,  was  induced  by  the  Cardinal  of  Lorraine  to 
marry  the  Duke  of  Nemours's  daughter.  This  Prince 
came  to  Brussels  in  November  to  inform  the  Emperor 
and  the  Duchess  of  his  marriage,  and,  as  might  be 
expected,  met  with  a  very  cold  reception  at  Court. 
But,  in  spite  of  his  French  alliance,  he  remained  scru- 
pulously loyal  to  Christina  and  her  son,  and  complained 
to  his  sister  Anne  that  at  Brussels  he  was  reproached 
for  his  French  sympathies,  while  in  Paris  he  was 
looked  on  with  suspicion  as  an  Imperialist.  So  hard 
was  it  to  be  an  honest  man  in  those  troublous  times.^ 

1  Henne,  x.  132  ;  F,  Juste,  "Marie  de  Hongrie,"  204, 

2  Granvelle,  iv,  307 ;  Venetian  Transcript,  Record  Office,  99, 


Sept.,  1554]  A  GAY  COURT  391 


II. 

While  the  war  dragged  on  its  weary  course,  and 
Mary  and  Christina  vainly  tried  to  bring  it  to  an 
end,  on  the  other  side  of  the  Channel  the  new  King 
of  England  and  his  spouse  were  holding  high  festival. 
They  came  to  London  in  September,  and  remained 
there  through  the  winter,  trying  to  win  the  love  of 
their  subjects  by  a  series  of  popular  displays  and 
festivities.  Tournaments  were  held  at  Whitehall, 
hunting-parties  were  given  at  Windsor  and  Hampton 
Court,  and  a  succession  of  distinguished  guests  trav- 
elled from  Flanders  to  pay  homage  to  the  royal  pair. 
Philip's  favourite,  Ruy  Gomez,  and  the  Duke  and 
Duchess  of  Alva,  arrived  from  Spain,  Ferrante 
Gonzaga,  the  Prince  of  Orange,  and  the  Grand  Equerry 
Boussu,  came  over  from  Antwerp  during  the 
autumn.^  On  the  20th  of  November  Cardinal  Pole 
at  length  crossed  the  Channel  ;  four  days  later  he 
was  received  at  Whitehall  by  the  King  and  Queen 
in  person,  and  crossed  the  river  in  the  royal  barge,  to 
take  possession  of  his  own  house  at  Lambeth.  He 
was  soon  followed  by  Emanuel  Philibert,  who  had 
lately  succeeded  to  the  barren  title  of  Duke  of  Savoy 
on  his  father's  death,  and  had  been  made  a  Knight 
of  the  Garter.  Earlier  in  the  summer  he  had  paid 
a  brief  visit  to  London,  where  his  white,  red,  and 
green  banners  of  Savoy  made  a  fine  show  in  the 
Abbey  on  St.  Peter's  Day;  but  as  his  military  duties 
rendered  his  presence  in  Flanders  imperative,  his 
Ambassador,  Stroppiana,  came  to  Windsor  in  October, 

^  Gachard,  iv.  19. 


392  CHRISTINA  AT  BRUSSELS         [Bk.  xi 

to   be   invested   with   the  Garter^   as  proxy   for  his 
master. 

It  was  not  till  Christmas  Eve  that  the  Duke  himself 
landed  at  Dover,  after  a  very  rough  passage,  and  made 
his  way  to  Whitehall,  where  Philip  and  Mary  re- 
ceived him  with  great  honour,  and  showed  him  all 
the  sights  of  London.  On  the  7th  of  January  the 
Lord  High  Admiral  took  him  by  water  to  see  the 
great  guns  at  the  Tower,  and  on  St.  Paul's  Day  he 
accompanied  the  King  and  the  Cardinal  in  state 
to  the  Cathedral  for  the  patronal  feast.  A  pro- 
cession of  160  priests  bearing  crosses,  walked  round 
the  churchyard,  with  the  children  of  Paul's  School 
and  the  Greyfriars,  singing  '*  Salve,  Festa  Dies !" 
and  passed  in  through  the  great  west  doors.  After 
Mass  a  state  banquet  was  held,  with  great  ringing 
of  bells,  and  bonfires  blazed  in  all  the  streets  of 
London  throughout  the  night  .^ 

Emanuel  Philibert's  visit  revived  the  rumour  of  a 
marriage  between  him  and  the  Princess  Elizabeth, 
which  the  Emperor  had  suggested  some  months  before. 
Whether  from  policy  or  genuine  regard,  Philip  had 
espoused  his  sister-in-law's  cause  and  refused  to  allow 
Mary  to  send  her  abroad  or  keep  her  away  from  Court. 
The  Duke  of  Savoy  was  a  pleasant  and  good-looking 
Prince,  whose  martial  appearance  and  genial  manners 
made  him  very  popular  in  England.  But  Elizabeth 
herself  quite  declined  to  listen  to  this  proposal, 
saying  that  she  would  never  marry  a  foreigner, 
and,  since  there  now  seemed  good  hope  of  the  birth 
of  an  heir  to  the  crown,  the  question  of  the  succession 
was  no  longer  of  the  first  importance.     Something, 

1  Ashmole,  "  The  Order  of  the  Garter,"  383. 

2  Machyn,  "  Diary,"  66,  79,  81. 


Jan.,  1555]       A  ROYAL  GODMOTHER  393 

however,  must  be  done  to  pacify  the  Duke,  who  com- 
plained bitterly  of  the  Emperor's  neglect,  and,  seeing 
little  chance  of  recovering  Savoy,  asked  the  King  for 
the  viceroyalty  of  Milan,  which  Ferrante  Gonzaga,  on 
his  part,  refused  to  surrender.  Philip  could  think  of 
no  better  plan  to  gratify  his  cousin  and  retain  his 
services  than  to  give  him  the  hand  of  the  Duchess  of 
Lorraine,  a  Princess  whom  he  was  known  to  regard 
with  great  affection.^ 

Accordingly  the  King  and  Queen  sent  pressing 
invitations  to  Christina,  begging  her  to  come  to 
England  as  soon  as  possible.  Before  she  could 
comply  with  their  request,  she  had  to  keep  an  old 
engagement  to  be  present  at  the  christening  of  Count 
Egmont's  infant  daughter,  which  took  place  on  the 
evening  of  the  19th  of  January.  The  Queen  of 
England  had  graciously  consented  to  be  one  of  the 
godmothers,  while  the  Duchess  of  Lorraine  w^as  the 
other,  and  the  Palatine  Frederic  stood  godfather  to 
his  kinswoman's  little  daughter.  Mary  wrote  to  the 
Duchess  of  Aerschot,  begging  Anne  to  represent  her 
on  this  occasion,  and  sent  a  costly  gold  cup  containing 
forty  angels  to  her  godchild  by  the  new  Ambassador, 
Sir  John  Masone.  The  Palsgrave,  not  to  be  out- 
done, sent  the  child  a  diamond  cross,  and  another 
one,  set  with  rubies,  diamonds,  and  emeralds,  to  the 
mother.  Anne  and  Christina  were  both  present  at 
the  christening,  which  was  attended  by  all  the  Court, 
"  everything,"  wrote  Masone,  "  being  very  richly 
ordered,  the  supper  and  banquet  right  stately,  and 
Her  Majesty's  cup  so  walked  up  and  down,  from  man 
to  woman,  and  woman  to  man,  as  I  dare  answer  few 
were  there  that  did  not  go  full  freighted  to  bed." 

^  Granvelle,  iv.  341;  F,  de  Noailles,  "  Ambassades,"  v.  42. 


394  CHRISTINA  AT  BRUSSELS         [Bk.  xi 

Sir  John  further  told  the  Countess  in  what  good 
part  her  request  to  make  her  daughter  a  Christian 
woman  had  been  taken  by  his  royal  mistress,  who 
would  willingly  have  done  the  same  in  person,  had 
the  distance  not  been  so  great,  and  Sabina  sent  her 
most  humble  thanks  to  the  Queen,  saying  that,  as  she 
already  had  one  daughter  called  Mary,  she  had 
decided  to  name  the  infant  Mary  Christina,  after  her 
two  godmothers.^ 

When  this  function  was  over,  Christina  began  to 
prepare  for  her  journey  to  England,  but  the  weather 
was  so  tempestuous  that  she  did  not  cross  the  Channel 
until  the  first  days  of  March.  She  rode  from  Dover, 
by  way  of  Canterbury,  to  London,  where  the  King 
and  Queen  received  her  in  the  most  cordial  manner, 
Philip  made  no  secret  of  his  affection  for  his  cousin, 
the  only  woman  in  his  family  with  whom  he  had  ever 
been  intimate,  and  Mary,  in  the  first  flush  of  her 
wedded  happiness  and  in  the  proud  expectation  of 
soon  being  a  mother,  welcomed  Christina  warmly. 
Unluckily,  we  have  no  particulars  of  the  Duchess's 
visit  to  this  country,  over  which  she  might  have 
reigned  herself  as  Queen.  We  know  that  she  was 
present  with  the  rest  of  the  Court  at  the  great  joust 
held  on  Lad}^  Day  in  the  tilting-yard  at  Whitehall, 
when  Philip  and  a  band  of  knights,  armed  with 
falchions  and  targets,  and  clad  in  blue  and  yellow, 
rode  out  against  two  other  troops  in  red  and  green, 
and  some  200  lances  were  broken .^  But  the  only 
record  that  we  have  of  this  her  first  visit  to  England 
is  a  letter  which  she  wrote  to  Mary  on  returning  to 
Flanders.     She    thanked    the    Queen    for    the    great 

^  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Mary,  Foreign,  150. 
2  Machyn,  82,  84. 


April.  1555]    CHRISTINA'S  GOOD  WISHES         395 

honour  and  kindness  which  she  had  shown  her,  and 
commended  the  captain  of  the  ship  in  which  she 
sailed,  who,  as  Her  Majesty  would  doubtless  learn, 
had  rendered  her  notable  service  on  this  troublesome 
passage : 

"  I  will  say  no  more,"  she  adds,  "  except  to  regret 
that  I  am  no  longer  in  Your  Majesty's  presence  to 
be  able  to  render  you  some  small  service  in  return 
for  all  the  goodness  which  I  have  received  at  your 
hands.  I  beg  God,  Madame,  to  send  you  good  health 
and  long  life,  and  give  you  a  fine  boy,  such  as  you 
desire. 

"  Your  very  humble  and  obedient  cousin 
and  servant, 

"  Chrestienne. 

"A  la  Royne."! 

This  letter  bears  no  date,  but  the  Duchess  certainly 
left  London  before  the  King  and  Queen  went  to 
Hampton  Court  on  the  4th  of  April,  to  spend  Easter 
and  prepare  for  the  happy  event  which  all  England 
was  anxiously  expecting.  She  was  at  Antwerp  with 
her  aunt  a  month  later,  when,  on  the  3rd  of  May, 
"  great  news  came  over  the  seas."  A  messenger  from 
the  English  ships  in  the  port  brought  the  Regent 
word  that  the  Queen  of  England  had  been  "  brought 
to  bed  of  a  young  Prince,"  upon  which  all  the  guns 
in  the  harbour  were  fired,  and  Mary  ordered  the 
big  bells  in  the  Towxr  to  be  rung,  and  sent  the  English 
sailors  a  hundred  crowns  to  drink  the  royal  infant's 
health.  "  I  trust  in  God,"  wrote  Sir  Thomas 
Gresham,  "  that  the  news  is  true."  The  Emperor 
was  more  incredulous,  and  summoned  Masone  to  his 
bedside  at  5  a.m.  the  next  morning,  to  know  what 

^  Record  Office  Manuscripts;  State  Papers,  Foreign,  vi.  351 
(see  Appendix) . 


396  CHRISTINA  AT  BRUSSELS         [Bk.  xi 

he  thought  of  the  matter,  but  soon  satisfied  himself 
that  the  news  was  false. ^ 

The  Savoy  marriage,  which  Philip  was  so  anxious 
to  bring  about,  also  ended  in  smoke.  During  Chris- 
tina's visit,  the  matter  was  brought  forward  and 
eagerly  urged  both  by  the  King  and  Queen.  Charles 
was  no  less  anxious  for  the  marriage,  and  Mary  of 
Hungary  proposed  to  appoint  the  Duke,  Governor  of 
the  Low  Countries  when  she  resigned  the  office.  The 
plan  would  have  been  very  popular  in  Flanders, 
where  the  Duchess  was  beloved  by  all  classes,  and 
was  warmly  supported  by  Egmont  and  Orange.  On 
the  I  St  of  May,  Badoer,  the  Venetian  Ambassador  at 
Brussels,  announced  that  the  marriage  contract  had 
already  been  drawn  up  by  De  Praet,  and  that  the 
Duke  had  started  for  Italy,  disguised  as  a  German, 
and  only  attended  by  one  servant,  to  arrange  his 
affairs  in  Piedmont  before  the  wedding.^ 

The  Venetian's  news  was  apparently  premature, 
but  a  fortnight  later  a  Piedmontese  noble.  Count 
Avignano,  came  to  London  to  consult  Philip  as  to 
the  marriage  and  arrange  further  details  on  his 
master's  behalf.  He  talked  freely  at  table  to  the 
French  and  Venetian  Ambassadors,  Noailles  and 
Michieli,  saying  that  the  Emperor  had  offered  his 
master  the  government  of  the  Netherlands  with  the 
hand  of  Madame  de  Lorraine,  an  arrangement  which 
he  for  his  part  regretted,  thinking  that  the  Duke 
would  be  more  likely  to  recover  his  dominions  if  he 
married  in  France.    But,  since  the  friendship  between 

^  Venetian  Calendar,  vi.  i,  6g;  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Mary, 
Foreign  165;  J.  W.  Burgon,  "Life  of  Sir  Thomas  Gresliam," 
i.  168. 

2  Record  Office  Manuscripts,  Venetian  Transcripts,  1555, 
No.  99. 


May,  1555]     DUKE  OF  SAVOY'S  MARRIAGE      397 

his  lord  and  the  Duchess  was  so  great,  he  saw  no 
hope  of  any  other  alhance,  and  the  marriage  was,  in 
fact,  considered  by  the  Emperor  and  all  his  family 
to  be  practically  settled.^ 

Emanuel  Philibert,  like  m.any  others,  evidently 
felt  the  power  of  Christina's  fascination,  and  enjoyed 
a  large  share  of  her  intimacy.  But  he  does  not  seem 
to  have  shown  any  great  eagerness  for  the  marriage, 
whether  it  was  that,  as  Avignano  said,  it  would  be 
a  bar  to  the  recovery  of  his  States,  or  whether  he 
recognized  the  Duchess's  own  insuperable  objection 
to  matrimony. 

When,  towards  the  end  of  May,  a  party  of  Enghsh 
Commissioners  met  the  French  and  Imperial  deputies 
at  Marck,  a  village  near  Calais,  to  treat  of  peace,  an 
offer  was  made  by  the  French  to  give  Henry  II's. 
sister  Margaret  to  the  Duke  of  Savoy.  The  Imperial 
deputies  expressed  a  doubt  if  this  were  possible,  as 
the  Duke's  word  was  already  pledged;  but  Cardinal 
Pole  replied  that  the  Prince  was  quite  free,  and  ready 
to  agree  to  any  proposal  by  which  he  could  recover  his 
realm.  These  negotiations,  however,  were  soon  broken 
off,  and  on  Philip's  return  to  Brussels  in  September 
the  old  scheme  of  the  Lorraine  marriage  was  revived 
with  fresh  ardour.  When  the  Duke  of  Savoy  returned 
from  Italy  in  August,  the  Regent  made  him  attend 
the  meetings  of  the  Council,  and  treated  him  in  all 
ways  as  her  future  successor,  hoping  by  this  means 
to  obtain  his  consent  to  her  wishes.  But  both 
Emanuel  Philibert  and  Christina  remained  of  the 
same  mind,  and  neither  Philip's  entreaties  nor  Mary 
of  Hungary's  angry  reproaches  could  alter  their 
resolution.  The  Duke  pleaded  poverty  as  an  excuse, 
^  Noailles,  v.  74,  80.;  Venetian  Calendar,  vi.  i,  151. 


398  CHRISTINA  AT  BRUSSELS         [Bk.  XI 

lamenting  his  inability  to  offer  his  wife  a  home  and 
station  worthy  of  her  rank,  and  was  evidently  deter- 
mined to  sacrifice  his  affections  to  poHtical  ex- 
pediency, although,  as  the  French  Ambassador  re- 
ported, "  he  still  made  love  through  the  window  to 
Madame  de  Lorraine."^ 


III. 

Charles  V.'s  intention  to  abdicate  his  throne  had 
long  been  declared.  For  many  years  he  had  looked 
forward  to  the  time  when  he  should  lay  down  the 
burden  of  public  affairs  and  retire  from  the  world,  to 
end  his  days  in  some  peaceful  cloister.  The  in- 
creasing infirmities  under  which  he  groaned,  his 
inability  to  attend  either  camp  or  council,  and  finally 
the  death  of  his  mother,  Queen  Joanna,  in  April, 
1555,  all  helped  to  hasten  the  execution  of  his  resolve. 
Only  the  continuation  of  the  war  and  the  absence 
of  his  son  still  made  him  hesitate. 

The  same  indecisive  warfare  as  before  was  carried 
on  through  the  year.  The  Prince  of  Orange,  who 
now  held  the  chief  command,  succeeded  in  keeping 
the  foe  at  bay,  and  built  the  citadels  of  Charlemont 
and  Philippeville  for  the  defence  of  the  frontier. 
But  everyone  was  heartily  tired  of  the  campaign, 
and  both  parties  gladly  availed  themselves  of  the 
opportunity  afforded  by  an  exchange  of  prisoners, 
to  renew  negotiations  in  the  autumn.  Christina 
once  more  exerted  herself  in  this  direction,  and 
Vaudemont,  who  came  to  Brussels  in  October  to 
take  leave  of    the  Emperor,  was  employed  to  make 

*  Noailles,  v.  191 ;  Venetian  Calendar,  vi.  i,  211 ;  P.  Friedmann, 
"  Les  Depcches  dc  Michieli,"  42. 


Sept..  1555]     PHILIP  LEAVES  ENGLAND  399 

fresh  overtures  to  the  French  King.  But  many 
months  passed  before  any  conclusion  was  reached.^ 
Charles  had  always  hoped  that  his  sister  would 
remain  at  her  post  when  he  left  the  Netherlands, 
feeling  how  invaluable  her  help  would  prove  to  Philip. 
But  Mary  was  inflexible  on  this  point.  In  a  noble 
letter  which  she  wrote  at  the  end  of  August,  she 
reminded  him  that  fifteen  years  before  she  had  begged 
to  be  released  from  her  arduous  post  in  order  to 
devote  herself  to  the  care  of  her  unhappy  mother, 
and  that,  now  this  privilege  could  no  longer  be  hers, 
she  wished  to  spend  the  rest  of  her  life  in  Spain  with 
her  sister.  Queen  Eleanor. 

*'  And  however  great,"  she  adds  significantly,  "  my 
affection  for  the  King  my  nephew  may  be,"  in 
Badoer's  graphic  phrase,  "  he  hates  and  is  hated  by 
her  " — "  Your  Majesty  will  understand  that  at  my 
age  it  would  be  very  hard  to  begin  learning  my  ABC 
over  again.  A  woman  of  fifty,  who  has  held  office 
twenty-four  years,  ought,  it  seems  to  me,  to  be  content 
to  serve  one  God  and  one  Master  for  the  rest  of  her 
life."  2 

There  was  nothing  more  to  be  said,  and  Charles 
agreed  to  Philip's  wish  that  for  the  present  the  Duke 
of  Savoy  should  be  appointed  Lieutenant-Governor 
of  the  Low  Countries.  At  length  Philip  succeeded 
in  tearing  himself  from  the  arms  of  his  sorrow^ful 
Queen,  promising  to  be  back  in  a  fortnight  or  three 
weeks.  From  her  palace  windows  at  Greenwich, 
Mary  waved  her  last  farewells  to  the  King,  as  he 
sailed  down  the  Thames.  He  for  his  part  was  nothing 
loth  to  leave  his  fretful  and  melancholy  wife,  and 
was  satisfied  that  she  would  never  bear  him  a  child. 

^  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Mary,  Foreign,  189. 
2  Granvelle,  iv   469. 


400  CHRISTINA  AT  BRUSSELS         [Bk.  xi 

On  the  8th  of  September  he  reached  Brussels,  and 
went  straight  to  see  his  father  in  the  Casino,  near 
the  Louvain  gate  of  the  park,  where  he  was  spending 
the  hot  weather.  Charles  embraced  his  son  tenderly, 
and  after  an  hour's  conversation  Philip  went  on  to 
sup  with  Queen  Mary  and  Christina  on  their  return 
from  hunting.  On  the  17th  and  i8th  he  attended 
the  Requiem  Masses  held  in  S.  Gudule  for  the  late 
Queen  Joanna,  and  afterwards  joined  in  a  grand 
hunting-party  given  by  the  Regent  in  his  honour. 

The  nobles  now  flocked  to  Brussels  to  be  present 
at  the  Emperor's  abdication.  The  Prince  of  Orange 
arrived  from  the  camp  near  Liege,  and  his  young  wife, 
Anne  of  Egmont,  was  hospitably  entertained  by  the 
Duchess  of  Aerschot.  Friday,  the  25th  of  October, 
was  the  day  fixed  for  the  great  ceremony.  On  this 
afternoon,  at  three  o'clock,  the  Emperor  left  the 
Casino  with  Phihp  and  the  Duke  of  Savoy,  and  rode 
to  the  palace  on  his  mule.  An  hour  later  he  entered 
the  great  hall,  hung  with  the  tapestries  of  Gideon's 
Fleece,  wearing  his  mourning  robes  and  the  collar  of 
the  Order,  and  leaning  on  the  Prince  of  Orange's 
arm.  He  was  followed  by  Mary  of  Hungary,  Philip, 
and  the  Duke  of  Savoy,  who  took  their  places  on  the 
dais  at  the  Emperor's  side,  while  the  Knights  of  the 
Fleece,  the  great  nobles  and  Ambassadors,  occupied 
seats  below.  The  deputies,  over  a  thousand  in 
number,  who  thronged  the  hall,  rose  to  their  feet  to 
receive  the  Emperor,  and  then  sat  down  to  hear  the 
chief  Councillor,  Philibert  of  Brussels,  deliver  a 
speech,  explaining  the  reasons  for  His  Majesty's 
abdication.  Then  Charles  himself  addressed  the  vast 
assembly.  In  moving  words  he  recalled  the  day, 
forty  years  before,  when,  a  boy  of  fifteen,  he  had  been 


Oct.,  1555]    THE  EMPEROR'S  ABDICATION      401 

declared  of  age  by  his  grandfather,  the  Emperor 
Maximilian,  and  glanced  briefly  at  the  long  record 
of  wars  and  journeys,  and  the  other  chief  events  of  his 
reign.  Finally  he  commended  his  successor  to  them, 
asking  them  to  serve  his  son  as  well  as  the}^  had  served 
him,  and  begging  his  loyal  subjects  to  pardon  him 
for  any  injustice  which  he  might  unwittingly  have 
done  them.  Tears  rolled  down  the  great  Emperor's 
cheeks  as  he  spoke  these  last  words,  and  Sir  Thomas 
Gresham,  who  was  present,  says  that  there  was  not 
a  dry  eye  in  the  whole  assembly. 

Christina  was  present  on  this  memorable  occasion. 
In  contemporary  prints  she  is  represented  standing 
by  the  side  of  the  Regent's  chair,  listening  \\dth 
breathless  attention  to  every  word  that  fell  from  her 
uncle's  lips.  She  saw  the  pathetic  scene  between 
the  father  and  son,  when  Charles,  raising  Philip  from 
his  knees  and  clasping  him  in  his  arms,  gave  him 
the  investiture  of  the  Provinces,  and,  turning  to  the 
deputies,  in  a  broken  voice  asked  them  to  excuse 
his  tears,  which  flowed  for  love  of  them.  And  she 
listened  with  still  greater  emotion  to  the  touching 
words  in  which  Mary  begged  the  Emperor  and  the 
States  to  forgive  whatever  mistakes  she  had  made 
out  of  ignorance  or  incapacity,  and  thanked  them 
from  the  depth  of  her  heart  for  their  unfailing  love 
and  loyalty.  Her  speech  produced  a  fresh  burst  of 
tears,  after  which  Charles  thanked  his  sister  for  her 
long  and  faithful  services,  and  Maes,  the  Pensionary 
of  Antwerp,  bore  eloquent  testimony  to  the  undying 
love  and  gratitude  which  the  States  felt  for  the  Queen 
who  had  governed  them  so  well. 

There    were    still    many    formalities    to    be    gone 
through,  many  farewells  to  be  said,  before  Charles 


402  CHRISTINA  AT  BRUSSELS         [Bk.  XI 

could  lay  down  the  sovereign  power.  On  the  day 
after  his  abdication,  the  Archduke  Ferdinand,  his 
favourite  nephew,  arrived  with  affectionate  messages 
from  his  father,  who  found  it  impossible  to  leave 
Vienna  as  long  as  the  war  with  the  Turks  lasted. 
The  next  day  he  went  hunting  with  the  King,  Mary, 
and  Christina,  and  dined  with  them  and  Eleanor. 
On  the  3rd  of  November  he  left  Brussels  again  after 
all  too  short  a  visit,  as  Charles  wrote  to  his  brother. 

Another  guest  who  took  leave  of  the  Emperor  in 
the  same  week  was  Edward  Courtenay,  Lord  Devon- 
shire. This  young  nobleman  of  the  blood  royal  had 
been  exiled  from  England  lest  he  should  marry 
Elizabeth,  and  had  been  so  often  seen  in  the  palace 
during  the  last  few  months  that  rumour  said  he  was 
going  to  wed  Madame  of  Lorraine.  Now  he  came 
to  thank  her  for  the  "  gentle  entertainment  "  which 
she  had  shown  him,  and  bid  her  a  reluctant  farewell 
before  he  left  for  Italy.  In  the  following  spring  another 
old  friend,  Adolf  of  Holstein,  came  to  Brussels  and 
took  leave  of  the  Emperor.  The  Danish  Prince, 
hearing  that  all  idea  of  the  Savoy  marriage  was 
abandoned,  took  this  opportunity  to  make  a  last 
attempt  to  win  Christina's  hand.  But  not  even  the 
Duke's  constancy  could  induce  her  to  change  her 
mind,  and  he  went  away  disconsolate.^ 

A  fresh  sorrow  awaited  her  in  the  death  of  her 
brother-in-law,  the  Elector  Palatine,  who  breathed  his 
last  at  Alzei,in  the  Lower  Palatinate,  on  the  26th  of 
February,  1 556.  The  fine  old  man  was  in  his  seventy- 
third  year,  and  had  been  tenderly  nursed  all  through 
a  long  illness  by  his  wife.  Three  weeks  before  his 
death  Dorothea  sent  for  his  nephew  and  successor, 
1  Venetian  Calendar,  vi.  603. 


Feb.,  1556]     DEATH  OF  THE  PALATINE  403 

Otto  Heinrich,  who  remained  with  him  to  the  end, 
and  brought  his  body  to  Heidelberg.  Here  he  lay 
in  state  for  three  days  in  the  Court  chapel,  after 
which  his  remains  were  borne  down  the  castle  slopes 
by  eight  noblemen,  and  laid  with  his  forefathers  in 
the  church  of  the  Holy  Ghost.  By  order  of  the  new 
Elector,  he  was  buried  with  Lutheran  rites.  Dorothea 
and  Countess  Helene  followed  on  foot  with  a  long 
train  of  nobles  and  students  of  the  University,  bearing 
lighted  tapers,  and  German  hymns  were  sung  by  the 
Canons  and  school-children.^ 

Christina's  first  impulse  was  to  hasten  to  her 
widowed  sister,  but  neither  the  Emperor  nor  his 
sisters  would  allow  her  to  leave  the  Netherlands 
before  their  departure,  saying  that  she  was  as  dear 
and  indispensable  to  them  as  a  daughter.^  She  was 
present  at  the  Casino  in  the  park  on  the  i6th  of 
January,  when  Charles  resigned  the  kingdoms  of 
Spain  and  Sicily  and  his  dominions  in  the  New  World 
to  Philip,  and  she  accompanied  Mary  to  Antwerp 
when  Philip  held  his  first  Chapter  of  the  Fleece. 
Among  the  new  Knights  elected  at  this  meeting  were 
William  of  Orange,  Philip,  Duke  of  Aerschot,  and 
Christina's  old  friend  Jean  De  Montmorency,  Sieur  de 
Courrieres,  whose  whole  life  had  been  spent  in  the 
Emperor's  service,  and  who  had  deserved  well  of 
Philip  by  helping  to  arrange  his  marriage  with  Mary 
Tudor  .^ 

On  the  5th  of  February,  1556,  the  long-protracted 
peace  negotiations  were  brought  to  a  happy  conclusion, 
and  a  five  years'  truce  was  signed  at  the  Abbey  of  Vau- 
celles,near  Cambray,byLalaingon  Philip's  part  and  by 

1  L.  Haiisser,  i.  630.  2  Venetian  Calendar,  vi.  197, 

3  De  ReifEenberg,  "  Histoire  de  la  Toison  d'Or,"  451. 


404  CHRISTINA  AT  BRUSSELS         [Bk.  XI 

Coligny  on  that  of  Henry.  Both  parties  were  to  retain 
their  conquests,  and  the  chief  prisoners  on  both  sides 
were  to  be  released .  On  Lady  Day  the  French  Admiral 
brought  the  treaty  to  be  confirmed  by  the  King  at 
Brussels,  and  was  received  by  Philip  in  the  palace. 
By  an  unlucky  chance,  the  great  hall  in  which  the 
reception  took  place  was  hung  with  tapestries  repre- 
senting the  defeat  of  Pavia  and  surrender  of  Francis  I . 
This  wounded  the  vanity  of  the  French  lords,  and  the 
King's  jester,  Brusquet,  who  had  accompanied 
Coligny,  determined  to  have  his  revenge  on  the 
haughty  Spanish  Prince.  So  the  next  morning  at 
Mass  in  the  Court  church,  when  Philip  was  in  the 
act  of  taking  his  oath  on  the  Gospels  to  keep  the  truce, 
Brusquet  suddenly  raised  a  cry  of  "  Largesse  !"  and, 
taking  a  handful  of  French  crowns  from  a  sack  which 
his  valet  carried,  flung  them  to  the  crowds  who  had 
collected  in  the  great  hall  adjoining  the  chapel.  The 
King  looked  round  in  surprise  at  Coligny,  who 
stood  dumbfounded,  while  men,  women,  and  children, 
rushed  to  pick  up  the  coins  on  the  floor,  and  had  to 
be  warned  off  by  the  archers'  pikes.  The  King  was 
about  to  ask  angrily  by  what  right  the  French  did 
largesse  in  his  palace,  when  both  Queen  Mary  and 
Madame  de  Lorraine  burst  into  uncontrollable  fits  of 
laughter,  in  which  Philip  joined  so  heartily  that  he 
had  to  cling  to  the  altar  to  save  himself  from  falling. 
This  absurd  incident  was  related  to  Charles  when, 
on  the  following  Sunday  of  Pdques-fleuries,  Coligny 
went  to  visit  him  in  the  Casino.  ''  Well,  Brusquet," 
he  said  to  the  jester,  "  how  are  you  ?  I  hear  you  have 
been  doing  me  fine  largesse  with  your  crowns." 
"  Sire,"  replied  Brusquet,  dropping  on  one  knee, 
"  you  take  the  words  out  of  my  mouth  in  condescend- 


May,  1556]  LAST  FESTIVITIES  405 

ing  to  notice  a  worm  like  myself."  And  the  poor  fool 
went  home  to  boast  of  his  interview  with  the  great 
Emperor  to  the  end  of  his  life.^ 

A  grand  tournament  was  held  in  the  park  at  Brussels 
to  celebrate  the  conclusion  of  the  truce,  and  Egmont 
distinguished  himself  above  all  competitors  by  his 
prowess.  But  a  quarrel  arose  between  Philip  and 
his  aunt,  Mary  of  Hungary,  who  complained  of  the 
disrespect  with  which  her  nephew  and  his  Spanish 
courtiers  treated  her,  saying  that,  although  she  had 
laid  down  the  Regency,  she  expected  to  be  treated 
with  the  honour  due  to  a  Queen.  She  retired  to  her 
own  domain  at  Turnhout,  but  had  her  revenge  a 
few  weeks  later,  for  the  States  proved  so  unwilling  to 
grant  the  aids  demanded  by  the  King  that  Philip  was 
forced  to  send  Arras  to  beg  for  his  aunt's  help.  Mary 
consented  to  return  as  soon  as  she  had  despatched 
her  most  urgent  private  affairs,  and  so  invaluable 
was  her  influence  with  the  Council,  that  Philip  joined 
his  father  in  entreating  her  to  remain  at  Brussels 
during  his  absence  in  England.  This,  however,  Mary 
quite  refused  to  do,  saying  that  the  Duke  of  Savoy 
would  no  doubt  prove  an  excellent  substitute.^ 

The  King  and  Queen  of  Bohemia,  whom  Charles 
was  very  anxious  to  see  before  his  departure, 
and  whose  journey  had  been  repeatedly  delayed,  at 
length  reached  Brussels  on  the  i8th  of  July.  Their 
presence  was  the  signal  for  a  last  series  of  festivities. 
There  were  jousts  on  the  Grande  Place,  banquets  in 
the  hotel-de-ville,  hunting-parties  at  Groenendal  in  the 
forest  of  Soignies,  and  suppers  at  the  Villa  Laura, 

^  G.  Ribier,  "  Lettres  et  Memoires  d'£tat,"  ii.  634;  T.  Juste, 
94;  Venetian  Calendar,  vi.  369. 

2  Venetian  Calendar,  vi.  421,443,457;  T.  Juste,  loi;  Gachard, 
"  Retraite,"  etc.,  i.  41. 

27 


406  CHRISTINA  AT  BRUSSELS        [Bk.  xi 

where  Mary  entertained  her  nephews  and  nieces  at 
an  open-air  concert.  King  Max  was  in  high  spirits. 
He  made  great  friends  with  the  Venetian  Badoer,  and 
frankly  avowed  his  dishke  of  the  Spaniards,  saying, 
with  a  ringing  laugh,  that  he  was  glad  to  hear  the 
English  had  taught  them  a  lesson  or  two.  The  visit 
was  not  without  its  political  intention,  and  Maximilian 
succeeded  in  persuading  his  uncle  to  consent  to 
Ferdinand's  entreaty,  and  retain  the  imperial  title 
for  the  present,  in  order  to  avoid  any  dispute  on  the 
question  of  the  succession.^ 

When  his  daughter  and  her  husband  left  Brussels, 
on  the  8th  of  August,  Charles  felt  himself  a  free  man. 
At  half-past  four  in  the  afternoon  he  set  out  for 
Ghent,  after  receiving  the  farewells  of  the  chief 
nobles  and  Bishops.  Many  were  in  tears,  but  the 
Emperor  remained  calm  and  serene  until  he  rode 
out  of  the  gates,  escorted  for  the  last  time  by  his 
faithful  archers.  Then,  turning  round,  he  took  a  last 
long  look  at  the  city  towers  and  wept  bitterly.  "  Every- 
one about  him  was  in  tears,"  says  Badoer,  "  and 
many  wept  when  he  was  gone."^  Christina  accom- 
panied her  aunts  to  Ghent  a  few  days  later,  and  went 
on  at  the  end  of  the  month  with  the  Queens  and 
Emperor^to^^Zeeland,  to  wait  for  a  fair  wind.  On  the 
15th  of  October  Charles  embarked  at  Flushing,  and 
his  sisters  followed  on  another  ship.  Tw^o  days 
later  an  easterly  breeze  sprang  up  and  the  fleet  set 
sail.  Christina  stood  on  the  shore  till  the  ship  which 
bore  the  great  Emperor  from  his  native  land  dropped 
below  the  horizon.  Then  she  retraced  her  steps 
sorrowfully  to  join  her  children  at  Ghent. 

1  Lanz,  iii.  709;  Venetian  Calendar,  vi.  537. 
^  Venetian  Despatches,  90  (Record  Of&ce). 


Oct.,  1556]  FRUSTRATED  WISHES  407 


IV. 

When  her  uncle  and  aunts  were  gone,  Christina 
felt  that  there  was  nothing  more  to  keep  her  at 
Brussels.  She  had  already  thought  of  retiring  to  her 
dower  city  of  Tortona,  but  the  castle  was  occupied 
by  a  Spanish  garrison,  and  while  the  war  lasted  the 
Lombard  cit}^  was  hardly  a  safe  place.  This  being 
the  case,  she  asked  Philip's  leave  to  take  up  her 
residence  at  Vigevano,  the  summer  palace  of  the 
Sforzas,  which  the  Duke  had  bequeathed  to  her, 
but  was  told  that  this  house  was  required  for  the 
Viceroy's  use.  After  the  Palatine's  death  she  was 
seized  with  a  longing  to  join  Dorothea,  and  proposed 
to  go  to  Heidelberg,  and  then  on  to  Lorraine,  in  the 
hope  that,  now  peace  was  signed,  the  French  King 
would  allow  her  son  to  enjoy  his  own  again.  But 
there  were  more  difficulties  in  the  way  than  she  had 
anticipated.^ 

Simon  Renard  and  the  other  delegates  to  the  con- 
ference at  Vaucelles  were  especially  charged  to 
include  the  Duke  of  Lorraine's  restoration  among 
their  demands;  but  the  French,  while  professing  the 
utmost  friendship  for  both  the  Duchess  and  her  son, 
pointed  out  that  her  guardianship  would  expire  in 
another  year,  and  that  the  Regent  Vaudemont  and 
the  Guises,  who  were  the  Duke's  nearest  kinsmen, 
agreed  to  his  residence  at  the  French  Court.  In  vain 
Renard  and  Lalaing  protested  at  the  strange  kindness 
shown  to  the  Duchess  in  detaining  her  son.  This 
only  led  to  a  long  wrangle,  which  almost  caused  the 
rupture    of   peace    negotiations,    and    eventually    no 

^  Venetian  Calendar,  vi.  197,  362. 


4o8  CHRISTINA  AT  BRUSSELS         [Bk.  xi 

mention  was  made  of  Lorraine  in  the  articles  of  the 
truce. 

In  May  Christina's  alarm  was  aroused  by  an  in- 
timation from  the  French  Court  that  the  King  was 
going  to  Nancy  to  celebrate  his  daughter  Claude's 
wedding  with  the  Duke,  and  occupy  the  capital  of 
Lorraine.  Fortunately,  Vaudemont  opposed  this 
measure,  saying  that  as  Regent  he  had  sworn  never 
to  give  up  his  post  until  his  nephew  was  of  age,  and 
begged  the  King  to  allow  Charles  to  return  to  Nancy 
and  take  possession  of  his  State  before  his  marriage.^ 
This  unexpected  firmness  on  Vaudemont 's  part  pro- 
duced the  desired  effect.  Henry's  journey  to  Lorraine 
was  put  off  for  a  year,  and  at  the  Duchess's  urgent 
request  the  Cardinal  of  Lorraine  obtained  the  King's 
leave  to  bring  the  boy  to  meet  her  at  the  Castle  of 
Coucy,  near  his  own  house  at  Peronne.  But  when 
Philip  was  asked  to  give  the  Duchess  permission  to 
cross  the  frontier,  he  made  so  many  irksome  con- 
ditions, that  Henry  withdrew  his  promise,  and  the 
long-desired  meeting  was  again  deferred.  Christina 
was  cruelly  disappointed,  and  could  only  take  comfort 
from  Vaudemont 's  assurances  that  before  long  her 
son  would  be  free  from  control  and  able  to  decide  for 
himself.^ 

Philip  on  his  part  was  extremely  anxious  to  keep 
the  Duchess  at  Brussels.  As  Brantome  tells  us,  the 
King  not  only  cherished  great  affection  for  his 
cousin,  but  relied  implicitly  on  her  tact  and  wisdom, 
and,  in  compliance  with  his  entreaties,  she  consented 
to  remain  at  the  palace  and  do  the  honours  of  his 
Court .^     Her  popularity  with   the  nobles  made  her 

^  Granvelle,  iv.  574,  577.  ^  Ibid.,  iv,  701. 

^  Brantome,  xii.  114. 


Oct..  1556]  MARY'S  JEALOUSY  409 

presence  the  more  desirable,  while  the  King  himself 
found  her  company  far  more  to  his  taste  than  that 
of  the  faded  and  fretful  wife  who  awaited  him  in 
England.  Every  post  brought  bitter  reproaches  and 
passionate  prayers  from  the  unhappy  Queen,  whose 
hopes  of  her  lord's  return  were  doomed  to  perpetual 
disappointment.  Already  more  than  a  year  had 
passed  since  he  had  left  England,  and  there  still  seemed 
no  prospect  of  his  return.  First  the  peace  confer- 
ences, then  the  King  of  Bohemia's  visit  and  the 
Emperor's  departure,  were  pleaded  as  excuses  for 
these  prolonged  delays.  When  the  fleet  that  bore 
the  Emperor  to  Spain  was  seen  off  Dover,  the 
Admiral  who  visited  His  Majesty  on  board,  brought 
back  messages  to  say  that  the  King  would  shortly 
cross  the  Channel.  On  hearing  this,  Mary's  spirits 
rose,  and  it  was  only  by  Philip's  express  desire  that 
she  refrained  from  going  to  meet  him  at  Dover.  In 
October  the  royal  stables  and  equerries  arrived,  but 
Philip  himself  wTote  that  the  war  which  had  broken 
out  in  Italy  between  Alva,  the  Viceroy  of  Naples,  and 
Pope  Paul  IV.,  compelled  him  to  return  to  Brussels. 
Then  Mary  broke  into  a  passion  of  rage  mingled  with 
sobs  and  tears,  and  shut  herself  up  in  her  room,  re- 
fusing to  see  any  visitors.  The  dulness  of  the  Court 
had  become  intolerable ;  there  were  no  fetes  and  few 
audiences,  and  the  Ambassadors  with  one  accord 
begged  to  be  recalled.  The  Queen's  ill-temper  vented 
itself  on  all  who  approached  her  presence,  and  even 
in  public  she  occasionally  gave  way  to  paroxysms 
of  fury.^  Suspicions  of  her  husband's  fidelity  to  his 
marriage  vows  now  came  to  increase  her  misery. 
When  she  heard  of  Philip  going  on  long  hunting- 
^  P.  Friedmann,  254-267;  Noailles,  v.  355,  362. 


4IO  CHRISTINA  AT  BRUSSELS         [Bk.  xi 

parties  with  the  Duchess  of  Lorraine,  and  dancing 
with  her  at  masques,  she  was  seized  with  transports 
of  rage,  and,  rushing  at  the  portrait  of  her  husband 
which  hung  over  her  bed,  was  w^ith  difficulty  restrained 
from  cutting  it  to  pieces.^ 

Meanwhile  a  rival  to  Christina  appeared  at  Court 
in  the  person  of  the  King's  half-sister  Margaret, 
Duchess  of  Parma.  This  Princess,  the  illegitimate 
daughter  of  Charles  V.  and  Margaret  Van  Gheynst, 
a  beautiful  maiden  in  the  Countess  Lalaing's  service, 
was  born  at  Oudenarde  in  1522,  and  brought  up  under 
the  eye  of  the  Archduchess  Margaret.  At  thirteen 
she  was  married  to  Alessandro  de'  Medici,  Duke  of 
Florence,  with  whom  she  led  a  miserable  life  until 
this  worthless  Prince  was  murdered  by  his  cousin  in 
1537.  Her  second  union,  with  Ottavio  Farnese, 
Pope  Paul  III.'s  grandson,  proved  little  happier. 
Ottavio  was  an  intractable  boy  of  thirteen  when  he 
married  her  in  November,  1538,  and  the  quarrels  of 
the  young  couple  fill  pages  of  the  Emperor's  corre- 
spondence in  the  archives  of  Simancas.  After  the 
Duke's  return  from  the  expedition  to  Algiers,  a 
reconciliation  was  effected,  and  Margaret  bore  a  son, 
who  became  the  famous  captain  Alexander  of  Parma. 
But  the  Farnese  were  always  a  thorn  in  the  Emperor's 
side,  and,  by  joining  with  his  foes  at  a  critical  moment, 
involved  him  in  the  gravest  disaster  of  his  life.  Now 
harmony  was  restored  in  the  family  circle,  and  when 
the  war  with  Paul  IV.  broke  out,  Philip  secured 
Ottavio 's  alliance  by  giving  him  the  citadel  of 
Piacenza.  Margaret  and  her  3'^oung  son  came  to  the 
Netherlands   to   pay  their  respects  to  the  King   and 

1  Friedmann,  56;  Noaillcs,  "  Affaires  Iitrangeres  :  Angleterre," 
xix.  (Bibliotheque  Nationale). 


Dec,  1556]     THE  DUCHESS  OF  PARMA  411 

thank  him  for  this  mark  of  his  favour.  They  arrived 
at  Christmas,  in  the  depths  of  the  severest  winter 
that  had  been  known  for  many  years.  The  Scheldt 
was  frozen  over  at  Antwerp,  and  the  Court  was  busy 
with  wdnter  sports,  in  which  Phihp  and  Christina 
took  an  active  part,  playing  games  and  sleighing  in 
the  park,  and  attending  a  masked  ball  given  by  Count 
Lalaing  on  the  ice.-"^ 

The  Duchess  of  Parma  was  received  with  due 
honour  at  Court,  and  was  cordially  welcomed  by 
Christina,  who  had  known  her  as  a  child.  A  handsome 
woman  of  thirty-five,  she  resembled  her  Flemish 
mother  more  than  her  imperial  father,  and  bore  few 
traces  of  her  Habsburg  origin.  She  had  none  of 
Christina's  distinction  and  refinement,  while  her 
manners  were  too  haught}^  to  please  the  Flemish 
nobles.  But  she  had  a  keen  eye  to  her  own  interests, 
and  the  atmosphere  of  deception  and  intrigue  in 
which  her  married  life  had  been  spent  had  taught 
her  to  adapt  herself  to  circumstances.  She  contrived 
to  make  herself  agreeable  both  to  Philip  and  Chris- 
tina, with  whom  most  of  her  time  was  spent.  The 
new  Venetian  Ambassador,  Soranzo,  paid  his  respects 
to  the  two  ladies  on  his  arrival,  and  found  both  of 
them  very  friendly  and  pleasant.  The  Duchess  of 
Lorraine,  as  Badoer  had  frequently  remarked,  was 
ahvays  particularly  cordial  to  the  Venetian  Signory, 
to  whom  her  first  husband,  the  Duke  of  Milan,  owed 
so  much.  At  the  same  time  the  Queen  of  England, 
anxious  to  show  civility  to  her  husband's  family, 
sent  Sir  Richard  Shelley  to  give  the  Duchess  of 
Parma  a  sisterl}^  welcome,  and  invite  her  to  come  to 
London  .2 
-  Venetian  Calendar,  vi.  863.  ^  Ibid.   vi.  914,  932. 


412  CHRISTINA  AT  BRUSSELS        [Bk.  xi 

In  the  midst  of  the  Christmas  festivities,  news 
reached  Brussels  of  a  treacherous  attempt  of  the 
French,  under  Cohgny,  to  surprise  Douay.  Fortu- 
nately the  plot  was  discovered  in  time;  but  the  truce 
was  broken,  and  every  day  fresh  incursions  were  made 
by  the  French,  which  naturally  produced  reprisals. 
The  rupture  was  complete,  and,  in  his  anxiety  to 
secure  the  help  of  England  in  the  coming  struggle, 
the  King  at  length  crossed  the  Channel,  and  joined 
Mary  at  Greenwich  on  the  21st  of  January,  1557. 
Political  exigencies  had  done  more  to  hasten  his 
return  than  all  his  wife's  prayers  and  tears,  but  in 
her  joy  she  recked  little  of  this,  and  guns  were  fired 
and  Te  Deums  chanted  throughout  the  realm. 
Before  leaving  Brussels,  Philip  had  made  arrange- 
ments for  the  two  Duchesses  to  follow  him  in  a 
few  days.  Their  society,  he  felt,  would  help  to 
dispel  the  gloom  of  Mary's  Court,  and  Margaret's 
coming  would  allay  any  jealousy  which  Christina's 
visit  might  excite.  Another  and  more  important 
motive  for  his  cousin's  presence  in  England  at  this 
moment  was  his  anxiety  to  revive  the  old  scheme  of 
a  marriage  betweerl  the  Princess  Elizabeth  and  the 
Duke  of  Savoy.  Mary's  state  of  health  made  her 
sister's  marriage  a  matter  of  the  highest  importance, 
and  the  new  quarrel  with  France  had  put  an  end 
to  the  Duke's  hopes  in  that  quarter.  As  both 
the  French  and  Venetian  Ambassadors  constantly 
affirmed,  Emanuel  Philibert  was  the  only  foreign 
Prince  whom  the  English  would  tolerate,  and  Chris- 
tina herself  told  Vaudemont  that  she  was  going  to 
England,  by  the  King's  wish,  to  bring  back  Madame 
Elizabeth  as  the  Duke  of  Savoy's  bride. ^ 
^  Venetian  Calendar,  vi.  1015,  1080. 


PHILIP  II.  (1554) 
By  Jacopo  da  Trezzo  (British  Museum) 


MARY,  QUEEN  OF  ENGLAND  (1554) 
By  Jacopo  da  Trezzo  (British  Museum) 


MARGARET  OF  AUSTRIA 

DUCHESS    OF    PARMA 

By  Pastorino 


ANTOINE    PERRENOT 

CARDINAL   GRANVELLE 

By  Leone  Leoni 


To /ace  p.  412 


Feb..  1557]     CHRISTINA  AT  WHITEHALL  413 

The  King  had  a  calm  passage  to  Dover,  but  the 
ladies  were  less  fortunate,  for  an  equinoctial  gale 
sprang  up  when  they  were  halfway  across  the 
Channel. 

"  The  Duchesses,"  wrote  Philip's  secretary,  Jean  de 
Courteville,  "  had  to  dance  without  music  between 
Dover  and  Calais,  and  the  results  were  such  as  are 
commonly  the  case  with  travellers  unaccustomed  to 
the  sea.  The  great  festivities  we  are  having  here  this 
Lent  will  grieve  them  the  less."^ 

But  if  the  passage  was  disagreeable,  nothing  was 
lacking  in  the  kindness  of  their  reception.  The  Queen 
sent  her  litter  to  meet  them  at  Dover,  with  chariot 
and  hackney  horses  for  their  suite,  and  at  Gravesend, 
Lady  Lennox  and  Lady  Kildare  were  waiting  to 
conduct  them  in  the  royal  barge  to  Whitehall.  Here 
Philip  received  them  at  the  water-gate,  and  led  them 
up  the  steps  into  the  great  hall,  where  Mar}^  wel- 
comed her  guests.  The  King  and  Queen  who  had 
only  arrived  from  Greenwich  the  day  before  rode 
in  state  through  the  city,  with  the  Lord  Mayor 
carrying  the  sceptre  at  the  head  of  the  guilds  and 
crafts  of  London,  while  a  salute  was  fired  from  the 
Tower  and  bells  rang  from  all  the  churches. 

Both  the  Duchesses  were  lodged  in  the  Palace  of 
Westminster,  Christina  in  rooms  on  the  ground-floor, 
looking  on  the  gardens,  and  Margaret  in  an  apart- 
ment on  the  upper  floor,  commanding  a  view  of  the 
Thames  .2  Soon  after  their  arrival  another  visitor 
was  brought  by  the  Bishop  of  London  to  see  Their 
Majesties — an  Envoy  from  the  Czar  of  Muscovy, 
who  was  lodged  in  Fenchurch  Street,  as  the  guest  of 

1  Kervyn  de  Lettenhove,  "  Relations  des  Pays-Bas  avec 
I'Angleterre,"  i.  67.  2  Gachard,  iv.  25. 


414  CHRISTINA  AT  BRUSSELS         [Bk.  XI 

the  Company  of  Muscovite  Merchants.  Englishmen 
and  Spaniards,  Lorrainers  and  Italians,  alike  looked 
with  curious  eyes  at  this  stranger  from  the  shores  of 
the  Polar  Sea,  who  was  clad  in  robes  of  Oriental 
splendour,  and  whose  turban  glittered  with  gems. 
He  brought  the  Queen  a  present  of  magnificent  sables 
from  the  Czar,  and  saluted  her  by  bowing  his  whole 
body  down  and  touching  the  ground  with  his  hand. 
In  spite  of  his  strange  clothes  and  barbarous  language, 
he  was  a  cultivated  person,  as  keen  to  see  the  sights 
of  London  as  Christina  herself.  One  day  he  dined 
with  the  Lord  Mayor  in  gorgeous  attire,  another  he 
attended  Mass  at  Westminster  and  saw  St.  Edward's 
shrine,  with  the  relics  which  had  been  fortunately 
preserved  when  the  Abbey  was  plundered.^ 

After  spending  a  fortnight  at  Whitehall,  Philip 
and  Mary  took  their  guests  to  spend  Easter  at 
Greenwich.  On  Maundy  Thursday  the  King  and 
Queen  washed  the  feet  of  a  number  of  poor  beggars, 
and  blessed  the  cramp  rings,  which  were  as  much 
prized  in  Spain  and  Flanders  as  in  England.  Easter 
Day  witnessed  fresh  balls  and  banquets,  dog  and 
bear  fights,  bull- baiting  and  horse-races,  after  which 
a  large  hunting-party  was  given  in  the  park  for  the 
Duchess  of  Lorraine's  amusement.  On  the  22nd  of 
April  the  royal  party  returned  to  Whitehall  for  St. 
George's  Feast.  High  Mass  was  celebrated  in  the 
Abbey  by  the  Bishop  of  Winchester,  and  all  the 
Knights  of  the  Garter,  in  their  mantles  of  royal  blue, 
walked  in  procession  round  the  inner  court  of  the 
palace,  while  the  Queen  and  her  guests  looked  on  from 
a  window  on  the  garden  side.  The  King  and  Queen 
and  all  the  Knights  of  the  Order  attended  vespers  in 

1  Machyn,  130-134. 


April,  1557]         ST.  GEORGE'S  FEAST  415 

the  Abbey,  after  which  the  Muscovite  Envoy  came 
to  take  leave  of  Their  Majesties,  and  dehvered  a  long 
farewell  speech,  which  was  translated  by  an  inter- 
preter into  English  and  Spanish,  expressing  his  hope 
that  these  mighty  Sovereigns  might  live  to  see  their 
children's  children.  Six  English  ships  were  in  readi- 
ness to  escort  the  stranger  across  the  Northern  seas, 
and  prevent  him  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  Norse- 
men, who  were  jealous  of  English  interference  with 
the  trade  of  Muscovy. 

On  Sunday  the  Queen  gave  a  grand  banquet,  and 
appeared  resplendent  in  cloth  of  gold  and  jewels. 
Christina  sat  on  her  right,  and  Margaret,  with  her 
little  son,  on  the  King's  left  hand.  The  next  morning 
the  Duchess  of  Parma  left  for  Italy,  but  Christina, 
at  Philip's  entreaty,  remained  in  London  another 
ten  days.  She  was  already  very  popular  with  the 
English,  and  made  friends  with  Lord  Arundel,  Lord 
Pembroke,  and  several  other  nobles  and  ladies  at 
Court,  while  her  splendid  robes  and  jewels,  her 
numerous  suite  and  fine  horses,  excited  general 
admiration.  In  the  midst  of  the  Court  fetes,  she 
found  time  to  visit  several  shrines  and  places  of 
interest,  and,  while  the  King  was  holding  the  Chapter 
of  the  Garter  on  St.  George's  Day,  went  by  water  to 
the  Tower,  and  was  shown  its  treasures  and  antiquities. 
But  in  one  respect  her  visit  proved  a  failure.  Mary 
refused  to  entertain  any  idea  of  the  Savoy  marriage, 
and  w^ould  not  even  allow  Christina  a  glimpse  of 
Princess  Elizabeth,  who  was  kept  at  Hatfield  in 
strict  seclusion  during  her  visit.  What  was  worse, 
the  Duchess's  presence  revived  all  the  Queen's 
jealousy,  and,  in  spite  of  the  King's  protests,  Christina 
found  it  prudent  to  hasten  her  departure.     All  manner 


4i6  CHRISTINA  AT  BRUSSELS        [Bk.  xi 

of  stories  about  Mary's  dislike  of  the  Duchess  found 
their  way  to  the  French  Court,  and  King  Henry  had 
many  jokes  with  Soranzo  on  the  subject,  and  told 
him  he  heard  that  the  Queen  flew  into  a  frantic 
passion  when  the  King  led  out  his  cousin  to  dance 
at  Greenwich.^ 

Philip  did  his  best  to  atone  for  his  wife's  ill-humour, 
and,  when  Christina  expressed  a  wish  to. visit  Ghent 
on  her  return,  wrote  to  ask  the  Duke  of  Savoy  to  see 
that  she  and  her  daughters  were  well  lodged  and 
entertained  in  the  old  Prinzenhof.  On  the  nth  of 
May  the  Duchess  wrote  a  formal  letter  of  thanks  to 
the  Queen  from  Dover,  acknowledging  the  attentions 
which  she  had  received  from  Her  Majesty  and  all 
her  subjects,  and  on  the  8th  of  June  she  sent  her  a 
second  letter  from  Ghent,  on  behalf  of  the  widow 
and  daughter  of  Sir  Jacques  de  Granado,  a  Brabant 
gentleman  who  had  been  Equerry  to  Henry  VIII. 
and  Edward  VI.,  and  had  met  his  death  by  accident 
during  the  Duchess's  visit.  As  he  rode  into  the 
privy  garden  at  Whitehall  before  the  Queen's 
chariot,  his  bridle  broke,  the  horse  shied  violently, 
and  dashed  his  rider's  head  against  the  wall.  Sir 
Jacques  was  killed  on  the  spot,  and  buried  at  St. 
Dunstan's  in  the  East  two  days  afterwards  with  a 
great  displa}^  of  torches  and  escutcheons.  On  Chris- 
tina's recommendation,  the  Queen  granted  a  pension 
of  ;^5o  to  the  widow,  and  saw  that  she  and  her  children 
were  amply  provided  for.^ 

From  Ghent  the  Duchess  went  to  meet  her  sister 
Dorothea  at  Jiilich,  the  Court  of  the  Duke  of  Cleves 

1  Venetian  Calendar,  vi.  1154;  Kervyn  de  Lettenhove,  i.  68. 

2  Machyn,  135,  136;  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Mary,  Foreign, 
305*  314- 


June,  1557]    THE  VICTORY  OF  ST.  QUENTIN    417 

and  the  Archduchess  Maria.  The  reformed  faith 
was  now  firmly  established  in  the  Palatinate,  and 
Dorothea's  well-known  Lutheran  leanings  were  a 
great  source  of  annoyance  to  her  own  family.  **  The 
Electress  Dorothea,"  wrote  Badoer  from  Brussels 
in  1557,  "is  known  to  be  a  Lutheran  and  against 
the  Emperor,  and  is  as  much  hated  here  as  her  sister 
Christina  is  beloved."  From  his  retreat  at  St.  Yuste, 
Charles  begged  Philip  to  invite  Dorothea  to  settle  at 
Brussels,  "  lest  one  of  our  own  blood  should  openly 
forsake  the  faith."  When  the  Princess  declined  this 
proposal,  Philip  and  Arras  desired  Christina  to  use 
her  influence  to  bring  her  sister  to  a  better  mind. 
But  Dorothea  resisted  all  these  attempts  obstinately, 
and  went  back  to  Neuburg  to  live  among  her 
husband's  kindred  and  worship  God  in  her  own  way.^ 
On  the  I  St  of  June  England  declared  war  against 
France,  and  Philip  returned  to  Brussels,  having 
accomplished  the  object  of  his  journey.  Here  he 
was  joined  by  the  Duchess  of  Lorraine  and  the  Count 
of  Vaudemont,  who  came  to  Flanders  to  try  and 
reopen  peace  negotiations.  But  the  moment,  as 
Arras  told  him,  was  singularly  inopportune,  since 
Philip  was  armed  to  the  teeth  and  had  England  at 
his  back.  On  the  nth  of  August  the  King  left 
Brussels  for  the  camp  before  St.  Quentin,  where  he 
arrived  just  too  late  to  claim  a  share  in  the  brilliant 
victory  gained  by  the  Duke  of  Savoy  and  Egmont 
over  the  French  on  St.  Lawrence's  Day.  The 
Constable  Montmorency,  the  Marshal  St.  Andre, 
Admiral  Coligny,  and  the  Rhinegrave,  were  among 
the  prisoners  made  on  this  memorable  day,  together 
with  all  the  guns  and  fifty-six  colours.     The  news 

^  Graiivelle,  v.  86-113. 


41 8  CHRISTINA  AT  BRUSSELS        [Bk.  xi 

of  this  decisive  victory  was  celebrated  with  great 
joy  both  in  Brussels  and  across  the  Channel.  Te 
Deum  was  sung  in  St.  Paul's,  and  the  loyal  citizens 
of  London  lighted  bonfires  and  sat  up  drinking 
through  the  livelong  night ;  while  in  Paris  the  King 
and  Queen  went  to  Notre  Dame  in  sackcloth,  and 
Henry  II.  carried  the  Crown  of  Thorns  in  procession 
from  the  Sainte  Chapelle.  In  the  lonely  monastery 
far  away  on  the  heights  of  Estremadura,  the  news 
sent  a  thrill  to  the  great  Emperor's  heart,  and  he 
asked  eagerly  in  what  route  his  son  was  marching 
on  Paris.  Had  Philip  followed  this  course,  had  he, 
in  Suriano's  words,  "  taken  Fortune  at  the  flood," 
he  might  have  brought  the  campaign  to  a  triumphant 
close.  But,  with  characteristic  timidity,  he  confined 
himself  to  capturing  St.  Quentin,  and  then  returned 
to  Brussels,  throwing  away  such  an  opportunity  as 
comes  but  once  a  lifetime.^ 

^  Venetian  Calendar,  vi.  1287;  Machyn,  147;  Gachard,  "  Re- 
traite,"  etc.,  176. 


BOOK  XII 

THE  PEACE  OF  CAXEAU-CAMBR^SIS 
1557— 1559 

I. 

The  lull  that  followed  the  decisive  battle  of  St. 
Quentin  afforded  the  Duchess  of  Lorraine  a  favour- 
able opportunity  for  resuming  her  efforts  to  open 
negotiations  between  the  contending  monarchs.  The 
Constable,  after  fighting  like  a  lion  and  receiving  a 
severe  wound,  had  been  made  prisoner,  and  was 
taken  to  the  Castle  of  Ghent,  where  Christina  and 
her  daughters  were  staying.  The  Duchess  paid  him 
daily  visits,  and  brought  him  letters  of  condolence 
from  her  aunt  Eleanor,  who  wrote  that  she  wished 
she  were  still  in  Flanders  to  nurse  her  old  friend. 
More  than  this :  Christina  obtained  leave  for  his  wife 
to  visit  him,  and  even  proposed  that  the  prisoner 
should  be  allowed  to  go  to  France  on  parole.  These 
good  offices  gratified  the  French  King,  who  was  very 
anxious  for  his  favourite's  release,  and  whose  behaviour 
towards  the  Duchess  now  underwent  a  marked 
change.^ 

The  young  Duke  Charles  was  almost  fifteen,  and 
his  marriage  to  the  Princess  Claude  was  fixed  for  the 
following  spring.     With  the  King's  leave,  he  sent  his 

*  F.  Decrue,  "  Montmorency  a  la  Cour  de  Henri  II.,"  207. 

419 


420      PEACE  OF  CATEAU-CAMBRESIS     [Bk.xii 

steward  to  Ghent  to  invite  his  mother  to  the  wedding, 
and  at  the  same  time  make  proposals  of  peace  through 
Montmorency.  These  letters  were  laid  before  Philip 
by  Christina,  and  a  brisk  correspondence  was  carried 
on  between  her  and  the  Constable.  In  December 
Vaudemont  came  to  Brussels,  bringing  portraits  of 
Charles  and  his  bride  as  a  gift  from  Henry  II.  to  the 
Duchess,  and  negotiations  were  actively  pursued.^ 
But  just  when  the  wished-for  goal  at  length  seemed 
to  be  in  sight,  and  Christina  was  rejoicing  to  think 
of  once  more  seeing  her  son,  all  her  hopes  were 
shattered  by  the  Duke  of  Guise's  capture  of  Calais. 
The  surprise  had  been  cleverly  planned  and  brilliantly 
executed.  The  new  fortifications  of  the  town  were 
unfinished,  and  after  a  gallant  resistance  the  little 
garrison  was  overpowered  and  forced  to  capitulate, 
on  the  8th  of  January,  1558.  This  unexpected  success 
revived  the  courage  of  the  French,  and  strengthened 
the  Guise  brothers  in  the  determined  opposition 
which  they  offered  to  peace.  The  star  of  their  house 
was  at  its  zenith,  and  on  the  24th  of  April  the 
marriage  of  their  niece,  the  young  Queen  of  Scots,  to 
the  Dauphin,  w^as  celebrated  with  great  splendour 
at  Paris.  In  deference  to  his  mother's  wishes,  the 
Duke  of  Lorraine's  wedding  was  put  off  till  the 
following  year,  when  he  should  have  attained  his 
majority;  but  he  figured  conspicuously  in  the  day's 
pageant,  and  led  his  lovely  cousin  in  her  lily-white 
robes  and  jewelled  crown  up  the  nave  of  Notre 
Dame  .2 

The  French  King  now  gave  his  consent  to  Vaude- 

^  Venetian  Calendar,  vi.  1346,  1363. 

2  Ruble,  "La  Jeunesse  de  Marie  Stuart,"  153;  Bouille,  i.  455  ; 
Pimodan,  173-180. 


May,  1558]    CHRISTINA  MEETS  HER  SON         421 

mont's  request,  that  a  meeting  should  be  arranged 
between  the  Duke  and  his  mother  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Peronne.     Phihp,  after  his  wont,  raised  many 
difficulties,  and  insisted    that    the    Bishop    of   Arras 
must   be   present   at   the   interview.^     At   length   all 
preliminaries  were  arranged,  and  on  the  ist  of  May 
Charles    left    Paris   with   his   uncle   Vaudemont   and 
Guise's  eldest  son,  Henri,  Prince  of  Joinville,  attended 
by  an  escort  of  200  horse.     The  Duchess  had  already 
arrived   at   Cambray  with   her  daughters   and  xA-nne 
of   Aerschot,  accompanied    by    Egmont,  Arras,  and 
a  great  train  of  courtiers,  and  had  prepared  a  splendid 
reception  for  her  son.     But  at  the  last  moment  fresh 
difficulties    arose.     The    Cardinal    of    Lorraine    sent 
Robertet,  the  King's  secretary,  to  tell   the   Duchess 
that,  although  her  son  was  most  anxious  to  see  her, 
it  would  be  derogatory  to  his  master's  dignity  for 
him  to  enter  King  Phihp 's  territories  as  a  suppliant 
for  peace.     Would   Her  Highness  therefore  consent 
to  come  as  far  as  his  castle  at  Peronne  ?     This  Philip 
quite  refused  to  allow,  and  eventually  the  village  of 
Marcoing,  halfway  between  Cambray    and    Peronne, 
was  fixed  upon  as  the  meeting-place.     An  old  manor- 
house  which  had  been  partty  destro3^ed  in  the    late 
militar}^    operations    was    hastily    repaired    for    the 
occasion,  and  here,  on  the  15th  of  Ma}^  the  much- 
desired  meeting  at  length  took  place  .^     The  French- 
men, who  came  in  riding-clothes,  were  amazed  to  find 
the  splendid  company  awaiting  them.     The  Duchess 
with  the  young  Princesses,  Anne  of  Aerschot,  and  the 
Princess  of  Macedonia,  stood  under  a  bower  of  leafy 
boughs,  and  Egmont  and  the  other  courtiers  were 
all   richly   clad   and   mounted   on   fine   horses.     The 

^  Venetian  Calendar,  vi.  -1471,  1488.         ^  Granvelle,  v.  168. 

28 


422      PEACE  OF  CATEAU-CAMBRESIS     [Bk.  xii 

coming  of  the  guests  was  greeted  by  a  gay  fanfare 
of  trumpets  and  roll  of  drums,  together  with  salutes 
of  artillery.  Then  the  young  Duke,  springing  from 
his  horse,  rushed  into  his  mother's  arms.  At  the 
sight  of  her  boy,  Christina  burst  into  tears  and  almost 
fainted  away.  For  some  minutes  she  remained 
unable  to  speak,  and  the  spectators  were  deeply 
moved  by  her  emotion.  After  repeatedly  embracing 
his  mother,  Charles  kissed  his  sisters  and  aunt,  and 
proceeded  to  salute  Egmont  and  the  rest  of  the  com- 
pany with  charming  grace;  while  the  happy  mother 
followed  his  movements  with  delight,  and  could  not 
take  her  eyes  off  the  tall  and  handsome  youth  whom 
she  had  last  seen  as  a  child,  and  who  had  grown  up 
the  image  of  his  father. 

During  the  conversation  which  followed,  Charles 
spoke  to  his  mother  with  great  good  sense  and  wisdom, 
telling  her  how  kindly  he  was  treated  at  the  French 
Court,  and  how  it  would  be  hard  for  him  to  feel  at 
home  anywhere  else.  But  directly  after  his  marriage 
he  and  his  wife  intended  to  return  to  Nancy,  where  he 
hoped  that  his  mother  would  join  them  and  live  among 
their  own  people.  The  Duchess  and  her  children  now 
sat  down  to  an  exquisite  dejeuner  with  the  Duchess 
of  Aerschot  and  the  Cardinal,  while  Egmont  and  Arras 
entertained  Vaudemont  and  the  Prince  of  Joinville, 
and  the  other  French  gentlemen  dined  with  the 
members  of  Christina's  suite.  After  dinner  three 
Spanish  jennets  which  King  Philip  had  sent  the 
young  Duke  were  led  out,  and  Charles  mounted  a 
spirited  charger  given  him  by  the  French  monarch, 
and  performed  a  variety  of  feats  of  horsemanship 
before  the  company,  to  his  mother's  great  delight. 
Then  the  Duchess  and  her  sister  and  children  retired 


May,  1558]     DUKE  CHARLES  OF  LORRAINE    423 

to  enjoy  each  other's  company  in  private,  leaving 
the  Cardinal  to  confer  with  Arras  and  Egmont. 

The  Cardinal  produced  the  royal  mandate,  and 
Robertet  read  out  Henry's  proposals,  offering  to 
restore  Savoy  to  the  Duke,  but  only  on  condition 
of  receiving  Milan  in  exchange.  All  Arras  would 
say  in  reply  to  these  demands  was  that  they  must 
be  referred  to  his  master,  upon  which  the  Cardinal 
exclaimed  with  some  heat  that  these  were  the 
only  terms  which  the  King  of  France  would  accept. 
"  Thus,"  remarks  the  Venetian  Ambassador,  "  this 
meeting,  which  began  with  such  a  beautiful  outburst 
of  motherly  love  and  tenderness,  ended  in  mutual  re- 
crimination."^ The  Cardinal  then  took  leave  of  the 
company,  after  presenting  the  young  Princesses  and 
their  mother  with  gifts  of  gold  bracelets,  rings,  and 
brooches,  and  receiving  a  box  of  choice  gloves,  per- 
fumed, and  embroidered  in  Italian  fashion  from  the 
Duchess.  As  he  rode  back  to  Peronnc,  he  saw  the 
flames  of  a  burning  village  which  had  been  destroyed 
by  the  Imperialists,  and,  in  spite  of  his  safe-conduct, 
was  seized  with  so  great  a  panic  that  he  hurried  back 
to  Paris,  fearing  his  chateau  might  be  surprised 
by  the  foes.  The  young  Duke  and  Vaudemont 
spent  another  day  with  the  Duchess,  and  only  re- 
turned to  Compiegne  on  the  i8th  of  May.  Here 
Charles  received  the  warmest  of  welcomes  from  the 
royal  family,  who  had  feared  that  he  might  be  induced 
to  remain  with  his  mother.  The  King  threw  his 
arms  round  the  boy's  neck,  the  Queen  and  Dauphin, 
the  Princesses  Elizabeth  and  Claude  and  the  young 
Queen  of  Scots,  all  embraced  him  affectionately, 
telling  him  how  much  they  had  missed  him.  In  fact, 
1  Venetian  Calendar,  vi.  1496-1498. 


424      PEACE  OF  CATEAU-CAMBRESIS     [Bk.  xu 

as  Soranzo  remarks,  this  short  absence  served  to  show 
how  much  beloved  the  young  Prince  was  by  the 
whole  Court  .^ 

Meanwhile  Arras  and  Egmont  returned  to  Brussels, 
satisfied  that  the  French  had  no  real  wish  for  peace, 
and  Philip  declared  his  conviction  that  they  had 
made  a  plot  to  capture  the  Duchess,  which  had  only 
been  defeated  by  the  strong  escort  with  which  she 
was  attended.  But  Christina  herself  was  radiant 
with  happiness,  and  received  congratulations  from 
all  her  friends.  The  French  had  done  her  many 
cruel  wrongs,  but  they  had  not  been  able  to  rob  her 
of  her  son's  heart,  and  the  future  still  held  the 
promise  of  some  golden  hours. 

For  a  while  the  war  still  raged  fiercely.  The 
capture  of  Thionville  by  Guise  in  June  was  followed 
a  month  later  by  Egmont 's  fresh  victory  at  Grave- 
lines,  when  the  Governor  of  Calais,  De  Thermes,  and 
his  whole  force,  were  cut  to  pieces.  The  Count  had 
always  been  a  splendid  and  popular  figure;  now  he 
was  the  idol  of  the  whole  nation.  His  brilliant  feat 
of  arms  had  saved  Flanders  from  utter  ruin,  and 
made  peace  once  more  possible.  Both  sides  were 
thoroughly  weary  of  the  long  struggle,  the  resources 
of  both  countries  were  exhausted,  and  the  unhappy 
inhabitants  of  Picardy  and  Artois  were  crying  out 
for  a  respite  from  their  sufferings.  Christina  made 
use  of  the  opportunity  to  renew  her  correspondence 
with  the  Constable  and  the  Marshal  St.  Andre,  his 
companion  in  captivity  .2  A  new  recruit  now  came 
to  her  help  in  the  person  of  William  of  Orange.  This 
young  Prince  had  enjoyed  the  favour  of  Charles  V. 
and  his  sister  Mary  from  his  boyhood,  and  had  been 
1  Venetian  Calendar,  vi.  1500.  ^  Jhid.y  vi.  1528. 


June,  1558]     THE  PRINCE  OF  ORANGE  425 

treated  with  especial  kindness  by  the  Duchess  of 
Aerschot  and  her  sister-in-law.  The  death  of  his 
young  wife,  Anna,  Countess  Biiren,  in  the  spring  of 
1558,  had  thrown  him  much  into  the  company  of 
these  ladies,  and  it  was  already  whispered  at  Court 
that  he  would  certainly  marry  Madame  de  Lorraine's 
elder  daughter,  Renee,  who  was  growing  up  a  tall  and 
attractive  maiden.  The  Prince  himself  was  a  hand- 
some youth  with  fine  brown  eyes  and  curly  auburn 
locks,  and  a  charm  of  manner  which  few  could  resist. 
If  the  cares  and  anxieties  of  his  later  life  made  him 
taciturn,  in  youth  he  was  the  most  genial  and 
pleasant  of  companions,  and  Arras,  who  never  loved 
him,  said  that  he  "  made  a  friend  every  time  that 
he  lifted  his  hat."  His  attire  was  always  as  faultless 
as  it  was  splendid,  he  was  renowned  for  his  skill  as 
a  rider  and  jouster,  and  had  greatly  distinguished 
himself  in  the  recent  campaigns.  Both  in  his  home 
at  Breda  and  in  the  stately  Nassau  house  at  Brussels 
the  Prince  kept  open  house,  and  the  worst  faults  of 
which  his  enemies  could  accuse  him  were  his  reckless 
hospitality  and  extravagant  tastes. 

Christina  had  always  taken  especial  interest  in 
William  of  Orange,  for  the  sake  of  the  kinsman  whose 
name  and  wealth  he  inherited,  and  he  on  his  part 
became  deeply  attached  to  her.  So  intimate  was 
their  friendship,  that  the  Duchess  one  day  told 
Count  Feria's  English  wife,  Jane  Dormer,  in  speak- 
ing of  the  Prince's  intended  marriage  with  her 
daughter,  that  she  would  gladly  have  married  him 
herself.^ 

The  Prince  now  joined  his  personal  exertions  to 

^  Groen  van  Prinsterer,  "  Archives  de  la  Maison  d' Orange  et 
de  Nassau,"  i.  i;  Kervyn  de  Lettenhove,  ii.  257. 


426      PEACE  OF  CATEAU-CAMBRESIS     [Bk.  xii 

those  of  the  Duchess,  and  was  the  frequent  bearer  of 
letters  between  Brussels  and  the  camp  near  Amiens, 
where  the  two  Kings  and  their  rival  armies  were 
drawn  up  face  to  face.  At  length,  on  the  9th  of 
September,  a  ten  days'  armistice  was  proclaimed, 
and  a  few  days  later  the  Prince  of  Orange,  Ruy 
Gomez,  and  Arras,  met  the  Constable  and  St. 
Andre  at  Lille,  to  discuss  preliminaries  of  peace .^ 
The  two  French  prisoners  were  eager  for  peace,  and 
had  the  secret  support  of  Henry  II.  and  Diane 
de  Poitiers;  but  the  Guises,  who  had  everything  to 
lose  and  nothing  to  gain  by  the  cessation  of  war, 
were  still  strongly  opposed  to  a  truce,  and  Renard 
told  Philip  that  the  only  way  of  gaining  their  good- 
will would  be  to  give  Mademoiselle  de  Lorraine's 
hand  to  the  Prince  of  Joinville.  In  the  end,  how- 
ever, their  opposition  was  overruled,  and  on  the  30th 
of  September  William  of  Orange  was  able  to  bring  the 
Duchess  news  that  a  Conference  had  been  arranged, 
and  would  take  place  at  the  Abbey  of  Cercamp,  near 
Cambray,  in  October.  He  found  Christina  at  Douai, 
where  she  and  her  daughters  were  attending  a  marriage 
in  the  d'Aremberg  family.  She  had  just  heard  of  her 
son's  return  to  Nancy,  where  he  had  been  received 
with  acclamation  by  his  subjects,  and  where  her 
own  presence  was  eagerly  expected.  But  at  Philip's 
earnest  entreaty  she  consented  to  remain  in  Flanders 
for  the  present,  and  preside  at  the  coming  Conference. 
This  proposal  was  strongly  supported  by  the  Cardinal 
of  Lorraine,  who  hastened  to  send  the  Duchess  a 
safe-conduct,  saying  that  her  presence  would  do 
more  than  anything  to  bring  the  desired  peace  to 
perfection  ? 

^  Granvelle,  v.  171.  2  ii^id,^  v.  227. 


Oct..  1558]  THE  CONFERENCE  OF  CERCAMP  427 

Christina  herself  was  very  reluctant  to  accept  the 
post,  as  we  learn  from  the  following  letter  which  she 
wrote  to  Philip  from  Douai  on  the  12th  of  October. 
Her  delicate  child,  Dorothea,  was  ailing,  and  her 
faithful  companion,  the  aged  Princess  of  Macedonia, 
was  hardly  fit  to  be  left  alone. 

"  I  have  received  the  letter  which  Your  Majesty 
has  been  pleased  to  send  me,  and  thank  you  humbly 
for  your  affectionate  expressions.  As  to  the  in- 
convenience of  the  place  selected  for  this  Conference, 
I  should  never  allow  my  comfort  or  pleasure  to  inter- 
fere with  your  commands,  and  will  accordingly  go 
to  Arras  to-morrow  and  await  your  further  orders. 
I  have  been  very  unwell  lately,  and  must  beg  Your 
Majesty  to  provide  for  my  safety,  not  only  because 
I  am  a  woman,  but  because,  as  you  know,  I  am  not 
in  the  good  graces  of  the  French.  My  daughters 
must  remain  here  a  few  days  longer,  as  Dorothea  is 
indisposed,  and  the  Princess  of  Macedonia  is  in  a 
very  feeble  state.  I  will  follow  Your  Majesty's 
advice  as  to  Bassompierre's  mission  and  my  son's 
affairs,  and  cannot  thank  you  enough  for  your  kind 
thought  of  me  and  my  children.  I  kiss  Your  Majesty's 
hands. 

"  Your  very  humble  and  obedient  cousin, 

"  Chretienne."^ 

Some  further  difficulties — chiefly  the  work  of 
Silliers,  poor  Belloni's  hated  rival  and  successor — 
delayed  the  Duchess's  journey  for  another  week. 
On  the  1 6th  Arras  wrote  to  tell  her  that  the  Com- 
missioners had  already  arrived  at  Cercamp,  and  beg 
her  to  come  as  soon  as  possible.  The  Cardinal  was 
very  anxious  to  see  her,  and  hoped  that  she  would 
not  fail  to  bring  his  young  cousins,  "  Mesdames  your 
daughters,"  with  her.  Christina  could  delay  no 
longer,  and  hastened  to  Cercamp  the  following  day. 

^  Granvelle,  v.  231. 


428      PEACE  OF  CAXEAU-CAMBRESIS     [Bk.  XII 


II. 

On  the  17th  of  October,  1558,  a  fortnight's  truce 
was  proclaimed.  Both  armies  remained  encamped 
on  their  own  territories,  while  the  two  Kings  with- 
drew respectively  to  Arras  and  Beauvais.  The  next 
day  the  Commissioners  met  at  one  o'clock  in  the 
Duchess's  lodgings.  The  Prince  of  Orange,  Alva, 
Ruy  Gomez,  Arras,  and  Viglius,  the  President  of 
the  Council,  represented  Philip;  while  the  Constable, 
the  Cardinal  of  Lorraine,  St.  Andre,  the  Bishop  of 
Orleans,  and  Secretary  I'Aubespine,  were  the  five 
French  deputies.  Stroppiana  represented  the  Duke 
of  Savoy,  and  the  English  deputies,  Lord  Arundel, 
Dr.  Wotton,  and  Thirlby,  Bishop  of  Ely,  arrived  a  few 
days  later.  The  Duchess  welcomed  the  Commis- 
sioners in  a  brief  speech,  explaining  that,  as  for 
several  years  past  she  had  endeavoured  to  make 
peace  between  these  two  illustrious  monarchs,  it  was 
their  pleasure  that  she  should  continue  her  good 
offices,  adding  that  she  would  count  herself  too  happy 
if  her  services  could  help  to  attain  this  blessed  end, 
and  relieve  the  people  of  both  countries  from  the 
awful  miseries  of  war.^ 

During  the  next  fortnight  conferences  were  held 
daily  in  the  presence  of  Christina,  who  herself  read 
aloud  each  different  proposal  that  was  made,  and 
showed  infinite  tact  in  smoothing  over  difficulties  and 
suggesting  points  of  agreement.  Each  morning  the 
deputies  met  at  Mass  in  the  parish  church,  and  often 
discussed  separate  questions  after  service.  In  the 
evenings,  private  interviews  took  place  in  Christina's 

^  Granvcllc,  v.  266. 


Oct.,  1558]         PEACE  NEGOTIATIONS  429 

rooms,  and  the  Prince  of  Orange  held  long  conversa- 
tions with  Montmorency  and  the  Cardinal,  which 
contributed  not  a  little  to  their  mutual  understanding. 
"  Loving  entertainments,"  in  Suriano's  phrase,  **  were 
exchanged,"  and  one  night  the  Duchess  gave  a 
banquet  in  honour  of  the  Constable's  wife  and 
daughter,  who  paid  a  visit  to  Cercamp.  As  the 
Cardinal  complained  jestingly,  Montmorency  was  too 
good  a  Christian  and  all  too  ready  to  make  peace 
with  his  country's  enemies.  But  King  Henry  sup- 
ported him  secretly,  and  sent  private  notes  and 
messages,  telling  him  to  take  no  notice  of  the  Guises, 
and  do  all  he  could  to  make  peace.^ 

The  great  difficulty  which  had  hitherto  stood  in  the 
way  of  all  attempts  at  negotiation  was  the  restitution 
of  Savoy.  The  Constable  now  proposed  that  the 
Duke  should  marry  the  King's  sister,  Madame 
Marguerite,  with  a  dowxr  of  300,000  crowns,  and 
be  placed  in  possession  of  the  chief  portion  of  his 
dominions.  At  first  the  Duke  demurred  to  this  offer, 
and  begged  that  the  King's  daughter  Claude  should 
be  substituted  for  her  aunt,  who  was  five  years  his 
senior.  But  the  Cardinal  replied  that  this  Princess 
was  already  pledged  to  his  nephew,  Charles  of 
Lorraine,  and  laid  stress  on  Margaret's  charms  and 
learning.  The  Duke  yielded,  and  a  long  wrangle 
ensued  as  to  the  towns  and  citadels  to  be  retained 
by  the  French.  But  there  was  a  still  more  thorny 
question  to  be  decided.  This  was  the  restoration  of 
Calais,  which  the  English  demanded  with  the  utmost 
pertinacity,  while  the  French  were  no  less  determined 
to    keep    their     conquest.       The     English     pleaded 

^  Venetian  Calendar,  vi.  1537;  Ruble,  "  Traite  de  Cateau- 
Cambresis,"  12. 


430      PEACE  OF  C  ATE  A  U- CAMBRICS  IS     [Bk.  Xii 

that  they  had  held  the  town  during  two  centuries; 
the  French  rephed  that  it  had  been  unjustly  snatched 
from  them  in  the  first  place.  Old  treaties,  going 
back  to  the  days  of  the  Black  Prince,  were  produced, 
and  Arras  and  his  colleagues  supported  the  English 
claim  loyally,  knowing  that,  if  PhiHp  consented  to 
abandon  Calais,  he  would  lose  all  hold  on  his  wife's 
subjects.  In  vain  Christina  proposed  that,  as  the 
marriage  of  the  French  King's  elder  daughter  with 
the  Infant  Don  Carlos  had  been  agreed  upon,  Calais 
should  form  part  of  Elizabeth's  dower.  The  Cardinal 
told  the  Duchess  that  the  possession  of  the  town, 
which  his  brother  had  conquered,  touched  his  honour 
too  closely  for  him  to  agree  to  the  surrender,  and 
King  Henry  sent  word  that  he  would  rather  lose 
his  crow^n  than  give  up  Calais.  So  stern  and  in- 
tractable were  the  French  that  the  only  thing  to  be 
done  was  to  adjourn  the  Conference  and  refer  the 
matter  to  the  two  monarchs.^ 

The  Constable  was  allowed  to  go  to  Beauvais  wdth 
the  Cardinal  to  consult  King  Henry,  Alva  and 
Orange  went  to  Brussels  to  see  Philip,  and  Christina 
took  three  days' holiday  with  her  children  at  Douai. 
Before  she  went  to  Cercamp,  a  report  of  Charles  V.'s 
death  had  reached  Brussels.  Now  this  was  con- 
firmed by  letters  from  St.  Yuste,  announcing  that  the 
great  Emperor  had  passed  away  on  the  21st  of 
September.  The  sudden  death  of  his  sister  Eleanor, 
seven  months  before,  had  been  a  great  shock  to  him, 
and  when  the  Queen  of  Hungary  entered  his  room 
without  the  accustomed  figure  at  her  side  he  burst 
into  tears.  The  recent  events  of  the  war,  and  Philip's 
difficulties   in   the   administration   of  the   provinces, 

^  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Mary,  Foreign,  402-404. 


Sept.,  1558]     DEATH  OF  MARY  OF  HUNGARY    43 1 

troubled  him  sorely,  and  he  was  very  anxious  for 
Mary  to  resume  the  office  of  Regent,  When,  in 
August,  the  Archbishop  of  Toledo  brought  a  letter 
from  the  King,  imploring  the  Queen  to  come  to  his 
help,  Charles  used  all  his  influence  to  induce  her 
to  consent.  In  vain  Mar}^  pleaded  her  advancing 
years  and  failing  health ;  the  Emperor  replied  that 
her  refusal  would  bring  ruin  and  disgrace  on  their 
house,  and  adjured  her  by  the  love  of  God  and  her 
sisterly  affection  to  do  him  this  last  service.  This 
appeal  decided  the  noble  woman.  On  the  9th  of 
September  she  wrote  to  tell  Philip  that,  in  obedience 
to  his  father's  orders,  she  would  start  for  the  Nether- 
lands as  soon  as  possible.  The  knowledge  of  the 
Queen's  decision  was  a  great  consolation  to  Charles 
in  his  last  moments,  and  as  soon  as  she  had  recovered 
from  the  first  shock  of  his  death  she  prepared  to  obey 
his  last  wish.  But  before  she  embarked  at  Laredo, 
a  fresh  attack  of  the  heart  trouble  from  which  she 
suffered  ended  her  life,  and  on  St.  Luke's  Day  she 
passed  to  her  well-earned  rest.^ 

Her  death  was  deeply  lamented  throughout  the 
Low  Countries,  where  her  return  had  been  daily 
looked  for,  and  no  one  mourned  her  loss  more  truly 
than  the  niece  to  whom  she  had  been  the  best  of 
mothers.  It  was  with  a  sad  heart  that  Christina 
came  back  to  Cercamp  to  preside  at  the  second 
session  of  the  Conference,  which  opened  on  the  7th 
of  November.  Alarming  accounts  of  their  mistress's 
health  now  reached  the  English  Commissioners,  and 
Count  Feria,  whom  Philip  sent  to  London,  wrote 
that    the    Queen's    life   was    despaired    of,   and    that 

^  Gachard,  "  Retraitc,"  etc.,  i.  44-48;  Venetian  Calendar, 
vi.  1544- 


432       PEACE  OF  CATEAU-CAMBRESIS     [Bk.  xil 

Parliament  was  in  great  alarm  lest,  if  she  died,  the 
King  would  cease  to  care  for  the  recovery  of  Calais. 
But,  although  Arras  and  Alva  still  declared  that  they 
would  never  consent  to  any  treaty  which  did  not 
satisfy  the  English,  the  French  remained  obdurate, 
and  the  Commissioners  were  at  their  wits'  end.  The 
Bishop  of  Ely  was  in  tears,  and  on  the  i8th  of 
November  Lord  Arundel  wrote  home  that 

"  it  seemed  very  hard  that  all  others  should  have 
restitution  of  their  ow^ne,  and  poore  England,  that 
began  not  the  fray,  should  bear  the  burthen  and  loss 
for  the  rest,  and  specially  of  such  a  jewel  as  Calais."^ 

The  next  day  came  the  news  of  the  Queen's  death. 
The  French,  who,  Wotton  remarked,  "  have  ears  as 
long  as  those  of  Midas,"  were  the  first  to  inform  Her 
Majesty's  Envoys  that  their  mistress  had  breathed 
her  last,  on  the  morning  of  the  17th  of  November* 
after  sending  a  message  to  Elizabeth,  recognizing 
this  Princess  as  her  successor,  and  begging  her  to 
maintain  the  Catholic  religion.  The  new  Queen  at 
once  sent  Lord  Cobham  to  announce  her  accession 
to  Philip,  and  assure  him  of  her  resolve  to  hold  fast 
the  ancient  friendship  between  England  and  the 
House  of  Burgundy. 

The  news  of  Mary's  death  decided  the  Com- 
missioners to  adjourn  the  Conference.  The  truce 
was  prolonged  for  two  months,  and  on  the  2nd  of 
December  they  all  left  Cercamp .  Arundel  had  already 
started  for  England,  and  Wotton  was  longing  to  get 
away,  saying  "  that  he  was  never  wearier  of  any 
place  than  he  was  of  Cercamp,  saving  only  of  Rome 
after  the  sack."  The  Constable  was  set  at  liberty, 
and  received  a  promise  that  his  200,000  crowns 
^  Kerv3ni  de  Lettenhove,  i.  257. 


Dec.  1558]     THE  EMPEROR'S  FUNERAL  433 

ransom  should  be  reduced  by  half,  if  peace  were 
finally  made.  Arras,  Alva,  and  Orange,  went  to 
the  Abbey  of  Groenendal  to  see  Philip,  who  had 
retired  to  pray  for  his  father's  soul,  and  there  re- 
ceived the  tidings  of  his  wife's  death.  Christina 
returned  to  Brussels  to  assist  at  a  succession  of 
funerals.  On  the  22nd  of  December  a  requeim  for 
the  Queen  of  England  was  chanted  in  S.  Gudule, 
the  Duke  of  Savoy  acting  as  chief  mourner  in  the 
King's  absence,  and  on  the  following  day  solemn 
funeral  rites  for  the  late  Queen  of  Hungar}^  were 
performed  in  the  Court  chapel,  which  she  and  the 
Emperor  had  built  and  adorned.  The  Duchess  of 
Lorraine  was  present  at  this  service,  together  with 
the  Duke  of  Savoy,  the  Prince  of  Orange,  and  all  the 
chief  nobles  and  Crown  officials,  while  the  palace 
gates  were  thronged  with  a  crowd  of  sorrowing 
people.^  But  the  grandest  funeral  ceremonies  ever 
known  in  Brussels  were  those  that  were  celebrated 
on  the  29th  of  December,  in  memory  of  the  late 
Emperor. 

Great  preparations  had  been  made  for  this  solem- 
nity during  the  last  few  weeks.  A  chapelle  ardenie 
was  erected  in  S.  Gudule,  rising  in  tiers  to  the  lofty 
roof,  adorned  with  golden  diadems  and  shields 
emblazoned  with  the  dead  monarch's  arms  and  titles, 
and  lighted  with  3,000  candles.  Here,  on  a  couch 
draped  with  cloth  of  gold,  an  effigy  of  the  Emperor 
was  laid,  clad  in  robes  of  state  and  wearing  the  collar 
of  the  Order.  On  the  morning  of  the  29th  a  long 
procession  wound  its  way  through  the  narrow  streets 
leading  from  the  palace  on  the  heights  of  the  Cauden- 
berg  to  the  cathedral  church,  and  a  stately  pageant 
^  Venetian  Calendar,  vi.  1568. 


434      PEACE  OF  CATEAU-CAMBR^SIS     [Bk.  KII 

unfolded  the  glorious  story  of  Charles  of  Austria's 
deeds.  A  richly  carved  and  gilded  ship,  drawn  by 
marine  monsters,  bore  the  names  of  his  journeys  and 
battles  and  armorial  bearings  of  the  kingdoms  over 
which  he  reigned,  while  banners  of  the  Turks  and 
of  the  other  foes  whom  he  had  vanquished  were 
plunged  in  the  waves  below,  and  white-robed  maidens 
sat  in  the  stern,  bearing  the  cross  and  chalice,  the 
symbols  of  the  faith  by  which  he  had  conquered  the 
world.  This  imposing  group  was  followed  by  a  repre- 
sentation of  the  Pillars  of  Hercules  with  Charles's 
motto,  Plus  oultre,  and  twenty-four  horses  decked  in 
coloured  plumes  and  trappings  to  match  the  banners 
of  his  different  States.  Each  of  these  pennons  w^as 
borne  by  a  noble  youth,  while  four  Princes  supported 
the  great  standard  of  the  Empire.  Then  came  the 
officers  of  the  imperial  household,  leading  Charles's 
war-horse,  and  bearing  his  armour  and  insignia;  the 
Prince  of  Orange  with  his  master's  sword,  Alva 
with  the  orb  of  the  world,  and  the  Grand  Commander 
of  Castille  with  the  imperial  crown.  Last  of  all  King 
Philip  himself  appeared  on  foot,  clad  in  a  mourning 
mantle  five  yards  long,  and  followed  by  the  Duke  of 
Savoy  and  a  long  train  of  Knights  of  the  Golden  Fleece, 
Councillors  and  Ministers,  with  the  Archers  of  the 
Guard  bringing  up  the  rear.  The  procession  left  the 
palace  at  nine,  and  the  funeral  service,  which  included 
a  lengthy  oration  by  the  Bishop  of  Arras's  coadjutor, 
Abb^  Richardot,  was  not  over  till  five  o'clock.  The 
next  day  Philip  and  all  his  nobles  attended  High  Mass, 
and  at  the  end  of  the  celebration  the  Prince  of  Orange, 
standing  before  the  funeral  pile,  smote  his  breast 
three  times,  repeating  the  words:  "  He  is  dead,  and 
will  remain  dead ;  and  there  is  another  risen  up  in  his 


Jan.,  1559]         CHARLES'S  WEDDING  435 

place,  greater  than  ever  he  has  been."    So  the  solemn 
function  ended. 

"It  was  a  sight  worth  going  100  miles  to  see," 
wrote  Richard  Clough,  an  English  apprentice  who 
had  been  sent  by  Sir  Thomas  Gresham  from  Antwerp , 
and  counted  himself  fortunate  to  witness  this  im- 
posing ceremony.  "  The  like  of  it,  I  think,  hath 
never  been  seen.     The  Lord  give  his  soul  rest  !"^ 

The  Duchess  of  Lorraine  had  been  anxious  that 
her  son  should  attend  his  great-uncle's  funeral,  but 
the  tardy  invitation  which  Philip  sent  to  Nancy 
arrived  too  late,  and  the  young  Duke  could  not  reach 
Brussels  in  time  to  take  part  in  the  ceremony.  To 
console  herself  for  this  disappointment,  Christina 
went  to  meet  Charles  at  Treves  on  the  6th  of  January 
and  spent  two  days  in  his  company,  before  he  returned 
to  France  for  the  wedding.  His  loyal  subjects  pre- 
sented him  with  a  marriage  gift  of  200,000  crowms, 
double  the  amount  which  any  Duke  of  Lorraine  had 
received  before.  Charles  who  inherited  his  mother's 
lavish  generosity,  spent  most  of  the  money  in  costly 
jewels  for  his  bride,  and  presented  the  King  and 
Dauphin,  Vaudemont  and  the  Guises,  with  superb 
robes  embroidered  with  the  arms  of  Lorraine  and 
lined  with  lynx  fur.  The  wedding  was  solemnized 
at  Notre  Dame  on  the  22nd  of  January,  with  as  much 
splendour  as  that  of  the  Dauphin  in  the  previous 
spring.  The  Guises  held  open  house  for  ten  days  in 
their  palatial  abode,  the  ^'  Hotel  de  Lorraine  et  de 
Sicile,"  near  the  royal  palace  of  Les  Tournelles,  and 
gave  a  grand  tournament  in  which  the  young  Duke 
appeared  at  the  head  of  a  troop  splendidly  arrayed 

1  Kervyn      e  Lettenhove,   i.    384  ;    Gachard,   "  Voyages,"   iv. 
35-62. 


436      PEACE  OF  CATEAU-CAMBRESIS     [Bk.  xii 

in  corslets  of  gold  and  silver,  with  the  alerions,  or 
eagles,  of  Lorraine  on  the  crest  of  their  helmets. 
Ronsard  celebrated  the  union  of  the  eagles  of  Lorraine 
and  the  golden  lilies  of  France,  and  sang  the  praises 
of  the  "  Fair  Maid  of  Valois  and  her  bridegroom,  the 
beautiful  Shepherd  who  feeds  his  flock  in  the  green 
pastures  along  the  banks  of  Meuse  and  Moselle."^ 

The  French  King  and  Queen  had  invited  the 
Duchess  in  courteous  and  affectionate  terms  to  be 
present  at  the  wedding,  but  she  declined  on  the 
plea  of  her  deep  mourning,  as  well  as  of  the  promise 
which  she  had  made  to  preside  at  the  Peace  Con- 
ference, which  was  shortly  to  meet  again  .^ 

in. 

The  Commissioners  who  had  attended  the  Con- 
ferences at  Cercamp  were  unanimous  in  refusing  to 
return  to  this  unhealthy  and  inconvenient  spot,  and 
at  the  Duchess  of  Lorraine's  suggestion  the  small 
town  of  Cateau-Cambresis,  belonging  to  the  Bishop 
of  Cambray,  was  chosen  for  their  next  meeting- 
place.  The  Bishop's  manor-house  at  Mon  Soulas, 
which  had  been  damaged  in  the  war,  was  hastily 
repaired  by  the  Duchess's  fourriers,  the  rooms  were 
furnished  anew,  and  paper  windows  were  inserted 
in  place  of  the  broken  glass.  The  Bishop  of  Arras, 
who  arrived  with  the  Prince  of  Orange's  servants, 
secured  a  decent  lodging  and  good  cook  for  himself 
and  his  colleagues  in  the  neighbouring  villas  of 
Beau  Regard  and  Mon  Plaisir,  while  Wotton  and  the 
Bishop  of  Ely  found  very  indifferent  quarters  in  a 

1  Calmet,  ii.  i,  351;  Pfister,   ii.  244;  Venetian  Calendar,  vii. 
19,  20. 

2  Venetian  Calendar,  vii.  8,  10. 


Feb.,  1559]      AT  CATEAU-CAMBRESIS  43/ 

ruinous  house  belonging  to  the  Bishop  of  Cam  bray. 
The  French  complained  that  the  accommodation  was 
no  better  than  at  Cercamp,  if  the  air  was  healthier,  and, 
after  a  good  deal  of  grumbling,  fixed  on  two  houses, 
known  as  Mon  Secours  and  Belle  Image,  outside  the 
gates.^  The  dilapidated  country-house,  with  its 
patched-up  walls  and  paper  windows,  could  hardly 
have  been  a  pleasant  residence  in  the  cold  days  of 
February,  but  Christina  made  light  of  these  discom- 
forts, and  threw  herself  heart  and  soul  into  the 
difficult  task  before  her.  The  Commissioners  all 
recognized  the  tact  and  patience  which  she  showed 
in  conducting  the  negotiations,  and  the  courtesy 
which  the  Ambassadors  of  other  nationahties  received 
at  her  hands,  during  the  next  two  months. 

The  French  delegates  w^ere  delayed  by  the  fetes 
for  the  Duke  of  Lorraine's  wedding,  and  did  not 
reach  Cateau-Cambresis  until  late  on  the  evening  of 
the  5th  of  February.  On  the  following  afternoon 
they  held  their  first  meeting  with  the  King  of  Spain's 
Commissioners  in  the  Duchess's  rooms  at  Mon  Soulas. 
They  seemed  very  cheerful,  and,  the  next  day  being 
Shrove  Tuesday,  were  all  entertained  at  dinner  by 
the  Constable.  On  Ash  Wednesday,  Mass  of  the 
Holy  Ghost  was  sung  in  church,  after  which  business 
began  in  earnest,  and  various  points  regarding  the 
Duke  of  Savoy's  marriage  were  decided.  The  next 
evening  Lord  William  Howard,  who  had  been  made 
Lord  Chamberlain  by  the  new  Queen,  and  advanced 
to  the  peerage  with  the  title  of  Lord  Howard  of 
Effingham,  arrived  from  England.  He  w^as  received 
with  great  civility  by  Alva  and  his  colleagues,  and 
conducted   by   the   Prince   of  Orange   to   salute   the 

1  Granvelle,  v.  420-426;  Kervyn  de  Lettenhove.  i.  420. 

29 


438      PEACE  OF  CAtEAU-CAMBRESIS     [Bk.  xii 

Duchess.  Christina  welcomed  him  graciously,  asked 
after  Queen  Elizabeth  with  great  interest,  and  kept 
him  talking  of  England  "  for  a  pretty  while  "  in  the 
most  friendly  manner. 

"  This  assembly,"  wrote  Howard  to  his  mistress, 
**  hath  been  entirely  procured  by  the  Duchess's 
labour  and  travail;  and  she  being  a  Princess  not 
subject  to  the  King  of  Spain  or  France,  the  Com- 
missioners are  content  to  use  her  as  one  that  is  in- 
different betwixt  all  parties,  and  she  is  continually 
present  at  all  meetings  and  communications."^ 

But  the  Frenchmen,  Lord  Howard  complained, 
behaved  in  a  very  strange  fashion,  and  quite  refused 
to  meet  him  and  his  colleagues  if  they  persisted  in 
their  demand  for  Calais,  pretending  that  this  question 
had  been  finally  settled  at  Cercamp.  At  Christina's 
entreaty,  however,  the  Cardinal  consented  to  an 
interview,  and  at  one  o'clock  on  Saturday,  the  nth  of 
February,  the  whole  body  of  Commissioners  met  at 
Mon  Soulas.  The  Duchess  sat  at  the  head  of  the 
table,  the  English  on  her  right,  the  French  deputies 
opposite,  and  Alva  and  his  companions  at  the  other 
end.  A  long  wrangle  followed;  all  the  old  arguments 
were  revived,  and  the  Cardinal,  as  Howard  noticed, 
did  his  best  to  stir  up  a  quarrel  between  the  English 
and  the  King  of  Spain's  servants.  After  the  meeting 
broke  up,  the  members  stood  about  in  little  knots, 
conversing  amicably  with  each  other  and  the  Duchess. 
On  Sunday  the  Constable  had  a  long  private  inter- 
view with  Howard,  and,  as  the  latter  afterwards  dis- 
covered, caught  Alva  and  Stroppiana  as  they  left 
church,  and  tried  to  induce  them  to  abandon  the 
English.     But  Philip's  servants  stood  loyally  by  their 

^  Kervyn  de  Lettenhove,  i.  422,  444. 


Feb.,  1559]  ANGRY  DISCUSSIONS  439 

allies,  and  the  Prince  of  Orange  and  Alva  discussed 
the  matter  with  Howard  until  a  late  hour.  During 
the  next  two  days  the  debate  w^as  continued  with 
ever-increasing  acrimony,  until  on  Tuesday  after- 
noon Howard  broke  into  so  violent  a  passion  that 
the  Cardinal  and  his  friends  rose  and  walked  out  of 
the  house,  saying  that  it  was  impossible  to  argue  w^ith 
such  people.  As  Arras  remarked  shrewdly:  "  The 
French  are  better  advocates  of  a  bad  cause  than  the 
English  are  of  a  good  one."^ 

Presently  a  page  brought  the  Duchess  word  that 
the  French  Commissioners  had  ordered  their  horses, 
and  were  preparing  to  pack  up  and  leave.  Upon  this 
Christina  followed  them  into  the  garden,  and  by  dint 
of  much  persuasion  prevailed  upon  the  Cardinal  to 
listen  to  her  suggestion  that  Calais  should  remain  for 
eight  years  in  the  hands  of  the  French,  and  that  a 
yearly  sum  should  be  paid  to  Queen  Elizabeth  as  a 
security  for  its  ultimate  surrender.  Meanwhile  the 
outer  world  was  becoming  very  impatient.  Philip 
wrote  to  the  Prince  of  Orange,  saying  that  he  could 
get  no  more  supplies  from  Spain,  and  that  the  greatest 
service  he  could  do  him  would  be  to  obtain  peace  at 
any  cost ;  and  Henry  sent  an  autograph  letter  to  the 
Constable,  complaining  of  the  Guises'  opposition, 
ending  with  the  words :  ''  Never  mind  what  these  men 
say;  let  them  talk  as  they  please,  but  make  peace  if 
possible  !"  It  w^as  accordingly  decided  to  refer  the 
Duchess's  proposal  to  Queen  Elizabeth  and  her 
Council,  while  the  Constable  went  to  consult  the 
French  King  at  Villers-Cotterets.^ 

^  Granvelle,  v.  434, 

2  Ruble,  "  Traite  de  Cateau-Cambresis,"  23;  Venetian  Cal- 
endar, vii.  39;  Granvelle,  v.  495. 


440      PEACE  OF  CATEAU-CAMBRESIS     [Bk.  Xll 

Late  this  same  evening  the  Duke  of  Lorraine 
arrived  from  Court,  with  two  of  the  Guise  Princes, 
the  Grand  Prior  of  Malta,  and  the  Marquis  of  Eiboeuf, 
and  was  met  by  the  Prince  of  Orange,  and  taken  to 
Mon  Soulas.  The  Duchess  was  overjoyed  to  see  her 
son,  and  the  next  three  days  were  devoted  to  hunting- 
parties.  Howard  was  invited  to  join  in  one  of  these, 
and  he  and  the  Prince  of  Orange  accompanied  Chris- 
tina and  Margaret  of  Aremberg  out  hunting.  As  they 
rode  home  together,  the  ladies  began  to  talk  of 
Queen  Elizabeth,  and  Christina  expressed  her  wish 
that  she  would  marry  the  King  of  Spain. 

"Why?"  returned  Howard.  ''What  should  my 
mistress  doe  with  a  husband  that  should  be  ever 
from  her  and  never  with  her  ?  Is  that  the  way  to 
get  what  we  desire  most — that  is,  children  ?  I  think 
not." 

At  this  both  the  Duchess  and  Madame  d 'Aremberg 
laughed,  and  Christina,  remembering  her  unlucky 
experiences  at  the  English  Court,  observed  that  the 
late  Queen  was  too  old  to  bear  children,  and  had  not 
the  art  of  winning  her  husband's  affections.  Howard 
was  entirely  of  the  same  opinion,  but  assured  her  that 
whoever  the  present  Queen  chose  to  marry,  "  would 
be  honoured  and  served  to  the  death  by  every  one  of 
her  subjects,  and  all  the  more  so  if  he  make  much  of 
his  wife."  ^  This  conversation  was  duly  reported  to 
Elizabeth  by  Howard,  who  begged  his  royal  mistress  to 
forgive  his  boldness,  and  not  impute  it  to  him  as  folly. 
All  the  world  knew  that  Philip  was  paying  assiduous 
court  to  his  sister-in-law,  and  Christina's  remarks 
were  no  doubt  prompted  by  the  wish  to  do  him  a 
good  turn.      But  three  weeks  after  this  conversation 

1  Kervyn  de  Lettenhove,  i.  457. 


Feb.,  1559]  ROYAL  INTERVIEWS  441 

the  Queen  told  Count  Feria  that  she  was  determined 
to  restore  the  Church  of  the  land  to  what  it  was  in 
her  father's  time,  and  that,  being  a  heretic,  she  could 
not  become  his  master's  wife.^ 

Christina  had  long  sought  an  opportunity  of 
presenting  her  son  to  the  King,  and  at  her  request 
Philip  agreed  to  come  to  Binche  for  hunting,  and 
meet  the  Duke  at  Mons.  On  the  22nd  of  Febru- 
ar}^  the  Duchess  and  her  son,  accompanied  by 
Madame  d'i\remberg,  the  Prince  of  Orange,  and 
the  Guise  Princes,  rode  to  Mons,  where  they 
were  hospitably  entertained  by  the  Duke  of 
Aerschot,  and  received  a  visit  from  the  King,  who 
came  over  on  St.  Matthias's  Feast  from  Binche  to 
spend  the  day  with  his  cousins.  He  showed  himself 
unusually  amiable  to  the  young  Duke,  and  delighted 
the  boy  with  the  gift  of  a  richly  carved  and  jewelled 
sword,  in  memory  of  the  great  Emperor,  whose 
birthday  fell  on  this  day.  On  the  25th,  Marguerite 
d'Aremberg  wrote  to  inform  Arras  that  the  Duchess 
hoped  to  be  back  in  a  few  days,  and  thanked 

"  him  for  having  her  hall  put  in  order,  promising 
the  Bishop  that,  if  he  were  seized  with  a  wish  to 
dance  when  the  ladies  from  the  French  Court  arrived, 
he  should  have  the  best  place." ^ 

Three  days  afterwards  Christina  returned  to  Mon 
Soulas,  bringing  both  her  daughters  to  meet  their 
brother's  wife,  who  was  expected  in  a  few  days.  The 
conferences  were  resumed  on  the  2nd  of  March,  but 
there  seemed  little  prospect  of  a  settlement.  The 
Cardinal  made  more  difficulties  than  ever,  and  even 
ventured  to  question  Queen  Elizabeth's  right  to  the 

^  Kervyn  de  Lettenhove,  i.  475. 
2  Granvelle,  v.  487,  495,  502. 


442       PEACE  OF  CAtEAU-CAMBRESIS     [Bk.  xil 

crown,  saying  that  she  was  a  bastard,  and  Mary, 
Queen  of  Scots  was  the  true  Queen  of  England.  Here 
Christina  intervened  once  more,  and  succeeded  in 
soothing  down  her  irascible  kinsman.  But  the 
leading  part  taken  by  the  Duchess  in  these  debates 
annoyed  Arras  seriously.  He  blamed  her  for  playing 
into  the  hands  of  the  French,  and  complained  to  the 
Duke  of  Savoy  that  there  were  too  many  ladies  at 
Mon  Soulas,  and  that  their  absence  would  be  of  more 
advantage  than  their  presence.  This  last  remark 
was  aimed  at  the  young  Duchess  of  Lorraine,  who, 
on  the  5th  of  March  arrived  from  Court  with  the 
Duchess  of  Guise,  Anna  d'  Este,  and  a  numerous 
suite  of  ladies.  An  innocent,  simple  girl,  devoted  to 
her  young  husband,  Claude  responded  w^armly  to  the 
affectionate  w^elcome  which  she  received  from  her 
mother-in-law  and  sisters;  and  Christina  thus  sur- 
rounded b}^  her  children,  declared  herself  to  be  the 
happiest  of  mothers.  Everyone,  as  Arras  complained, 
w^as  given  up  to  amusement.  Lord  Howard  went 
out  hunting  with  his  old  friend  the  Constable,  and 
the  Prince  of  Orange  and  the  Cardinal  spent  their 
evenings  with  the  Duchess  and  her  joyous  family 
circle.^ 

On  Saturday,  the  12th  of  March,  there  was  another 
stormy  meeting  in  the  Duchess's  rooms.  This  time 
the  French  and  Spanish  Commissioners  quarrelled 
violently,  and  Alva  and  Arras  left  the  room  in  anger, 
declaring  they  had  been  fooled,  and  retired  to  their 
own  lodgings.  In  a  private  letter  to  the  Duke  of 
Savoy,  the  Bishop  complained  bitterly  of  the  French- 
men's insolence,  saying  that  nothing  could  be  "  done 
with  such  people  by  fair  means,  and  the  only  way 
^  Venetian  Calendar,  vii.  54;  Granvelle,  v.  520,  525. 


March,  1559]     THE  CALAIS  QUESTION  443 

was  to  show  your  teeth."  ^  The  next  afternoon,  how- 
ever, at  the  Duchess's  earnest  entreaty,  he  and  Alva 
returned  to  the  Conference.  This  time  the  Cardinal 
was  in  a  more  amiable  mood,  and  the  terms  originally 
proposed  by  Christina  were  accepted  by  all  parties. 
Calais  was  to  remain  in  the  hands  of  France  for  eight 
years,  and  hostages  were  to  be  given  for  the  payment 
of  a  yearly  ransom  of  500,000  crowns.  There  was 
great  rejoicing  at  this  agreement,  and  the  young 
Duchess  and  her  ladies  returned  to  Court  on  the 
19th  of  March,  full  of  the  goodness  and  generosity 
of  the  Duke's  mother,  who  loaded  them  with  costly 
presents,  and  gave  her  daughter-in-law  the  magnifi- 
cent jewelled  necklace  which  had  been  the  Emperor's 
wedding  gift  on  her  marriage  to  the  Duke  of  Milan. 
Christina  herself  was  now  so  convinced  of  the  cer- 
tainty of  peace  that  she  begged  her  son  to  delay  his 
departure  a  few  more  days,  in  order  that  he  might 
take  the  good  news  to  the  Most  Christian  King.  The 
end  of  the  Conference  seemed  really  in  sight,  and 
Loid  Howard  wrote  to  inform  Queen  Elizabeth  of 
the  treaty  regarding  Calais,  only  to  receive  a  sound 
rating  from  his  mistress  for  having  dared  to  allow 
the  French  and  Spaniards  to  call  her  title  in  question  .^ 


IV. 

The  question  of  Calais  having  been  settled,  the 
French  and  Spanish  Commissioners  met  again  on 
the  13th  of  March,  and  conferred  for  six  hours  on 
their  own  affairs.  The  Duke  of  Savoy's  marriage 
treaty  was  the  chief  point  under  discussion.  Madame 
Marguerite's  own  eagerness  for  the  union  was  well 

^  Qr^nvelle,  v.  529.  ^  Kervyn  de  Lettenhove,  i.  i^6o. 


444      PEACE  OF  CATEAU-CAMBRESIS    [Bk.  Xll 

known.  She  had  repeatedly  asked  her  friend  the 
Constable  to  press  the  matter,  and  on  the  25th  of 
March  she  sent  her  maitre  d'hotel,  Monsieur  de 
THopital,  to  Cateau-Cambresis  to  sign  the  contract 
on  her  behalf.  The  Duke's  original  reluctance  had 
been  overcome,  and  he  sent  Margaret  word  through 
a  friend  that  she  must  not  think  him  ill-disposed 
towards  her,  but  that,  on  the  contrary,  he  counted 
himself  fortunate  to  win  so  noble  and  accomplished 
a  bride,  adding,  with  a  touch  of  irony : 

*'  I  believe  that  the  fate  with  which  you  have 
often  threatened  me  is  really  in  store  for  me,  and 
that  I  shall  submit  to  be  governed  by  a  woman  whom 
I  shall  try  to  please."^ 

But  there  still  remained  some  troublesome  details  to 
arrange.  All  through  Holy  Week,  Christina  stayed 
at  her  post,  while  the  French  and  Spanish  delegates 
wrangled  over  the  citadels  to  be  given  up  by  Henry 
and  Philip  respectively.  On  Maundy  Thursday  a 
sharp  contest  arose  between  Ruy  Gomez  and  the  Car- 
dinal on  this  point.  Both  parties  left  the  room  angrily, 
and  a  complete  rupture  seemed  imminent. 

"  They  fell  suddenly  to  such  a  disagreement," 
wTote  Howard,  "  that  they  all  rose  up,  determined 
to  break  off  and  depart  home  the  next  morning,  being 
Good  Friday." 2 

The  Cardinal  ordered  his  rooms  to  be  dismantled 
and  his  beds  and  hangings  packed,  and  on  Good 
Friday  morning  he  and  his  colleagues  had  already 
put  on  their  riding-boots,  when  Christina  appeared 
at  the  door  and  made  a  last  appeal. 

^  V.  de  St.  Genis,  "  Histoire  de  Savoie."  iii.  181. 
2  Kervyn  de  Lettenhove,  i.  485. 


April,  1559]       CHRISTINA'S  EFFORTS  445 

"  The  Duchess,"  wrote  the  Venetian  Tiepolo,  "-re- 
gardless of  personal  fatigue,  went  to  and  fro  between 
the  Commissioners,  with  the  greatest  zeal,  ardour, 
and  charity,  imploring  them  to  come  together 
again."  ^ 

Seven  years  before,  on  another  Good  Friday,  in 
her  own  palace,  Christina  had  knelt  in  an  agony  of 
grief  at  the  King  of  France's  feet,  asking  to  be 
allowed  to  keep  her  only  son.  To-day  she  pleaded 
with  tears  and  prayers,  in  the  name  of  the  same  Christ 
who  died  on  the  cross,  for  the  suffering  thousands 
who  were  sighing  for  peace.  This  time  her  prayer 
was  heard.  The  Cardinal  was  induced  to  meet  the 
Spanish  delegates  once  more,  and,  after  a  conference 
which  lasted  over  seven  hours,  it  was  decided  that 
King  Philip  should  keep  Asti  and  Vercelli,  and 
surrender  all  the  other  citadels  which  he  held  in  Savoy. 
Ruy  Gomez  hastened  to  the  Abbey  of  Groenendal  to 
obtain  his  master's  consent  to  this  plan,  and,  to  the 
amazement  of  the  whole  Court,  the  Cardinal  appeared 
suddenly  at  La  Ferte  Milon,  at  dinner-time  on  Easter 
Day.  Happily,  there  was  little  difficulty  in  arrangmg 
matters.  Madame  Marguerite  told  her  brother  plainly 
that  he  ought  not  to  let  her  marry  the  Duke,  if  he 
treated  him  with  suspicion,  and  Henry  bade  her  be 
of  good  cheer,  for  all  would  be  well.^ 

On  Easter  Tuesday  the  Commissioners  held  another 
meeting  at  Mon  Soulas,  and  by  the  following  even- 
ing the  terms  of  the  treaty  were  finally  arranged.  The 
Cardinal  embraced  the  young  Princesses  of  Lorraine, 
and  the  Duke  bade  his  mother  farewell,  and  rode  off 
as  fast  as  his  horse  could  take  him  to  bear  the  good 

^  Venetian  Calendar,  vii.  56;  J.  F.  Le  Petit,  "  Grande  Chronique 
de  Hollande,"  ii.  20. 

2  Venetian  Calendar,  vii..  57 


446      PEACE  OF  CATEAU-CAMBRESIS     [Bk.  Xil 

news  to  the  French  King.  All  the  Commissioners 
attended  a  solemn  Te  Deum  in  the  church,  and  bon- 
fires were  lighted  in  the  town.  '*  Thanks  be  to  God  !" 
wrote  the  Constable  to  his  nephew,  Cohgny:  "Peace 
is  made,  and  Madame  Marguerite  is  married."^  One 
point  still  awaited  settlement.  The  Princess  Ehza- 
beth's  hand  had  been  originally  offered  to  Don 
Carlos,  but  the  Constable  brought  back  word  that 
Henry  would  greatly  prefer  his  daughter  to  wed  King 
Phihp  himself.  The  plan  had  already  been  mooted 
at  an  earlier  stage  of  the  Conference,  but  it  was  not 
until  Philip  saw  that  there  was  no  hope  of  marrying 
the  Queen  of  England  that  he  consented  to  wed  the 
French  Princess.  On  the  2nd  of  April,  when  the 
articles  of  the  treaty  were  being  drafted,  the  Con- 
stable made  a  formal  proposal  from  his  master  to 
the  Duchess,  who,  after  a  few  words  with  Arras  and 
Ruy  Gomez,  graciously  informed  him  that  King 
Philip  was  pleased  to  accept  his  royal  brother's  offer .^ 

**  It  seems  a  bold  step,"  wrote  Tiepolo,  "  for  the 
Catholic  King  to  take  to  wife  the  daughter  of  the 
Most  Christian  King,  who  had  been  already  promised 
to  his  son,  especially  as  marriage  negotiations  with 
the  Queen  of  England  are  still  pending.  But,  seeing 
how  this  Queen  has  already  alienated  herself  from  the 
Church,  he  has  easily  allowed  himself  to  be  brought 
over  to  this  plan,  which  will  establish  peace  more 
effectually,  and  will  no  doubt  please  the  French, 
who  are  above  all  anxious  to  keep  him  from  marrying 
the  Queen  of  England."^ 

On  the  next  morning  the  Commissioners  met  for 
the  last  time,  and  signed  the  treaty,  after  which  they 
heard   Mass   and   all  dined   with   the   Duchess,   who 

1  Ruble,  26;  Venetian  Calendar,  vii.  67,  77. 

2  Granvelle,  v.  577.  ^  Venetian  Calendar,  vii.  62. 


April,  1559]       CONCLUSION  OF  PEACE  447 

received  the  thanks  and  congratulations  of  the  whole 
body.  Then  they  went  their  several  ways,  rejoic- 
ing, in  Arras's  words,  "  to  escape  from  purgatory." 
Howard  and  his  colleagues  hastened  home  to  make 
their  peace  with  the  offended  Queen.  In  spite  of 
her  affected  indifference,  Elizabeth  was  by  no  means 
gratified  to  hear  of  Philip's  marriage.  "  So  your 
master  is  going  to  be  married,"  she  said  with  a  smile 
to  Count  Feria.  "  What  a  fortunate  man  he  is  !" 
Presently  she  heaved  a  little  sigh,  and  said:  "  But  he 
could  hardl}^  have  been  as  much  in  love  with  me  as 
you  supposed,  since  he  could  not  await  my  answer  a 
few  months."^ 

Before  leaving  Cateau-Cambresis,  Christina  sent 
letters  of  congratulation  to  the  French  King  and 
Queen  and  to  Madame  Marguerite,  expressing  her 
joy  at  the  conclusion  of  the  treat^^-,  and  the  pleasure 
which  she  had  received  from  her  son's  presence.  To 
Henry  II.  she  wrote: 

"  It  has  pleased  God  to  set  the  seal  on  all  the  joy 
and  content  which  I  have  experienced  here — chiefly 
owing  to  Your  Majesty's  kindness  in  allowing  me 
to  see  my  son,  and,  after  that,  Madame  your  daughter 
and  her  company — by  bringing  those  long-drawn 
negotiations  to  a  good  end,  and  concluding,  not 
only  a  lasting  peace,  but  also  the  marriage  of  the 
Catholic  King  with  Madame  Elizabeth.  For  all  of 
which  I  thank  God,  and  assure  Your  Majesty  that 
I  feel  the  utmost  satisfaction  in  having  been  able  to 
bring  about  so  excellent  an  arrangement,  and  one  which 
cannot  fail  to  prove  a  great  boon  to  Christendom." 

In  her  letter  to  Catherine,  Christina  dwells  chiefly 
on  her  gratitude  to  the  Queen  and  her  daughter  for 
allowing  her  to  keep  her  son  so  long. 

^  Calendar  of  Spanish  State  Papers,  i.  49,  Archives  of  Siman- 
cas;  Kervyn  de  Lettenhove,,i.  494. 


448      PEACE  OF  CATEAU-CAMBR^SIS    [Bk.  Xll 

"  I  thank  you,  Madame,"  she  writes, "  very  humbly 
for  your  kind  interest  in  our  son,  who  is  very  well, 
thank  God,  and  I  hope  that  the  pleasure  of  seeing 
you  will  prevent  him  from  feeling  the  fatigues  of  the 
journey.  And  I  am  greatly  obhged  to  Your  Majesty 
and  our  daughter  for  having  lent  him  to  me  so  long. 
I  praise  God  that  our  negotiations  have  ended  so 
happily,  and  that  these  two  great  monarchs  will  hence- 
forth not  only  be  friends,  but  closely  allied  by  the 
marriage  of  the  Catholic  King  and  Madame  EUzabeth, 
which,  as  you  will  hear,  was  frankly  and  joyfully 
arranged  after  all  the  other  articles  of  the  treaty  had 
been  drawn  up.  I  rejoice  personally  to  think  that  by 
this  happy  arrangement  I  shall  often  have  the  pleasure 
of  seeing  your  Majesties,  our  daughter,  and  my  son, 
and  take  this  opportunity  of  wishing  you  joy  on  this 
auspicious  event,  hoping  that  in  future  you  will  not 
fail  to  make  use  of  me  as  of  one  who  is  ever  ready  to 
do  you  service."^ 

The  Duchess  now  returned  to  Brussels  with  her 
daughters  and  the  Prince  of  Orange.  All  the  towns 
and  villages  through  which  she  passed  were  hung  with 
flags  and  garlands  of  flowers,  and  her  coming  was 
hailed  with  shouts  of  joy.  The  prison  doors  were 
thrown  open,  and  the  poor  French  soldiers,  who  had 
languished  in  captivity  for  years,  called  down  blessings 
on  her  head.^  When  she  reached  Brussels,  the 
King  himself  rode  out  to  meet  her,  at  the  head  of 
his  nobles,  while  courtiers  and  ladies  flocked  from  all 
parts  to  welcome  her  return  and  offer  their  congratula- 
tions on  the  triumphant  success  of  her  labours.  For 
Christina  it  was  a  great  and  memorable  day.  The 
bitterness  of  past  memories  was  blotted  out,  and  peace 
and  good-will  seemed  to  have  come  back  to  earth. 

At  Whitsuntide  the  Treaty  was  ratified.  The  Duke 
of  Lorraine  came  to  Brussels  with  the  Cardinals  of 

^  Granvelle,  v.  582,  583.  ~  Venetian  Calendar,  vii.  64. 


May.  1559]     REJOICINGS  AT  BRUSSELS  449 

Lorraine  and  Guise  and  the  Constable,  and  spent  a 
fortnight  with  his  mother.  They  were  present  in  the 
Court  chapel,  with  Cardinals  and  Princes,  when  the 
King,  laying  his  hand  on  a  relic  of  the  True  Cross, 
took  a  solemn  oath  to  keep  the  articles  of  the 
Treaty.  And  Christina  occupied  the  place  of  honour 
at  Philip's  right  hand  at  the  state  banquet  in  the 
great  hall,  while  her  son  and  daughters  and  the 
Duchess  of  Aerschot  were  all  at  table  .^  The  King 
gave  the  Cardinal  of  Lorraine  a  service  of  gold  plate 
and  a  wonderful  ship  of  rock-crystal  studded  with 
gems,  and  bestowed  similar  presents  on  the  Constable  ; 
while  the  Marshal  St.  Andre,  being  a  poor  man 
was  excused  his  ransom.  They  all  left  Flanders  on  the 
following  Sunday,  except  the  Duke  of  Lorraine,  who 
remained  another  week  with  his  mother.  Before  he 
left  Brussels,  letters  from  Denmark  were  received,  con- 
firming a  report  which  had  alread}^  reached  the  Court 
of  his  grandfather  King  Christian  II.'s  death.  The 
old  King  had  died  in  the  Castle  of  Kallundborg,  after 
forty-five  years  of  captivity,  on  the  25th  of  January, 
1 559;  at  the  ripe  age  of  seventy-seven.  He  was  buried 
with  his  parents  in  the  Franciscan  church  at  Odensee, 
and  Duke  Adolf  of  Holstein  followed  his  kinsman's 
remains  to  their  last  resting-place.  When  her  son 
left  Brussels,  Christina  put  her  household  into  mourn- 
ing, and  retired  to  the  Convent  of  La  Cambre  to  spend 
a  month  in  retreat.  i\.fter  the  strain  and  stress  of  the 
last  six  months,  she  felt  the  need  of  rest  sorely,  and 
the  shelter  of  convent  walls  was  grateful  to  her  tired 
soul. 2 

1  Gachard,  iv.  67;  Venetian  Calendar,  vii.  87-90. 

2  Schafer,  iv.  445. 


BOOK  Xlll 

THE  RETURN  TO  LORRAINE 
1559— 1578 

I. 

During  the  last  year  the  Duke  of  Savoy  had  re- 
peatedly begged  to  be  relieved  of  his  post  as  the 
King's  Lieutenant  in  the  Low  Countries.  By  the 
Treaty  of  Cateau-Cambresis  he  recovered  his  dominions , 
and  set  out  on  the  1 5th  of  June  for  Paris  with  a  great 
train  of  gentlemen  and  servants,  to  celebrate  his 
marriage  with  King  Henry's  sister.  At  the  same 
time,  the  death  of  the  Emperor  made  Philip's  return 
to  Spain  necessary.  The  appointment  of  a  new 
Regent  of  the  Netherlands  became  imperative,  and 
everyone  expected  the  Duchess  of  Lorraine  would  be 
chosen  to  fill  the  vacant  office.  A  Habsburg  by  birth, 
she  inherited  the  capacity  for  governing  which  dis- 
tinguished the  women  of  her  house,  and  had  proved 
her  fitness  for  the  post  by  the  wisdom  with  which  she 
administered  her  son's  State  during  seven  years.  Her 
popularity  with  all  classes  of  people  in  the  Netherlands 
was  an  additional  advantage,  and  when,  in  the  summer 
of  1558,  it  had  been  doubtful  if  Mary  of  Hungary 
would  consent  to  return,  the  Duchess  was  the  first 
person  whose  name  was  suggested.  The  Venetian 
Suriano  remarked  that  the  only  doubt  as  to  her  fitness 
'  450 


May,  1559]    THE  NETHERLANDS  REGENCY     451 

for  the  office  was  that  she  hardly  possessed  her  aunt's 
extraordinary  vigour  and  energy.^  But  these  doubts 
had  been  dispelled  by  the  admirable  manner  in  which 
she  had  conducted  the  negotiations  at  the  recent 
Conference  and  the  immense  credit  which  she  had  ac- 
quired on  all  sides.  Unfortunately,  she  had  made  an 
enemy  of  the  Bishop  of  Arras,  and  excited  his  jealousy 
by  her  private  consultations  with  the  Cardinal  and 
Constable,  and  still  more  by  her  friendship  with  the 
Prince  of  Orange.  Both  Orange  and  Egmont  disliked 
the  Bishop  almost  as  much  as  they  hated  the  King's 
Spanish  favourites,  and  lost  no  opportunity  of  showing 
their  contempt  for  the  "  meddling  priest,"  as  they 
called  Philip's  confidential  counsellor.  And  both  of 
these  proud  nobles,  seeing  no  hope  of  themselves 
obtaining  the  Regency,  supported  the  Duchess's 
claims  strongly.^  But  the  very  popularity  which 
Christina  enjoyed,  the  acclamations  which  greeted 
her  return  from  Cateau-Cambresis,  had  the  effect  of 
arousing  Philip's  jealousy.  He  lent  a  willing  ear  to 
Arras  and  Alva  when  they  spoke  scornfully  of  the 
Duchess's  French  connection  and  of  the  influence 
which  the  Prince  of  Orange  would  gain  by  his  mar- 
riage with  her  daughter.  Then,  in  an  evil  hour  both 
for  himself  and  the  Netherlands,  the  Bishop  suggested 
the  name  of  the  Duchess  of  Parma.  Margaret  was 
closely  related  to  the  King,  and  would  be  far  more 
pliable  and  ready  to  follow  his  counsels  than  Christina. 
Phihp  liked  his  sister,  and  shared  the  Spaniards' 
jealousy  of  the  great  Flemish  nobles,  more  espe- 
cially   of    the    Prince    of    Orange,    whose    intimacy 

^  Venetian  Calendar,  vi.  1533. 

2  T.  Juste,  "  Philippe  II.,"  209  ;  Gachard,  "  Correspondance  de 
Guillaume  d'Orange,"  i.  431;  Granvelle,  v.  628. 


4S2         THE  RETURN  TO  LORRAINE     [Bk.  xiil 

with  Christina  he  regarded  with  growing  suspicion. 
His  mind  was  soon  made  up,  and  when  the  French 
Commissioners  came  to  Brussels  in  May,  the  appoint- 
ment of  the  Duchess  of  Parma  to  be  Governess  of 
the  Low  Countries  was  pubhcly  proclaimed.^ 

The  announcement  was  the  signal  for  an  outburst 
of  popular  discontent.  Orange  and  Egmont  pro- 
tested loudly  at  this  affront  to  the  Duchess  of  Lor- 
raine, and  complained  of  the  indignity  offered  to  the 
nation  by  giving  them  a  ruler  of  illegitimate  birth, 
whose  interests  and  connections  were  all  foreign,  and 
whose  husband  had  actually  borne  arms  against  the 
late  Emperor. 

"  There  is  great  discontent  here,"  wrote  Tiepolo, 
"  at  the  Duchess  of  Parma's  appointment.  The 
common  folk  use  very  insolent  language,  and  say 
that  if  a  woman  is  to  reign  over  them  they  would  far 
rather  have  the  Duchess  of  Lorraine,  whom  they 
know  and  love  and  hold  to  be  one  of  themselves. 
Eyer}^  one,  indeed,  would  have  greatly  preferred  this 
Princess,  who  is  of  royal  lineage  on  both  sides,  and  has 
long  dw^elt  in  these  provinces,  besides  being  far  more 
gracious  and  affable  to  the  nobles." ^ 

To  Christina  herself  the  blow  was  heavy.  She  had 
suffered  many  trials  and  disappointments  at  her 
enemies'  hands,  but  had  never  expected  to  be  treated 
with  such  ingratitude  by  the  King,  who  had  always 
professed  so  much  affection  for  his  cousin,  and  was  so 
deeply  indebted  to  her. 

"  The  Duchess  of  Lorraine,"  wrote  Tiepolo,  "  feels 
the  injustice  of  the  King's  decision  more  deeply  than 
any  of  her  past  adversities,  and  naturally  thinks  that, 
after  her  long  and  indefatigable  exertions  in  nego- 
tiating this  peace,  taking  part  in  every  Conference 

^  T.  Juste,  206;  Venetian  Calendar,  vii.  83. 
-  Venetian  Calendar,  vii.  83. 


June,  1559]    CHRISTINA'S  DISAPPOINTMENT    453 

and  adjusting  every  dispute,  she  deserved  to  be  treated 
with  greater  regard.  Ever3^one  here  admits  that 
peace  was  concluded  chiefly  owing  to  her  wisdom  and 
efforts,  and  this  is  all  the  reward  which  she  has 
received."^ 

It  is  scarcely  to  be  wondered  at  if  Christina  never 
wholly  forgave  Philip  for  the  cruel  wrong  which  he 
had  done  her,  and  if  in  all  her  future  correspondence 
with  him  we  trace  a  strain  of  reproachful  bitterness. 
Her  resolve  to  leave  the  Netherlands  w^as  now  fixed. 
She  could  not  bear  to  see  another  Regent  at  Brussels, 
and  was  not  even  sure  if  she  cared  to  live  as  a  subject 
at  her  son's  Court.  Her  thoughts  turned  once  more 
to  Italy,  and,  since  the  Castles  of  Tortona  and 
Vigevano  were  not  available,  she  addressed  a  petition 
to  Philip  through  her  Italian  secretary,  asking  him  to 
give  her  the  duchy  of  Bari  in  Calabria.  This  princi- 
pality, once  the  property  of  Lodovico  Sforza,had  been 
lately  bequeathed  to  Philip  by  the  late  Queen  Bona 
of  Poland,  on  condition  that  he  would  discharge  a 
considerable  debt  owing  to  her  son,  King  Sigismund. 
The  beauty  and  salubrity  of  the  spot,  as  well  as  its 
association  with  the  Sforzas,  probably  prompted 
Christina's  request,  which  ran  as  follows: 

"  The  Duchess  of  Lorraine  in  all  humility  begs  Your 
Majesty,  in  consideration  of  her  close  relationship  and 
of  the  great  affection  which  she  bore  the  late  Emperor, 
and  of  the  services  which  she  has  rendered  both  to 
His  Majesty  of  blessed  memory  and  to  yourself,  to  do 
her  the  favour  of  granting  her  and  her  children  the 
duchy  of  Bari,  with  the  same  revenues  and  indepen- 
dent liberties  as  were  enjoyed  by  the  Queen  of  Poland. 
She  will  undertake  to  pay  the  King  of  Poland  the  sum 
of  100,000  crowns  due  to  him,  and  humbly  begs  Your 
Majesty  to  grant  her  half  of  this  amount  in  ready 

^  Venetian  Calendar,  vii.  83. 

30 


454         THE  RETURN  TO  LORRAINE     [Bk.  XIII 

money,  the  other  half  in  bills  on  merchants'  houses, 
in  order  that  she  may  be  able  to  pay  the  creditors  who 
annoy  her  daily.  Her  revenues  for  the  next  year  are 
already  mortgaged,  owing  to  the  necessity  laid  upon 
her  of  supporting  her  daughters,  during  the  last  seven 
years,  and  the  repeated  journeys  which  she  has  under- 
taken to  England,  and  across  the  French  frontier  to 
treat  of  peace,  all  of  which  have  involved  her  in  great 
and  heavy  expenses.  ..." 

Here  the  petition  breaks  off  abruptly,  the  rest  of 
the  page  being  torn  off;  but  we  see  by  Philip's  reply 
that  it  contained  a  bitter  complaint  of  the  injustice 
which  he  had  done  Christina  by  refusing  to  make 
her  Regent.  He  wrote  to  Arras,  desiring  him  to  see 
that  the  Duchess  ceased  to  repeat  these  perpetual 
recriminations  on  the  subject  of  the  Regency,  which 
were  as  derogatory  to  her  dignity  as  they  were  injurious 
to  his  interests.  He  regretted  that  his  own  pressing 
needs  made  it  impossible  for  hirn  to  do  as  much  as  he 
should  wish  to  help  her.  At  the  same  time  he  said 
that,  besides  the  revenue  of  4,000  crowns  which  he 
had  already  offered  her,  and  which  she  had  neither 
refused  nor  accepted,  he  was  ready  to  give  her 
another  yearly  allowance  of  10,000  crowns,  to  be 
charged  on  Naples  and  Milan,  pointing  out  that  she 
could  raise  money  on  this  income  to  satisfy  her 
creditors. 

"  The  sincere  affection  which  the  King  has  always 
felt  for  the  Duchess,  and  the  closeness  of  their  relation- 
ship," added  the  writer,  "  impels  him  to  advise  her  to 
retire  to  her  dower  lands  of  Lorraine  and  live  near  her 
son,  in  order  that  she  may  foster  the  loyalty  and  devo- 
tion which  this  young  Prince  owes  her,  and  give  him 
advice  and  help  that  may  conduce  to  his  welfare  and 
that  of  the  House  of  Lorraine.  Any  other  action  on 
her  part,  the  King  is  convinced,  will  only  excite 
public     suspicion     and     slander.     If,     however,     the 


June,  1559]       WILLIAM  OF  ORANGE  455 

Duchess  prefers  to  live  in  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  the 
King  is  ready  to  offer  her  the  town  of  Lecce,  the  most 
important  next  to  the  capital,  where  she  can  enjoy 
all  the  comforts  and  amenities  of  Italian  life,  together 
with  the  respect  due  to  her  exalted  birth  and  rank."^ 

This  offer,  however,  did  not  commend  itself  to 
Christina.  In  spite  of  its  ancient  castle  and  beautiful 
situation,  Lecce  was  not  an  independent  principality, 
and  had  no  connection  with  her  family.  She  replied 
curtly  that  she  would  follow  His  Majesty's  advice  and 
return  to  Lorraine,  as  soon  as  her  creditors  were  satis- 
fied and  her  affairs  sufficiently  arranged  for  her  to 
leave  the  Netherlands  with  honour.  Upon  this, 
Philip  sent  the  Duchess  a  sum  of  21,000  crowns  to 
defray  the  expenses  of  her  journeys,  and  a  further 
substantial  advance  on  the  additional  revenues  which 
he  had  assigned  her.^ 

But  while  he  was  outwardly  endeavouring  to  atone 
for  one  act  of  injustice,  he  was  secretl}^  doing  the 
Duchess  another  and  a  more  serious  injurv.  The 
marriage  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  with  her  daughter 
Renee  had  been  practically  arranged  at  Cateau- 
Cambresis,  but  some  difficulties  had  arisen  regarding 
the  settlements  already  made  by  the  Prince  on  his 
two  children  by  his  first  marriage,  and  the  heavy 
debts  which  he  had  incurred  by  his  extravagance, 
amounting,  it  was  said,  to  900,000  crowns.  Up  to 
this  time  Philip  had  openly  encouraged  the  Prince's 
suit,  but  both  he  and  Arras  looked  w^th  alarm  on  a 
marriage  that  would  make  Orange  more  pow^erful  and 
more  dangerous  than  he  was  already,  and  were  secretly 
plotting  against  its  conclusion.  One  day,w^hen  Philip 
was  walking  in  the  park  at  Brussels  with  the  Prince, 

1  Granvelle,  v.  625-627.  2  Venetian  Calendar,  vii.  112. 


456         THE  RETURN  TO  LORRAINE     [Bk.  xiil 

he  told  him  how  much  he  regretted  to  find  that 
Madame  de  Lorraine  was  strongly  opposed  to  his 
marriage  with  her  daughter,  and  had  begged  him  to 
inform  the  Prince  that  she  must  decline  to  proceed 
further  with  the  matter.  The  King  added,  in  a 
friendly  way,  that  he  had  told  him  this  in  order  that 
he  might  look  about  for  another  wife  while  he  was 
still  young.  The  Prince  was  naturally  much  annoyed 
at  this  unexpected  communication,  and  replied 
proudly  that,  if  this  were  the  case,  he  would  promptly 
seek  another  alliance  in  Germany,  where  he  had 
already  received  several  oifers  of  marriage.  He  was 
deeply  w^ounded,  not  without  reason,  and  went  off  to 
Paris  a  few  days  later,  with  Egmont  and  Alva,  to 
remain  there  as  hostages  until  the  conditions  of  the 
treaty  had  been  fulfilled.  It  was  not  until  many 
months  afterwards  that  he  discovered  how  he  had 
been  duped.  Christina  meanwhile  remained  in  her 
convent  retreat,  unconscious  of  what  was  happening 
in  her  absence,  and  heard  with  some  surprise  that  the 
Prince  of  Orange  had  left  Court  without  informing 
her  of  his  departure. 

All  eyes  were  now  turned  to  the  Palais  des  Tour- 
nelles  in  Paris,  where  the  Catholic  King's  marriage  to 
Elizabeth  of  France,  and  that  of  the  Duke  of  Savoy 
to  Margaret,  were  about  to  be  celebrated.  Alva 
represented  his  master  at  the  wedding,  which  was 
solemnized  at  Notre  Dame  on  the  22nd  of  June,  and 
his  old  enemy  Guise  proclaimed  the  new  Queen's 
titles  at  the  church  doors,  and  flung  handfuls  of  gold 
to  the  applauding  crowds.  But  their  joy  was  soon 
changed  into  mourning.  King  Henry  was  mortally 
wounded  by  a  splintered  lance  in  the  tournament  that 
followed,  and,  after  lingering  for  ten  days,  breathed 


WILLIAM,  PRINCE  OF  ORANGE,   .^TAT  26 
By  Adriaan  Key  (Darmstadt) 


To  face  p.  456. 


July,  1559]    MARGARET  OF  PARMA  REGENT    457 

his  last  on  the  loth  of  July,  two  days  after  the  mar- 
riage of  his  sister  and  the  Duke  of  vSavoy  had  been 
quietly  solemnized  in  the  neighbouring  church  of 
St.  Paul. 

The  news  of  his  father-in-law's  death  reached  Philip 
at  Ghent,  where  he  was  preparing  for  his  departure. 
Here  Christina  joined  him  on  the  19th,  and  was  greeted 
with  the  liveliest  demonstrations  of  affection  from 
both  Court  and  people.  Before  leaving  Brussels,  she 
saw  an  English  gentleman,  who  was  on  his  way 
to  Italy,  and  brought  her  a  pressing  invitation 
from  Queen  Ehzabeth  to  pay  a  visit  to  England.^ 
Elizabeth  had  evidently  not  forgotten  the  Duchess's 
friendly  intentions  on  her  behalf  when  she  came  to 
London  in  Mary's  reign,  nor  her  more  recent  conversa- 
tion with  Lord  Howard.  After  her  arrival  at  Ghent, 
she  received  frequent  visits  from  Chaloner,  the  newly 
appointed  Ambassador,  and  from  the  French  Envoy, 
Sebastien  de  I'Aubespine,  who  had  been  one  of  the 
delegates  to  the  Conference,  and  could  not  speak  too 
highly  of  Madame  de  Lorraine's  goodness  and  abihty. 
Through  him  she  sent  affectionate  messages  to  the 
young  King  Francis  II.  and  his  Scottish  w^ife,  thanking 
them  in  the  warmest  terms  for  their  kindness  to  her 
son.  Nor  was  Philip  lacking  in  his  attentions.  He  met 
the  Duchess  on  her  arrival,  paid  her  daily  visits,  and 
seemed  to  fall  once  more  under  the  old  spell.  On  the 
24th  he  and  Christina  were  both  present  at  a  Requiem 
for  the  King  of  France,  and  dined  together  afterwards. 
The  same  afternoon  Philip  rode  out  to  receive  the 
Duchess  of  Parma. ^     The  next  day  the  Duke  of  Savoy 

^  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Elizabeth,  i.  82. 
^  Sebastien    de    I'Aubespine,    "  Negociations    au    Regne    de 
Fran9ois  II.,"  43,  66. 


458         THE  RETURN  TO  LORRAINE     [Bk.  xill 

returned  from  Paris,  bringing  with  him  the  Prince  of 
Orange  and  Egmont,  who  were  released  on  parole,  and 
attended  the  Chapter  of  the  Fleece  held  by  the  King 
in  the  Church  of  St.  John.  On  the  7th  of  August  the 
States  met,  and  the  new  Regent  was  formally  pre- 
sented to  them.  But  many  voices  were  raised  to 
protest  against  the  powers  conferred  upon  her,  and 
the  States  refused  to  grant  the  aids  demanded  unless 
the  Spanish  troops  were  withdrawn.  This  act  of 
audacity  roused  Philip's  anger,  and  in  his  farewell 
interview  with  William  of  Orange  he  accused  him  of 
being  the  instigator  of  the  measure. 

Before  leaving  Ghent,  the  King  arranged  a  meeting 
between  the  two  Duchesses  in  the  garden  of  the 
Prinzenhof,  and  afterwards  invited  Christina  to  visit 
him  at  Flushing,  where  he  spent  some  days  before  he 
embarked.  They  dined  together  for  the  last  time 
on  the  12th  of  August,  and  seem  to  have  parted 
friends.^  Then  Christina  returned  to  Brussels  to 
prepare  for  her  own  departure,  and  Chaloner  wrote 
home: 

I  heare  say  the  Duchess  of  Lorraine  repaireth 
shortly  hence  into  Lorraine,  smally  satisfied  with 
the  preferment  of  the  other,  for  old  emulations' 
sake. "2 

During  the  next  tw^o  months  Christina  had  much 
to  endure.  She  found  a  marked  change  in  the  Prince 
of  Orange.  He  treated  her  with  profound  respect 
and  courtesy  in  public,  but  kept  aloof  from  her  in 
private,  and  appeared  to  have  transferred  his  atten- 
tions to  Margaret  of  Parma.  All  idea  of  his  marriage 
with    Renee — "  the    Duchess    of    Lorraine's    sound- 

^  Venetian  Calendar,  vii.  119,  121;  Gachard,  iv.  72. 
2  Kervyn  dc  Lettenhove,  i.  583. 


Sept.,  1559]    RIVALRY  OF  THE  DUCHESSES    459 

limbed  daughter,"  as  she  was  called  by  Chaloner — 
seemed  to  be  abandoned,  and  in  September  he  left 
Court  to  attend  the  French  King's  coronation  at  Reims. 
There  was  a  general  feeling  of  discontent  abroad. 

"  The  new  Regent  is  greatly  disliked,"  wrote  John 
Leigh,  an  Enghsh  merchant  of  Antwerp,  "  by  all 
estates,  who  wished  to  have  the  Duchess  of  Lorraine 
for  their  ruler,  and  some  of  her  own  ladies  have 
told  her  that  she  is  a  bastard,  and  not  meet  for 
the  place." 

The  States  refused  to  grant  the  subsidies  asked  for, 
and  the  people  clamoured  for  the  removal  of  the 
Spaniards.  The  nobles  showed  their  displeasure  by 
retiring  to  their  country-houses,  and  the  ladies  ab- 
sented themselves  from  Margaret's  receptions  to  meet 
in  the  Duchess  of  Lorraine's  rooms .^  This  naturally 
provoked  quarrels  and  jealousies,  which,  as  Arras 
remarked  in  his  letters  to  PhiUp,  might  easily  prove 
serious. 

"  Then  there  is  rivalry  between  the  Duchess  of 
Lorraine  and  her  of  Parma,"  wrote  the  Bishop  on  the 
4th  of  October,  at  the  end  of  a  long  tale  of  troubles. 
"  The  best  way  would  be  to  keep  them  apart,  for  all 
these  comings  and  goings  can  produce  no  good  result. 
Fortunately,  the  former  is  about  to  go  to  Lorraine. 
We  shall  see  if  she  leaves  her  daughters  here,  or  takes 
them  with  her.  What  is  certain  is  that,  wherever 
she  and  her  daughters  may  be,  it  will  be  better  for 
Your  Majesty's  service  they  should  be  anywhere  but 
here,  as  long  as  Madame  de  Parma  remains  in  these 
parts,  and  discord  prevails  between  her  and  the 
Duchess. "2 

When  Arras  wrote  these  words,  Christina  was  al- 
ready on  her  way  to  Lorraine.  Philip  received  a 
letter  from  her  at  Toledo,  informing  him  of  her  final 

^  Groen,  i.  49;  Kervyn  de  Lettenhove,  ii.  8;  Venetian  Calendar, 
vii.  112.  2  .Groen,  i.  35;  Granvellc,  v.  652. 


46o         THE  RETURN  TO  LORRAINE     [Bk.  xill 

departure,  and  wrote  to  tell  Arras  that  all  strife 
between  the  Duchesses  was  now  at  an  end.^  In  the 
same  month  a  marriage  was  arranged  between 
William  of  Orange  and  Anna  of  Saxony,  the  Elector 
Maurice's  daughter.  Arras  was  greatly  alarmed 
when  he  heard  of  this  alliance  with  a  Protestant  Prin- 
cess, and  used  all  his  powers  of  persuasion  to  induce 
the  Prince  to  return  to  his  old  suit  and  marry  Made- 
moiselle de  Lorraine.  But  it  was  too  late.  The 
Prince  knew  that  the  Duchess  would  never  forgive 
the  studied  neglect  with  which  he  had  treated  her, 
and,  as  he  told  the  Bishop,  his  word  was  already 
pledged.  A  year  later  he  married  the  Saxon  Princess, 
but  lived  to  repent  of  this  ill-assorted  union,  and  to 
reahze  that  he  had  been  the  dupe  of  Philip  and  his 
astute  Minister  .2 


11. 

Christina's  return  to  Lorraine  took  place  at  an 
eventful  moment.  The  death  of  Henry  II.  and  the 
accession  of  Francis  II.  placed  the  supreme  power  in 
the  hands  of  the  Guise  brothers.  As  the  saying  ran, 
"  So  many  Guise  Princes,  so  many  Kings  of  France." 
The  elder  branch  of  the  House  of  Lorraine  shared  in 
the  triumphs  of  the  younger.  The  reigning  Duke, 
Charles,  had  grown  up  with  the  young  King  and 
Queen,  and  was  tenderly  beloved  by  them.  Francis 
could  not  bear  his  brother-in-law  to  be  absent  from 
his  side,  and  after  his  coronation  at  Reims,  on  the 
1 8th  of  September,  he  and  Mary  accompanied  the 
Duke  and  Duchess  on  a  progress  through  Lorraine. 

^  Granvelle,  v.  672,  vi.  29. 

2  Groen,  i.  49,  52;  "  Correspondance  de  Granvelle,"  iii.  529. 


Oct.,  1559]       MARY  QUEEN  OF  SCOTS  461 

The  festival  of  the  Order  of  St.  Michel  was  held  at 
Bar,  where  Charles  kept  open  house  for  a  week,  and 
his  aunt,  Anne  of  Aerschot,  came  to  join  the  family 
party  and  meet  the  daughter  of  her  old  companion, 
Mary  of  Guise.  The  charms  of  the  young  Queen  won 
all  hearts  in  her  mother's  native  Lorraine,  and 
Francis  indulged  his  passion  for  sport  in  the  forests 
of  Nomeny  and  Esclaron.^ 

Here,  at  this  favourite  hunting-lodge  of  the  Guises, 
the  royal  part}^  were  joined  by  the  Duke's  mother. 
Christina  reached  Esclaron  on  the  nth  of  October, 
and  was  received  with  every  mark  of  respect  and 
affection.  At  first,  if  Brantome  is  to  be  believed, 
the  Duchess  -  mother  was  inclined  to  stand  on  her 
dignity,  and  refused  to  yield  precedence  to  the  youth- 
ful Queen;  but  Mary's  grace  and  sweetness  soon  dis- 
pelled all  rivalry,  and  Christina  became  the  best  of 
friends  with  both  the  King  and  Queen.  General 
regret  was  expressed  at  the  absence  of  the  young 
Princesses,  whom  their  mother  had  left  at  Brussels; 
but  Christina  was  aware  of  the  Cardinal's  anxiety  to 
arrange  a  marriage  between  Renee  and  the  Prince  of 
Joinville,  and  had  no  intention  of  consenting  to  this 
arrangement . 

"  She  left  her  daughters  behind  her,"  wrote  Throck- 
morton, the  English  Ambassador,  "  because  she  is 
unwilling  to  satisfy  the  hopes  of  the  House  of  Guise, 
and  makes  not  so  great  an  account  of  their  advances 
as  to  leave  the  old  friendship  of  King  Phihp  and 
his  countries.  The  French,  in  fact,"  he  adds,  "  are 
doing  all  they  can  to  make  the  Duchess  Dowager  a 
good  Frenchwoman,  but  they  will  not  find  it  as  easy 
as  they  think." 2 

^  Calmet,  ii.  1552;  Pfister,  ii.  246;  Calendar  of  State  Papers, 
Elizabeth,  i.  562. 

2  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Elizabeth,  Foreign,  ii.  55. 


462         THE  RETURN  TO  LORRAINE     [Bk.  Xlil 

At  the  end  of  the  week  Christina  went  on  to  Nancy 
with  her  son  and  daughter-in-law,  leaving  the  King 
and  Queen  to  proceed  to  Joinville,  where  Mary  was 
anxious  to  see  her  beloved  grandmother.  She  had 
already  appointed  Antoinette  and  her  three  daughters- 
in-law  to  be  her  ladies-in-waiting,  and,  as  a  further 
proof  of  affection,  had  given  her  grandmother  the 
present  which  she  received  from  the  city  of  Paris  on 
her  state  entry.  From  Blois,  where  the  royal  pair 
spent  the  autumn  and  winter,  Francis  II.  sent  his 
brother-in-law  the  following  letter,  which  throws  a 
pleasant  light  on  the  happy  relations  existing  between 
the  two  families : 

"  My  dear  Brother, 

"  I  am  longing  for  news  of  you  and  my  sister, 
and  have  not  heard  from  either  of  you  since  you 
reached  Nancy.  Next  week  I  take  my  sister,  the 
Catholic  Queen,  to  Chatelherault  on  her  way  to  Spain, 
after  which  I  shall  return  to  Blois,  and  not  move 
again  before  Easter.  As  you  may  imagine,  I  cannot 
be  in  this  house  without  missing  you  very  much.  I 
shall  await  your  return  with  the  utmost  impatience, 
and  wish  you  were  here  to  enjoy  the  fine  rides  which 
I  have  made  in  my  forest.  I  niust  thank  you  for 
the  good  cheer  that  you  are  giving  my  sister,  which 
is  the  best  proof  of  your  perfect  love  for  me.  And  I 
am  quite  sure  that  in  this  you  are  helped  by  my  aunt 
your  mother,  Madame  de  Lorraine,  for  whom  I  feel 
the  deepest  gratitude,  and  whom  I  should  hke  to 
assure  of  my  readiness  and  anxiety  to  do  her  every 
possible  service.  And  I  pray  God,  my  dearest 
brother,  to  have  you  in  His  holy  keeping."^ 

The  young  Duke  and  Duchess  were  both  of  them 
longing  to  accept  this  pressing  invitation  and  return 
to  the  gay  French  Court.     Charles  as  yet  took  little 

1  A.  de  Ruble,  308;  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  123,  4,  f.  40. 


Dec,  1559]    CHRISTINA  RETURNS  TO  NANCY  463 

interest  in  public  affairs  which  required  serious 
attention.  Confusion  reigned  in  every  department. 
In  many  instances  the  ducal  lands  had  been  seized 
and  their  revenues  appropriated  to  other  uses,  while 
the  whole  country  had  suffered  from  the  frequent 
incursions  of  foreign  troops,  and  famine  and  distress 
prevailed  in  man}^  districts.  Under  these  circum- 
stances the  help  of  the  Duchess-mother  was  sorely 
needed.  Vaudemont,  having  neither  health  nor 
capacity  to  cope  with  these  difficulties,  had  retired 
into  private  life,  and  by  degrees  Christina  resumed 
most  of  her  old  functions.  She  applied  herself  to 
reforming  abuses  and  restoring  order  in  the  finances, 
and  at  the  same  time  helped  her  son  and  daughter-in- 
law  in  entertaining  the  nobles  who  flocked  to  Nancy 
to  pay  them  homage.  Her  daughters  came  to  join  her 
at  Christmas,  and  she  settled  once  more  in  her  old 
quarters  in  the  ducal  palace.  In  March  the  Duke 
returned  to  the  French  Court,  and  his  mother  was 
left  to  act  as  Regent  during  his  absence.^ 

After  visiting  Remiremont  and  Bar,  Charles  and 
his  wife  went  on  to  spend  the  summer  with  the  King 
and  Queen  at  Amboise,  where  they  gave  themselves 
up  to  hunting  and  dancing,  and  enjo3^ed  suppers  at 
Chenonceaux  and  water-parties  on  the  Loire.  But 
this  joyous  life  was  rudely  disturbed  by  the  discovery 
of  a  Huguenot  conspiracy,  which  was  put  down  with 
ruthless  severit}^,  and  was  followed  by  continual 
alarms.  The  King  and  Duke  had  to  be  escorted  by 
500  men-at-arms  on  their  hunting-parties,  and  the 
Cardinal  of  Lorraine  never  left  his  room  without  a 
guard  of  ten  men  bearing  loaded  pistols.  On  the 
loth  of  June  Mary  of  Guise  died  in  Edinburgh  Castle, 
1  Calmet,  ii;  1353;  Pfister,  ii.  246. 


464         THE  RETURN  TO  LORRAINE     [Bk.  xiii 

and  her  remains  were  brought  back  to  her  native 
land  and  buried  in  her  sister's  convent  church, 
St.  Pierre  of  Reims.  The  whole  Court  went  into 
mourning,  and  Throckmorton  was  so  moved  by  the 
young  Queen's  tears  that  he  declared  "  there  never 
was  a  daughter  who  loved  her  mother  better."^ 
Meanwhile  the  aspect  of  affairs  grew  daily  more 
threatening.  There  were  riots  in  the  provinces,  and 
rumours  of  plots  at  Court.  The  Duke  of  Lorraine  was 
present  at  the  Council  held  at  St.  Germain  for  the 
defence  of  the  realm,  but  left  for  Nancy  when  the  Court 
moved  to  Orleans  in  October. 

Two  months  later  the  young  King  died  there  very 
suddenly.  He  fainted  at  vespers  one  evening,  and 
passed  away  at  midnight  on  the  5th  of  December, 
1560.  His  brother  Charles,  a  boy  of  ten,  was  pro- 
claimed King  in  his  stead,  and  his  mother,  Catherine 
de'  Medici,  assumed  the  Regency.  Three  days  after- 
wards Throckmorton  wrote  that  the  late  King  was 
already  forgotten  by  everyone  but  his  widow,  who, 
"  being  as  noble-minded  as  she  is  beautiful,  weeps  pas- 
sionately for  the  husband  who  loved  her  so  dearly, 
and  with  whom  she  has  lost  everything."  The  young 
Queen  behaved  with  admirable  discretion.  On  the 
day  after  the  King's  death  she  sent  the  Crown  jewels 
to  her  mother-in-law,  and,  as  soon  as  the  funeral  had 
been  solemnized,  begged  leave  to  go  and  visit  her 
mother's  grave  at  Reims.  After  spending  three  weeks 
with  her  aunt,  Abbess  Renee,  Mary  went  to  stay  with 
her  grandmother  at  Joinville,  where  she  w^as  joined 
by  Anne  of  Aerschot,  the  one  of  all  her  mother's 
family  to  whom  she  clung  the  most  closely,  calling 

^  Venetian  Calendar,  vii.  163;  Calendar  of  State  Papers, 
Elizabeth,  Foreign,  iii.  224. 


May.  1561]  LA  REINE  BLANCHE  465 

her  "  ma  tante,"  and  consulting  her  in  all  her 
difficulties.^ 

Christina  herself  was  full  of  sympathy  for  this 
young  Queen,  whose  early  widowhood  recalled  her 
own  fate,  and  she  joined  cordially  in  the  invitation 
which  the  Duke  sent  Mary  to  pay  a  visit  to  Nancy. 
"  The  Queen  of  Scotland,"  wrote  Throckmorton  to 
Elizabeth  on  the  ist  of  May,  1561,  "  is  at  Nancy  with 
the  Dowager,  whom  here  they  call  Son  Altesse." 
Christina  rode  out  with  her  son  to  meet  their  guest 
on  the  frontiers  of  Lorraine,  and  her  uncles,  the  two 
Cardinals,  Aumale,  Vaudemont,  and  the  Duchess  of 
Aerschot,  all  accompanied  her  to  Nancy. 

The  touching  beauty  of  the  young  widow  created 
a  profound  sensation  at  the  Court  of  Lorraine.  Bran- 
tome  describes  her  as  "  a  celestial  vision  ";  Ronsard 
sang  of  the  charms  which  transfigured  son  grand 
deuil  et  tristesse,  and  made  her  more  dangerous  in  this 
simple  white  veil  that  rivalled  the  exquisite  delicacy 
of  her  complexion  than  in  the  most  sumptuous  robes 
and  dazzling  jewels;  and  Clouet  drew  his  immortal 
portrait  .2  The  Duke  arranged  a  series  of  fetes  to 
distract  the  young  Queen's  mind  and  help  to  dry  her 
tears.  There  were  masques  and  dances  at  Nancy, 
hunting-parties  and  banquets  at  Nomeny,  where 
Mary  stood  godmother  to  the  Count  Vaudemont 's 
youngest  child;  and  the  Court  was  gayer  than  it  had 
been  for  many  years.  But  intrigue  was  once  more  rife 
at  the  French  Court,  and  all  manner  of  proposals 
were  made  for  the  young  widow's  hand.  The  King  of 
Denmark,   Frederic   IIL,  the   Prince  of  Orange,  the 

*  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Elizabeth,  Foreign,  iv.  91 ;  Venetian 
Calendar,  vii.  290. 

2  A.  de  Ruble,  210;  Brantome,  xii.  116;  Aubespine,  752. 


466         THE  RETURN  TO  LORRAINE     [Bk.  Xlll 

Archduke  Charles,  the  Dukes  of  Bavaria  and  Ferrara, 
were  all  suggested  as  possible  husbands.  The  fas- 
cination which  Mary  had  for  the  boy- King  Charles  IX. 
was  well  known,  and  Catherine  de'  Medici,  who  had 
never  forgiven  Mary  for  calling  her  a  shopkeeper's 
daughter,  was  secretly  plotting  to  keep  her  away 
from  the  Court,  and  yet  prevent  her  marriage  to  Don 
Carlos,  whom  she  wished  to  secure  for  her  youngest 
daughter,  Margot.  The  Cardinal  of  Lorraine  was 
known  to  be  eager  for  the  Spanish  marriage,  and  both 
Christina  and  Anne  did  their  best  to  forward  his 
scheme,  which  was  the  subject  of  many  letters  that 
passed  between  Granvelle,  the  Duchess  of  Aerschot, 
and  Mary  herself.  But  Philip,  without  actually  de- 
clining the  offer,  always  returned  evasive  answers, 
whether  he  shrank  from  placing  his  sickly  and  way- 
ward son  in  an  independent  position,  or  whether  he 
feared  the  power  of  the  Guise  faction.^ 

In  the  midst  of  the  festivities  at  Nancy,  Mary  fell  ill 
of  fever,  and  as  soon  as  she  was  fit  to  travel  returned 
to  Joinville,  to  be  nursed  by  her  grandmother;  while 
Christina  accompanied  her  son  and  his  wife  to  Reims 
for  the  new  King's  sacring  on  the  15th  of  May.  The 
magnificence  of  the  Duchess-mother's  appearance  on 
this  occasion  excited  general  admiration.  Grief  and 
anxiet}^  had  left  their  traces  on  her  face,  but,  in  spite 
of  advancing  years  and  sorrow,  Christina  was  still  a 
very  handsome  woman.  Among  all  the  royal  ladies 
who  met  in  the  ancient  city,  none  was  more  stately 
and  distinguished-looking  than  Madame  de  Lorraine. 
As  her  chariot,  draped  with  black  velvet  fringed  with 
gold,  and  drawn  by  four  superb  white  horses  of  Arab 
breed,  drew  up  in  front  of  the  Cardinal's  palace,  a 
1  Aubespine,  80-84;  Bouille,  ii.  74;  Venetian  Calendar,  vii.  290 


In   LL-ictcyu/b  cLt^jj 

^/rxyni-the  draiinnqin  the  !r.^Di/^/iat/ieque  ^   \<itlcnaU  <7/^/ari.{. 


May,i56i]     coronation  of  CHARLES  IX.    467 

murmur  of  admiration  ran  through  the  crowd.  The 
Duchess  sat  at  one  window,  clad  in  a  long  black  velvet 
robe,  and  wearing  a  jewelled  diadem  on  her  head,  with 
a  flowing  white  veil  and  cap  of  the  shape  that  became 
known  at  the  French  Court  as  a  la  Lorraine,  and  was 
adopted  by  Mary,  Queen  of  Scots,  for  her  habitual  use. 
At  the  other  sat  her  lovely  young  daughter  Renee, 
the  coveted  bride  of  many  of  the  Princes  who  were 
present  that  day,  while  on  the  opposite  seat  was  the 
Princess  of  Macedonia,  an  august  white-haired  lady, 
with  the  chiselled  features  of  the  proud  Greek  race  to 
which  she  belonged.  The  Queen-mother,  Catherine  de' 
Medici,  stood  at  a  window  of  the  Archbishop's  palace 
to  watch  the  entry  of  the  Lorraine  Princes,  and  as 
she  saw^  the  Duchess  alight,  she  exclaimed:  "  That  is 
the  finest  woman  I  know  !"  Then,  descending  the 
grand  staircase,  she  advanced  to  meet  Christina  with 
a  statety  courtesy,  and  thanked  her  for  the  honour  she 
was  doing  her  son. 

"  Herself  a  very  proud  woman,"  writes  Brantome, 
''  she  knew  that  she  had  her  match  in  the  Duchess, 
and  always  treated  her  with  the  highest  honour  and 
distinction,  w^ithout  ever  yielding  one  jot  of  her  own 
claims."^ 

The  Duke  of  Lorraine  bore  the  sword  of  state  at 
the  great  ceremony  on  the  morrow,  while  Francis  of 
Guise  held  the  crown  on  the  boy- King's  head,  and 
his  brother,  the  Cardinal,  anointed  his  brow  with  the 
holy  chrism.  "  Ever3^thing,"  as  Charles  IX.  wrote 
to  the  Bishop  of  Limoges,  "  passed  off  to  the  great 
satisfaction  of  everyone  present  ;"2  and  when  all  was 
over,  Madame  de  Lorraine  and  her  children  accom- 
panied the  King  and  his  mother  to  a  country-house 

^  Brantome,  xii.  117.  2  Aubespine,  867. 


468         THE  RETURN  TO  LORRAINE     [Bk.  xill 

belonging  to  the  Cardinal  in  the  neighbourhood,  and 
enjoyed  a  week's  repose  in  delicious  spring  weather. 
Then  the  Court  went  on  to  St.  Germain,  where  the 
Queen  of  Scots  came  to  take  leave  of  her  husband's 
family,  and  with  many  tears  bade  farewell  to  the 
pleasant  land  of  France,  which  she  had  loved  all  too 
well  for  her  own  happiness. 


III. 

On  the  death  of  Christian  II.  of  Denmark,  his  elder 
daughter,  Dorothea,  the  widowed  Electress  Palatine, 
assumed  the  royal  style  and  title.  But  as  she  was 
childless  herself,  and  lived  in  retirement  at  Neuburg, 
in  the  Upper  Palatinate,  the  faithful  subjects  who  still 
clung  to  their  rightful  monarch's  cause  turned  to 
Christina,  the  Duchess-Dowager  of  Lorraine,  and 
begged  her  to  assert  her  son's  claims  to  the  throne, 
saying  that  they  regarded  him  as  their  future  King. 
Chief  among  these  was  Peder  Oxe,  an  able  pubhc 
servant  who  had  been  exiled  by  Christian  III.,  and 
came  to  visit  the  Duchess  in  the  convent  of  La 
Cambre  at  Brussels  in  iSS9,  soon  after  the  captive 
monarch's  death.  Peder  tried  to  enlist  her  sym- 
pathies on  behalf  of  her  father's  old  subjects,  and 
assured  her  that  the  recovery  of  Denmark  would  be 
an  easy  matter,  owing  to  the  unpopularity  of  the  new 
King,  Frederic  III.  At  first  Christina  lent  a  wilhng 
ear  to  these  proposals,  but  her  friend  Count  d'Arem- 
berg  succeeded  in  convincing  her  of  the  futility  of 
such  an  enterprise,  while  both  Philip  and  Granvelle 
firmly  refused  to  support  the  scheme.^  Peder  Oxe, 
however,  followed  Christina  to  Nancy,  where  he  be- 

^  Schlegel,  253;  Granvelle,  vi.  i. 


March,  1561]     DEATH  OF  DOROTHEA  469 

came  a  member  of  the  Ducal  Council,  and  did  good 
service  in  restoring  order  in  the  finances. 

Other  Danish  exiles  sought  refuge  at  the  Court  of 
Lorraine,  where  their  presence  naturally  revived 
Christina's  dreams  of  recovering  her  father's  throne. 
All  manner  of  rumours  were  abroad.  In  March,  1 561 , 
Chaloner  heard  that  the  French  King  and  the  Duke 
of  Lorraine  were  about  to  invade  Denmark.  Three 
months  later  Mary,  Queen  of  Scots'  faithful  servant, 
Melville,  wrote  from  Heidelberg  that  the  Duchess- 
Dowager  of  Lorraine  had  come  there  to  persuade  her 
sister,  the  old  Countess  Palatine,  to  surrender  her 
rights  on  Denmark  to  her  nephew,  the  Duke  of 
Lorraine.  Christina  spent  some  time  with  her 
sister,  and  was  joined  in  September  by  the  Duke,  who 
came  to  escort  her  home.^  The  Palatine  Frederic's 
successor.  Otto  Heinrich,  had  died  in  1559,  and  his 
cousin,  the  reigning  Elector,  Frederic  of  Zimmern, 
the  brother  of  the  Countess  Egmont  and  her  sister 
Helene,  was  deeply  attached  to  Dorothea,  and,  like 
his  predecessor,  professed  the  Lutheran  faith.  A 
year  after  Christina's  visit  Dorothea  died  suddenly  at 
Neuburg,  and  was  buried  by  her  husband's  side  in 
the  Church  of  the  Holy  Ghost  at  Heidelberg.  The 
Palatine  Frederic  erected  a  fine  monument  over  her 
grave,  with  the  following  inscription: 

"  To  the  most  noble  Lady,  Dorothea,  Countess 
Palatine,  and  Queen  of  Denmark,  Sweden,  and  Nor- 
way, the  beloved  consort  of  the  Elector  Frederic  H., 
this  tomb  w^as  raised  by  Frederic  HL,  by  the  grace  of 
God  Elector  Palatine,  in  the  3'ear  1562,  as  a  token  of 
love  and  gratitude  to  this  his  most  dear  and  excellent 
kinswoman." 

^  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Elizabeth,  Foreign,  ii.  438,  iii.  328. 

31 


470         THE  RETURN  TO  LORRAINE     [Bk.  xill 

Dorothea's  tomb  was  destroyed  with  that  of  her 
husband  and  many  others  when  Louis  XIV. 's  armies 
sacked  and  burnt  Heidelberg  in  1693,  but  an  Enghsh 
traveller  who  visited  the  castle  and  Church  of  the 
Holy  Ghost  thirty  years  before,  preserved  this  in- 
scription in  his  diary  .^ 

Christina  came  to  Heidelberg  with  her  son  and  both 
her  daughters  in  the  autumn  of  the  year  1562,  and 
was  present  at  Frankfurt  on  the  24th  of  November, 
when  her  cousin  Maximilian  was  crowned  King  of 
the  Romans.  On  this  occasion  the  Emperor  Fer- 
dinand collected  as  many  of  the  imperial  family  as 
possible  around  him.  The  Dukes  and  Duchesses  of 
Bavaria  and  Cleves  were  present,  as  well  as  most 
of  the  Electors  and  Princes  of  the  Empire;  while 
Ibrahim  Bey,  the  Sultan's  Ambassador,  brought 
camels  and  rugs  and  Persian  jars  as  gifts  from  his 
master.  Among  the  old  friends  whom  the  Duchess 
met  at  Frankfurt  were  the  Prince  of  Orange,  Counts 
Egmont  and  Jacques  d'Aremberg.  They  greeted  her 
with  renewed  friendliness,  and  from  their  lips  she 
heard  how  badly  things  were  going  in  the  Low 
Countries,  and  how  unpopular  the  Regent  and  her 
Minister,  the  newly-created  Cardinal  de  Granvelle, 
had  become  with  all  classes  of  people.^  The  Emperor 
and  all  his  family  returned  to  Heidelberg  after  the 
coronation,  and  were  splendidly  entertained  by  the 
Palatine,  who  was  anxious  to  arrange  a  marriage 
between  one  of  his  sons  and  Mademoiselle  de  Lor- 
raine. But  Frederic's  strong  Lutheran  tenets  were  a 
serious  obstacle  to  this  plan.     At  the  recent  corona- 

^  A.  Churchill,  "  Collection  of  Voyages  and  Travels,"  vi.  458. 
-  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Elizabeth,  Foreign,  v.  554;  Gran- 
velle, vi.  683. 


Feb..  1563]     DUKE  OF  GUISE'S  MURDER  471 

tion  he  had  refused  to  attend  Mass,  and  had  remained 
in  the  vestry  of  the  cathedral  until  the  service  was 
over. 

Meanwhile  religious  strife  was  raging  in  France,  and 
Christina  returned  to  Nancy  to  find  that  civil  war  had 
broken  out.  Earlier  in  the  year  the  massacre  of  a 
peaceable  congregation  at  Wassy,  near  Joinville, 
had  excited  the  fury  of  the  Huguenots,  and  a  fierce 
struggle  was  being  waged  on  the  frontiers  of  Lor- 
raine. The  Duke's  own  kindred  were  divided.  Conde 
was  the  leader  of  the  revolted  part}^,  while  his  brother 
Antoine,  King  of  Navarre — I'Echangeur,  as  he  was 
called,  because  he  was  said  to  change  his  religion  as 
often  as  he  did  his  coat — was  mortally  wounded, 
fighting  on  the  King's  side,  in  the  siege  of  Rouen. 
A  month  later  the  Constable  de  Montmorency  was 
made  prisoner  in  the  Battle  of  Dreux,  by  his  own 
nephew  Coligny.  On  the  21st  of  February,  1563, 
Christina  and  her  son  were  attending  the  baptism  of 
the  Duke  of  Aumale's  son  Claude,  when  a  messenger 
arrived  with  the  news  that  the  Duke  of  Guise  had 
been  stabbed  by  a  Huguenot  fanatic  in  the  camp 
before  Orleans.  After  a  public  funeral  in  Notre 
Dame,  the  remains  of  Antoinette's  most  illustrious 
son  were  buried  at  Joinville,  amid  the  lamentations 
of  the  whole  nation.^ 

Fortunately,  the  duchy  of  Lorraine  escaped  the 
horrors  of  civil  war.  On  the  i8th  of  May,  1562, 
Charles  made  his  long-deferred  state  entry  into 
Nancy,  and  took  a  solemn  vow  to  observe  the  rights 
of  his  subjects  before  he  received  the  ducal  crown. 
But  he  still  consulted  his  mother  in  all  important 
matters,  and  treated  her  with  the  utmost  respect 
^  Pimodan,  215. 


472         THE  RETURN  TO  LORRAINE     [Bk.  xiii 

and  affection.^  His  own  time  and  thoughts  were 
chiefly  occupied  in  enlarging  and  beautifying  the 
ducal  palace.  He  extended  the  Galerie  des  Cerfs, 
and  built  a  fine  hall,  adorned  with  frescoes  of  the 
Metamorphoses  of  Ovid,  a  translation  of  which  had 
been  dedicated  to  his  grandfather,  Duke  Antoine,  by 
the  poet  Clement  Marot.  At  the  same  time  he  re- 
built the  old  Salle  du  Jeu  de  Paume  on  the  model  of 
one  at  the  Louvre,  and  made  a  picture-gallery  above 
this  new  hall,  which  he  hung  with  portraits  of  the 
ducal  family.^ 

Christina  also  devoted  much  attention  to  the  im- 
provement of  her  estates.  She  rebuilt  the  salt-works 
at  Les  Rosieres,  which  had  been  abandoned  in  the  last 
century,  and  placed  an  inscription  on  the  gates, 
recording  that  in  February,  1563,  these  salt-works 
were  erected  by 

"  Christina,  by  the  grace  of  God  Queen  of  Denmark, 
Sweden,  and  Norway,  Sovereign  of  the  Goths,  Van- 
dals, and  Slavonians,  Duchess  of  Schleswig,  Ditt- 
marsch,  Lorraine,  Bar,  and  Milan,  Countess  of  Olden- 
burg and  Blamont,  and  Lady  of  Tortona."^ 

Several  indications  of  the  active  part  that  she  took 
in  affairs  of  State  appear  in  contemporary  records. 
In  1564,  with  the  Pope's  sanction,  she  concluded  an 
agreement  with  the  Bishop  of  Toul,  by  which  he  made 
over  his  temporalities  to  the  Duke  of  Lorraine. 
Christina,  as  she  explained  to  Granvelle,  had  taken 
this  step  to  avoid  the  see  from  becoming  the  property 
of  France ;  but  her  action  roused  the  indignation  of 
her  uncle,  the  Emperor  Ferdinand,  who  rebuked  his 

1  Granvelle,  vii.  488. 

2  Pfister,  ii.  184;  H.  Lepage,  "  Le  Palais  Ducal  de  Nancy,"  3: 

3  Calmet,  iii.  30. 


"^our  omfn^er  tdn  front,  tes  CTcn^s ,  et  ta  facei^ . 


^TTc 


Jc    Iru   rFc 


•<f9<iaia: 


CHARLES  III.,  DUKE  OF  LORRAIXE; 


To/ace  />.  472 


Nov.,  1563]        BIRTH  OF  A  GRANDSON  473 

good  niece  sharply  for  venturing  to  meddle  with  the 
affairs  of  the  Imperial  Chamber.^ 

On  the  8th  of  November,  1563,  the  Duchess  Claude 
gave  birth  to  her  first  child,  a  boy  which  was  named 
Henry,  after  her  father,  the  late  King  of  France. 
Both  Charles  IX.  and  Phihp  II.  consented  to  stand 
godfathers,  and  the  French  King  announced  his  in- 
tention of  attending  the  child's  christening  in  person. 
His  visit,  however,  was  put  off,  as  the  young  Duchess 
fell  seriously  ill  of  smallpox,  and  was  eventual^  fixed 
to  take  place  at  Bar  after  Easter.  There  was  even  a 
rumour  that  King  Phihp,  whose  presence  in  the  Low 
Countries  was  earnestly  desired,  would  visit  Lorraine 
on  his  journey,  and  meet  the  French  monarch  on  the 
ist  of  May.  The  prospect  of  seeing  Catherine  and 
her  son  with  an  armed  force  in  Lorraine  filled  Christina 
with  alarm.  The  Queen-mother,  as  she  knew,  was 
very  jealous  of  the  Duchess-Dowager's  influence  with 
her  son,  and  neglected  no  means  of  placing  French 
subjects  in  positions  of  authority  at  the  Ducal  Court  f 
while  her  recent  intrigues  with  the  Huguenot  leaders 
might  lead  to  the  introduction  of  Protestant  rites  at 
the  ceremony.  Before  the  date  fixed  for  the  christen- 
ing, however,  Christina  received  an  unexpected  visitor 
in  the  person  of  Cardinal  Granvelle,  who  had  been 
compelled  to  bow  to  the  storm  and  leave  the  Nether- 
lands. In  a  private  note  which  he  sent  to  Granvelle 
on  the  ist  of  March,  1564,  Philip  had  desired  the 
Cardinal  to  retire  to  Besangon  on  plea  of  pa^dng 
a  visit  to  his  mother,  whom  he  had  not  seen  for 
nineteen  years.  The  desired  permission  was  readily 
granted  by  the  Regent,  and,  to  the  great  satisfaction 

^  Granvelle,  vii.  344;  Calmet,  iii.  434,  438. 
2  Granvelle,  vii.  488. 


474         THE  RETURN  TO  LORRAINE     [Bk.  Xlll 

of  the  nobles,  the  hated  Minister  left  Brussels  on  the 
13th  of  March.  "  Our  man  is  really  going,"  wrote 
Wilham  of  Orange  to  his  brother  Louis.  *'  God  grant 
he  may  go  so  far  that  he  can  never  return  '."^ 

The  Cardinal  had  by  this  time  recognized  his  fatal 
mistake  in  persuading  the  King  to  appoint  the 
Duchess  of  Parma  Regent  instead  of  Madame  de 
Lorraine,  "  by  which  action,"  as  he  himself  wrote, 
**  I  made  the  Prince  of  Orange  my  enemy." ^  He 
was  the  more  anxious  to  recover  Christina's  good 
graces,  while  she  on  her  part  does  not  appear  to  have 
borne  him  any  grudge  for  his  share  in  the  transaction. 
His  way  led  him  through  Lorraine,  and  when  he 
reached  Pont-a-Mousson  he  found  a  messenger  from 
the  Duchess  begging  him  to  come  and  see  her  at 
Nancy.  On  his  arrival  he  was  received  by  the 
Duke's  maitre  d^ hotel,  and  conducted  to  lodgings  in 
the  palace.  This  "  very  fine  house,"  and  the  hospi- 
tality with  which  he  and  his  companions  were  enter- 
tained, gratified  the  Cardinal,  and  after  supper  he 
was  received  by  the  Duchess-Dowager,  with  whom  he 
had  a  long  interview  in  the  Grande  Galerie.^  They 
conversed  freely  of  the  troubles  in  the  Netherlands. 
Christina  was  anxious  to  justify  herself  from  the  charge 
of  fomenting  these  dissensions,  and  declared  that 
she  had  nothing  to  say  against  the  Duchess  of  Parma, 
and  only  complained  of  her  refusal  to  allow  a  Mass 
for  her  father.  King  Christian  IL,  to  be  said  in  the 
Court  chapel  on  the  anniversary  of  his  death.  But 
she  had  many  complaints  to  make  of  the  King,  who 
had  only  written  to  her  five  times  in  the  last  five 
years,   and   who   insisted   on   keeping   her  Castle   of 

^  Gachard,  "  Correspondancc  de  Guillaume,  Prince  d'Orange," 
ii.  67;  Groen,  i.  214.  2  «<  Memoires  de  Granvelle,"  xxxv.  19. 

3  Granvelle,  vii.  437-440. 


March,  1564]      GRANVELLE  AT  NANCY  475 

Tortona  in  his  own  hands,  and  employed  the  revenues 
of  the  town  to  pay  the  garrison,  without  giving  her 
any  compensation.  Granvelle  could  only  allege  the 
unsettled  state  of  Lombardy  and  the  disorder  of 
Milanese  finances  as  excuses  for  Philip's  behaviour. 
The  Duchess  further  confided  to  him  her  fears  regard- 
ing the  French  King's  visit,  and  the  intrigues  of 
Catherine,  who  was  always  endeavouring  to  destroy 
the  harmony  that  prevailed  between  herself  and  her 
daughter-in-law.  Granvelle  did  his  best  to  allay 
these  alarms,  and  assured  her  that  the  rumours  as 
to  the  large  force  that  was  to  accompany  him  to 
Lorraine  were  absolutely  false. 

Another  subject  on  which  Christina  consulted  the 
Cardinal  was  her  designs  against  Denmark.  The 
young  King  Frederic  III.  at  first  professed  great 
friendship  for  her,  and  opened  negotiations  for  his 
marriage  with  her  daughter  Renee — a  proposal  which 
she  was  reluctant  to  accept.^  This  idea,  however,  was 
soon  abandoned,  and  the  outbreak  of  war  between 
Denmark  and  Sweden  seemed  to  afford  an  oppor- 
tunity for  advancing  her  own  claims.  Peder  Oxe  and 
his  companion  in  exile,  Willem  von  Griimbach,  urged 
her  to  raise  an  army  and  invade  Jutland,  assuring  her 
that  the  discontented  Danish  nobles  were  only  longing 
for  an  excuse  to  rise  in  a  body  and  dethrone  the 
usurper.  But  Christina  realized  that  it  would  be 
useless  to  make  any  attempt  without  Philip's  support, 
which  she  begged  Granvelle  to  obtain.  The  Cardinal, 
however,  quite  declined  to  approach  the  King  on  the 
subject,  and  told  the  Duchess  that  a  rupture  with 
Denmark  would  make  him  more  unpopular  in  Flanders 
than  he  was  already,  saying  that  he  had  no  wish  to  be 
*  Sch9,fer,  y.  iii,  112, 


476         THE  RETURN  TO  LORRAINE     [Bk.  Xlll 

stoned  by  the  Dutch.  Before  leaving  Nancy  he  dis- 
cussed the  situation  at  length  with  the  Duchess's 
latest  friend,  Baron  de  Polweiler,  the  Bailiff  of 
Hagenau,  a  brave  and  loyal  servant  of  Charles  V., 
who  had  warmly  espoused  Christina's  cause  and 
was  in  correspondence  with  the  Danish  malcontents. 
The  Baron  was  a  wise  and  practical  man,  and  agreed 
with  Granvelle  that  the  best  course  of  action  would 
be  to  keep  up  the  agitation  in  Denmark,  without 
taking  further  measures  until  the  coming  of  King 
Philip,  which  was  now  confidently  expected.^ 

After  the  Cardinal's  departure,  Christina  fell  ill  at 
DenoeuvrC;  and  was  unable  to  accompany  the  Duke, 
who  came  to  fetch  her,  and  insisted  on  putting 
off  the  child's  christening  until  his  mother  was  •fit 
to  travel.  At  length,  on  the  2nd  of  May,  the 
Duchess  and  her  daughters  started  for  Bar,  where  the 
christening  was  celebrated  on  the  following  day,  and 
Christina  held  her  grandson  at  the  font.  There  was 
no  display  of  armed  force,  nor  was  any  attempt  made 
to  introduce  Lutheran  rites.  On  the  contrary,  the 
Queen-mother  and  all  her  suite  were  most  amiable, 
the  greatest  good-will  prevailed  on  all  sides,  and  the 
whole  party  spent  the  next  week  in  feasting,  jousting, 
and  dancing,  while  Ronsard  composed  songs  in  honour 
of  the  occasion.  On  the  9th  of  May  the  young  King 
resumed  his  progress  to  Lyons,  and  the  aged  Duchess 
Antoinette,  who  had  come  to  Bar  at  the  Cardinal  of 
Lorraine's  prayer,  returned  to  Joinville  with  her  son. 
Christina's  worst  alarms  had  been  dispelled,  but 
her  suspicions  were  to  some  extent  justified  by  the 
revival  of  the  French  King's  old  claims  to  Bar,  and 
the  advance  of  certain  new  pretensions,  which  were 

1  Granvelle,  vii.  533,  671,  viii.  522. 


May,  1564]         ILLNESS  OF  CHRISTINA  477 

eventually  referred  to  a  court  of  justice  in  Paris. 
What  annoyed  her  scarcely  less  was  the  inferior 
quahty  of  the  ring  sent  by  the  King  of  Spain  to 
Duchess  Claude,  which  excited  more  than  one  un- 
pleasant comment,  although  Count  Mansfeldt,  who 
stood  proxy  for  Philip,  informed  her  privately  that 
Margaret  of  Parma  had  spent  double  the  sum  named 
by  His  Majesty  on  his  christening  present/ 


IV. 

In  July,  1564,  Christina  fell  dangerously  ill,  and 
Silliers  told  Polweiler  that  his  mistress  was  suffering 
from  a  grave  internal  malady.  In  November  she 
had  a  severe  relapse,  and  her  death  was  hourly  ex- 
pected. Her  children  and  servants  nursed  her 
with  untiring  devotion,  and  her  friends  at  Brussels 
were  deeply  concerned.  Anne  d'Aerschot,  Margaret 
d'Aremberg,  Egmont,  and  the  Prince  of  Orange,  made 
frequent  inquiries ;  and  even  Queen  Mary  wrote  from 
Scotland  to  ask  after  the  Duchess's  health.  Philip 
alone  took  no  notice  of  her  illness,  and  his  indifference 
was  keenly  resented  by  Christina  and  her  whole 
family.  "  For  the  love  of  God,"  wrote  Silliers  to 
Polweiler,  "  do  your  best  to  see  that  Madame  is  con- 
soled, or  she  will  certainly  die  of  grief  and  despair." 
And  he  poured  out  a  passionate  complaint,  setting 
forth  his  mistress's  wrongs,  and  saying  how,  after 
cheating  her  out  of  Vigevano,  the  King  kept  both  the 
castle  and  revenues  of  her  dower  city  in  his  hands, 
and  allowed  her  subjects  to  be  exposed  to  the  depreda- 
tions of  the  Spanish  garrison.  "  To  my  mind,"  he 
adds,  "  this  is  a  strange  proof  of  the  singular 
1  Calmet,  iii.  1359;  Granvelle,  viii.  46. 


478         THE  RETURN  TO  LORRAINE     [Bk.  xill 

affection  which  he  professes  to  have  for  my  Lady  I"^ 
Granvelle  himself  was  much  concerned,  and,  when 
Polweiler  wrote  to  report  an  improvement  in  the 
Duchess's  condition,  expressed  his  thankfulness,  saying 
that  the  loss  of  such  a  Princess  would  be  a  heavy 
blow  to  the  cause  of  religion,  as  well  as  the  greatest 
calamity  that  could  befall  Lorraine.  He  owned  that 
Madame  had  been  harshly  treated,  and  could  only 
counsel  patience  and  assure  her  of  Philip's  good-will; 
but  he  confessed  that  the  task  was  a  disagreeable  one. 
When  Phihp  wrote  at  last,  it  was  merely  to  exhort 
the  Duchess  to  be  patient,  as  the  whole  world  was 
in  travail,  and  to  promise  that  her  claims  should  be 
settled  by  the  Cardinal.^  Meanwhile  fresh  appeals 
reached  Christina  every  day  from  her  Danish  par- 
tisans, while  King  Eric  of  Sweden,  who  had  declared 
war  on  Denmark,  opened  negotiations  with  her 
through  his  French  Minister,  Charles  de  Mornay.  A 
marriage  between  this  young  King  and  Renee  was 
proposed,  and  Eric  offered  to  support  the  Duchess's 
rights  to  Denmark  if  she  could  obtain  the  help  of  the 
Emperor  and  of  the  Netherlands.  Ferdinand,  how- 
ever, quite  declined  to  countenance  any  attack  on  his 
ally,  and  begged  his  dear  niece  not  to  stir  up  strife  in 
Germany,  although  he  assured  her  of  his  paternal 
love  and  readiness  to  help  her  in  the  recovery  of  her 
rights  by  peaceable  methods.  A  few  weeks  after 
writing  this  letter  the  good  Emperor  died,  and,  as 
Christina  knew,  she  could  expect  little  from  his  suc- 
cessor Maximilian,  who  had  never  forgiven  her  friend- 
ship with  Philip  in  bygone  days,  and  did  not  even 
send  her  the  customary  announcement  of  his  father's 
death. 

^  Granvelle,  viii.  345.  ^  Jbid.,  viii.  472. 


Jan..  1565]     DUKE  ADOLF'S  MARRIAGE  479 

Another  ally  whose  help  the  Duchess  tried  to  enlist 
was  the  old  Landgrave,  Phihp  of  Hesse,  whose 
daughter  Christina,  after  being  wooed  for  some  3^ears 
by  the  King  of  Sweden,  was  finally  married  to  Duke 
Adolf  of  Holstein  on  the  20th  of  January,  1565.  As 
Granvelle  remarks,  it  was  a  strange  ending  to  this 
Prince's  long  courtship  of  Madame  de  Lorraine,  but 
he  probably  still  hoped  to  support  her  cause  in 
Denmark.  And  as  the  Prince  of  Orange  was  asked 
to  represent  King  Philip  at  the  marriage,  Christina 
would  have  an  opportunity  of  consulting  him  about 
her  Danish  expedition.^  But  the  Prince  refused  to 
leave  Flanders,  and  a  serious  relapse  prevented  the 
Duchess  from  attending  the  wedding.  As  soon  as 
she  had  recovered  sufficientl}^  Christina  dictated  a 
letter  to  her  beloved  sister  Anne,  who  was  still  her 
most  faithful  friend : 

"  Your  letter  was  most  welcome,  as  I  had  not  heard 
from  you  lately,  and  I  thank  you  warmly  for  all  that 
you  say.  I  am  getting  better,  but  am  not  very  strong 
yet.  As  to  the  Swedish  business,  I  am  anxious  to 
know  the  name  of  the  person  whom  you  mention  as 
having  the  greatest  affection  for  me  and  mine,  and 
who  might  help  me  with  the  King.  And  as  I  know 
that  you  only  desire  my  good,  I  beg  you  to  keep  your 
eyes  open,  and  tell  me  who  are  my  best  friends  at 
Court.  I  quite  agree  with  3^ou  that  it  is  useless 
to  fish  in  troubled  waters.  Monsieur  d'Egmont's 
journey  to  Spain  is  a  surprising  event  !  The  cause  is 
unknown  to  me,  but  it  must  be  some  matter  of  im- 
portance. Thank  you  again  with  all  my  heart  for 
the  love  that  is  expressed  in  your  letters."  ^ 

The  friends  to  whose  influence  at  Court  Anne  had 
referred  were  the  Count  and  Countess  of  Aremberg, 
who   stood   high   in   favour   with   the    King   and   the 

*  Granvelle,  viii.  609.  2  /ft^-^,^  viii.  637. 


48o         THE  RETURN  TO  LORRAINE     [Bk.  XIII 

Regent,  and  were  in   constant  correspondence  with 
Christina. 

"  Would  to  God,"  wrote  Margaret  of  Aremberg, 
"  that  Madame  de  Lorraine  could  obtain  the  King's 
favour  !  She  would  then  be  easily  able  to  regain  her 
own,  as  the  Danes  hate  their  King,  and  he  has  no 
power  over  them.  But  I  confess  I  have  lost  all  hopes 
of  this  ever  coming  to  pass."^ 

By  the  advice  of  these  friends,  the  Duchess  now 
decided  to  send  Baron  de  Polweiler  to  Spain  to  beg 
the  King  for  the  300,000  crowns  due  to  her,  in  order 
that  she  might  avail  herself  of  the  opportunity  pre- 
sented by  the  war  between  Sweden  and  Denmark, 
and  open  the  campaign  in  the  summer.  Upon  this 
Granvelle  felt  it  his  duty  to  inform  his  master  of  the 
Duchess's  plans,  which  might,  he  thought,  be  success- 
ful if  the  King  could  help  her  with  subsidies,  since  she 
had  several  allies  in  Germany  .^  Duke  Eric  of  Bruns- 
wick offered  to  raise  an  army  and  take  the  com- 
mand of  the  expedition,  and  the  Landgrave  of  Hesse 
promised  to  help  on  condition  that  she  gave  her 
daughter  Renee  in  marriage  to  one  of  his  sons ;  while, 
by  way  of  removing  Philip's  objections,  the  Cardinal 
dwelt  on  the  advantages  of  restoring  the  true  faith  in 
these  Northern  kingdoms.  But  this  plan  was  frus- 
trated by  the  Archduke  Ferdinand's  refusal  to  give 
Polweiler  leave  of  absence,  and  as  Silliers,  who  offered 
to  go  in  his  stead,  would  only  have  made  matters 
worse,  Christina  resolved  to  ask  Count  Egmont  to 
plead  her  cause  at  Madrid.  Even  Granvelle,  who  had 
no  love  for  the  Count,  approved  of  this  plan.  Egmont 
was  known  to  be  devoted  to  the  Duchess,  and  his  great 

1  Granvelle,  viii.  637. 

2  Granvelle,  ix.  22,  28;  Schafer,  v.  114. 


June,  1565]      JOURNEY  TO  BRUSSELS  481 

popularity  in  the  Low  Countries  would  go  far  to 
remove  the  objections  to  a  breach  with  Denmark  in 
those  provinces.  Unfortunately,  in  spite  of  his  good- 
will, Egmont  effected  no  more  for  Christina  than  he 
did  for  the  liberties  of  the  Netherlands.  He  was 
royally  entertained  b}^  Philip  and  his  courtiers,  and 
loaded  with  presents  and  flatteries,  but,  when  he 
came  to  business,  received  nothing  but  vague  words 
and  empt}'  promises. 

On  his  return  to  Flanders  in  April,  his  house  was 
crowded  with  visitors,  and  the  Duchess,  finding  that 
she  could  obtain  no  answer  to  her  letters,  determined 
to  go  to  Brussels  herself.  In  June  she  set  out  on  her 
journey,  saying  that  she  was  going  to  kiss  the  Holy 
Coat  at  Treves  and  pay  her  devotions  to  the  Blessed 
Sacrament  of  the  Miracle  at  Brussels,  in  fulfilment  of 
a  vow  made  when  she  had  been  at  the  point  of  death. ^ 
Her  pilgrimage  excited  great  curiosity,  and  even 
Polweiler  was  in  the  dark  as  to  its  object,  but  felt 
convinced  that  she  meant  to  see  Egmont  and  Eric  of 
Brunswick,  and  that  they  would  soon  hear  of  a  sudden 
call  to  arms. 

"  I  hear  from  a  trustworthy  source,"  wrote  the 
Landgrave  to  Louis  of  Nassau,  "  that  the  old  Duch- 
ess of  Lorraine  is  going  to  Brussels  with  both  her 
daughters.  She  has  raised  400,000  crowns  at  Ant- 
werp to  make  war  on  Denmark,  and  is  to  be  helped 
by  the  Netherlands  with  ships,  money,  and  men.  Her 
daughter  Renee  is  to  marry  King  Eric,  and  a  close 
alliance  against  the  Danish  King  is  to  be  formed 
between  Sw^eden,  Lorraine,  the  States,  and  the  Holy 
Empire.  Although  I  do  not  hold  popular  rumours 
to  be  as  infallible  as  Holy  Gospel,  I  count  them  more 
worthy  of  belief  than  ^sop's  fables  or  the  tales  of 
Amadis  de  Gaul.     Of  one  thing  I  am  quite  sure:  The 

^  Granvelle,  ix.  373. 


482         THE  RETURN  TO  LORRAINE     [Bk.  xili 

Duchess  does  not  travel  to  Flanders  or  send  an  Am- 
bassador to  Sweden  to  roast  pears  or  dance  a  galliard. 
The  latest  report  is  that  the  Duchess  is  going  to  sell 
her  claims  on  Denmark  to  the  King  of  Spain,  but  I  can 
hardly  think  His  Majesty  will  be  anxious  to  buy 
these  barren  rights  which  bring  a  war  in  their  train. 
Do  not  take  my  gossip  unkindly,  but  let  me  know 
what  you  hear  of  this  business."^ 

A  cloud  of  m3'stery  surrounds  this  visit  which 
Christina  paid  to  Brussels  in  the  summer  of  1565. 
She  declined  the  Regent's  invitation  to  occupy  her 
old  quarters  in  the  palace,  but  stayed  in  the  religious 
house  known  as  the  Cloister  of  Jericho,  and  after- 
wards with  the  Duchess  of  Aerschot  at  Diest.  vShe 
received  visits  from  Duke  Eric,  who  professed  himself 
ready  to  raise  troops  to  serve  her  at  the  shortest 
notice,  and  also  from  Count  Egmont.  But  all  that 
she  could  learn  from  this  noble  was  that,  when  he 
urged  her  claims  on  the  King,  and  begged  him  to  see 
that  the  arrears  due  to  her  were  paid,  Philip  replied 
that  Her  Highness  was  the  wisest  and  most  virtuous 
of  women,  and  would  always  take  the  best  course 
possible.^  By  August  Christina  was  back  in  Lorraine, 
and  attended  the  christening  of  Nicholas  de  Vaude- 
mont's  new-born  daughter,  who  received  the  name 
of  Christina.^ 

Whatever  others  ma}^  have  felt  about  the  Duchess's 
designs  on  Denmark,  the  King  of  Sweden  was  evi- 
dently in  earnest.  Four  Ambassadors  arrived  at 
Nancy  on  All  Saints'  Day,  1565,  and  went  on  to 
Denoeuvre.  They  brought  offers  from  Eric  to  con- 
quer Norway  and  Denmark  in  the  Duchess's  name 
and  leave  her  in  possession  of  the  latter  kingdom,  and 
asked  for  Madame  Renee's  hand,  in  order  to  confirm 

^  Groen,  i.  408.  ^  Granvellc,  ix.  4^8.  ^  Ibid.,  ix.  496. 


Feb..  1566]     INTRIGUES  WITH  SWEDEN  483 

the  alliance  between  Lorraine  and  Sweden.  During 
a  w^hole  year  the  Swedish  Envoys  remained  at  Nancy, 
and  prolonged  conferences  were  held  between  them 
and  the  Duke  and  his  mother.  A  new  ally  also  came 
to  her  help  in  the  person  of  the  Czar  of  Muscovy,  who 
was  profuse  in  his  offers  of  assistance.  Christina's 
hopes  rose  high,  and  a  medal  was  struck  in  1 566,  bear- 
ing her  effigy  as  Queen  of  Denmark,  with  the  motto : 
Me  sine  cuncta  ruunt  (Without  me  all  things 
perish).^  But  one  ally  after  the  other  failed  her. 
Both  the  Emperor  Maximilian  and  the  Elector  of 
Saxony,  who  had  married  a  Princess  of  Denmark, 
were  strongly  opposed  to  her  schemes;  while  the 
ancient  feud  between  the  Danes  and  Swedes,  who,  in 
Silliers's  words,  "  hated  each  other  as  much  as  cats 
and  dogs  or  English  and  French,"  helped  to  compli- 
cate matters.^  At  the  same  time,  she  felt  reluctant 
to  give  her  daughter  to  a  man  of  Eric's  unstable 
character,  who  had  been  courting  Queen  Elizabeth 
and  Christina  of  Hesse  at  the  same  time,  and  was 
known  to  have  a  low-born  mistress.  She  had  good 
reason  to  be  afraid  that  the  story  of  King  Christian 
and  Dyveke  might  be  repeated,  and  her  fears  were 
justified  when,  a  year  later,  the  King  of  Sweden  raised 
this  favourite  to  the  throne,  and  was  soon  afterwards 
deposed  by  his  subjects.  The  defection  of  Peder  Oxe, 
who  made  his  peace  with  the  King  of  Denmark  and 
returned  to  Copenhagen  at  the  close  of  1566,  was 
another  blow,  and  the  ultimate  defeat  of  the  Swedes 
in  the  following  year  extinguished  her  last  hopes  .^ 
Cardinal  Granvelle,  who  had  been  sent  to  Italy  by 
Philip  to  keep  him  away  from  the  Netherlands,  wrote 

^  Schafer,  v.  116-118;  Calmet,  ii.  26. 

^  Granvelle,  ix.  661-664;  Groen,  i.  303.  ^  Schafer,  v.  167. 


484         THE  RETURN  TO  LORRAINE     [Bk.  Xiil 

that  the  Viceroy,  with  the  best  will  in  the  world, 
found  it  impossible  to  pay  the  arrears  due  to  the 
Duchess,  and  could  not  withdraw  the  garrison  at 
Tortona  without  the  King's  leave.  As  for  the  Danish 
expedition,  Granvelle  told  Polweiler  that  it  was  more 
hopeless  than  ever,  and  he  could  only  advise  Her 
Highness  to  abandon  the  idea.^ 

"  Madame  de  Lorraine,"  replied  the  Baron,  "  is  in 
great  perplexity,  abandoned  by  all  her  relatives,  and, 
like  Tantalus,  is  left  to  die  of  thirst,  looking  down  on 
a  clear  and  beautiful  stream." 

But  a  few  faithful  friends  were  still  left.  In  May, 
1566,  the  Duchess  of  Aerschot  came  to  Lorraine  with 
her  young  son,  and  spent  the  summer  in  her  old  home. 
The  troubles  in  the  Netherlands  filled  her  with  the 
utmost  anxiety,  and  her  family,  like  many  others, 
was  divided.  All  her  own  sympathies  were  with 
William  of  Orange  and  Egmont  in  the  struggle  for 
freedom,  but  her  stepson,  Philip  of  Aerschot,  and  her 
cousin.  Count  d'Aremberg,  were  among  the  few  nobles 
who  refused  to  join  the  League,  and  stood  fast  by 
the  Regent.  Margaret  of  Parma  looked  coldly  on  her, 
owing  to  Anne's  connection  with  Christina  and  the 
Prince  of  Orange,  and  did  not  even  send  her  an  in- 
vitation to  her  son  Alexander's  wedding.  With  her 
wonted  good  sense,  Anne  refused  to  notice  this  affront, 
and  told  her  friends  that  she  was  too  unwell  to  attend 
the  festivities,  which  excited  much  discontent  by  their 
profuse  extravagance .2  But  the  situation  was  painful, 
and  she  was  glad  to  retire  to  Lorraine  and  enjoy  the 
company  of  Christina  and  her  venerable  aunt.  Duchess 
Antoinette.  Together  they  read  the  affectionate  letters 

*  Granvelle,  "  Correspondance,"  i.  126, 178.  2  jbid,^  i.  43^  ^24. 


March,  1567]  LES  GUEUX  485 

which  Mary  Stuart  wrote  from  her  Northern  home, 
and  sighed  over  the  perils  surrounding  the  young 
Queen.  In  spite  of  her  relatives'  advice,  she  had 
married  Darnley,  the  handsome  Scottish  boy  whom 
her  uncle  the  Cardinal  of  Lorraine  termed  "  that 
great  nincompoop  of  a  girl,"  and  was  already  learning 
to  her  cost  the  mistake  that  she  had  made. 

Terrible  news  now  came  from  Flanders.  Riots 
broke  out  in  Antwerp  and  Ghent,  and  spread  rapidly 
through  the  provinces.  The  great  church  of  St.  John 
was  plundered,  Hubert  van  E3xk's  famous  Adoration 
was  only  saved  by  the  presence  of  mind  of  the 
Canons,  and  the  tomb  of  Christina's  mother.  Queen 
Isabella,  was  hacked  to  pieces.^  In  Brussels  S. 
Gudule  was  stripped  of  its  pictures  and  statues,  and 
the  cr}^  of  "  Vivent  les  Gueux!"  rang  through  the 
courts  of  Charles  V.'s  palace.  The  Regent  tried  in 
vain  to  escape,  and  was  forced  to  turn  for  help  to  the 
Prince  of  Orange  and  her  most  bitter  enemies.  Anne 
returned  home  to  find  public  affairs  in  dire  confusion, 
and  retired  to  her  dower-house  at  Diest.  After  her 
departure  Christina  became  seriously  ill,  and  in  the 
spring  of  i  567  her  daughters  entreated  the  Countess 
of  Aremberg  to  come  to  Lorraine,  saying  that  her 
presence  would  be  the  best  medicine  for  their  mother. 
Margaret  obe3"ed  the  summons  and  spent  three 
months  at  Nancy  and  Denoeuvre.-  On  her  return  she 
told  Granvelle's  friend.  Provost  Morillon,  that  the 
King  made  a  great  mistake  in  being  so  unfriendly 
to  the  House  of  Lorraine,  and  that  if  Madame  died 
the  Duke  would  become  altogether  French,  and  his 
duchy  might  at  any  moment  fall  into  the  hands  of 
France.     Charles  was  Catholic  to  his  finger-tips,  and 

^  Granvelle,  "  Correspondance,"  i.  444.  •^  Ibid.,  i.  494. 

32 


486         THE  RETURN  TO  LORRAINE     [Bk.  xill 

entirely  devoted  to  his  mother,  but  after  her  death 
no  one  could  tell  what  might  happen.^  These  repre- 
sentations were  not  without  effect.  Philip  wrote  in 
a  more  kindly  strain  to  the  Duchess,  and  sent  one  of 
his  Chamberlains — Don  Luis  de  Mendoza — to  wait 
upon  her  at  Nancy,  and  remain  in  Lorraine  until  the 
arrival  of  the  Duke  of  Alva,  who  was  now  despatched 
from  Spain  to  replace  Margaret  of  Parma  as  Captain- 
General  of  the  Netherlands.  In  Jul}^  he  crossed  the 
Mont  Cenis,  and  marched  through  Lorraine  at  the 
head  of  a  force  of  picked  Spanish  and  Italian  soldiers 
Brantome  rushed  to  Nancy  to  see  this  "  gentle  and 
gallant  army,"  with  their  fine  new  muskets  and  pikes, 
but  the  sight  filled  many  of  the  spectators  with  pro- 
found misgivings  .2 

The  Prince  of  Orange  had  already  resigned  all  his 
offices  and  retired  to  Germany,  but  Egmont  and  his 
friend  Count  Horn  were  caught  in  the  fatal  snare,  and 
were  both  arrested  at  a  banquet  in  Alva's  house  on 
the  evening  of  the  9th  of  September.  The  news  filled 
Europe  with  consternation.  In  her  distress  Christina 
wrote  several  letters  to  the  King  of  Spain,  pleading 
passionately  for  the  Count's  release,  and  recalling  his 
great  deeds  and  the  devotion  which  he  had  always 
shown  to  the  King's  service.^  Her  appeals  were 
seconded  by  the  Duke  and  his  wife,  by  Vaudemont, 
— Egmont 's  own  brother-in-law — by  the  Duke  and 
Duchess  of  Bavaria,  the  Elector  Palatine,  and  all  the 
Princes  of  the  Empire.  Maximilian  himself  addressed 
two  autograph  letters  to  Philip,  praying  for  the  Count's 
release,  and  the  Knights  of  the  Golden  Fleece  pro- 
tested against  this  violation  of  the  rules  of  their  Order. 

1  Granvelle,  "  Correspondance,"  ii.  494.       ^  Brantome,  i.  104. 
3  Gachard,  "  Correspondance  de  Philippe  IL,"  i.  18. 


June,  1568]  DEATH  OF  EGMONT  487 

But  all  was  in  vain.  Philip  vouchsafed  no  answer 
to  any  of  these  appeals,  saying  he  would  not  change 
his  mind  if  the  sky  were  to  fall  on  his  head/  and  on 
the  6th  of  June,  1568,  the  Grande  Place  witnessed 
the  execution  of  the  hero  of  Gravelines.  A  fortnight 
before  this  shocking  event,  Anne,  Duchess  of  Aerschot, 
breathed  her  last  at  Diest,  thankful  to  escape  from  a 
world  so  full  of  misery,  and  only  grieving  to  think  that 
her  vast  dower  and  fine  estates  would  not  pass  to  their 
rightful  owner,  William  of  Orange .^  In  the  same 
month  of  May  the  first  battle  was  fought  between 
the  revolted  nobles  and  the  Spanish  forces,  and 
Margaret  of  Aremberg's  husband  fell  fighting  valiantly 
in  the  melee.  Meanwhile  civil  war  had  broken  out 
again  in  France,  and  in  November,  1 567,  the  Constable 
Montmorency,  the  old  Nestor  of  France,  was  killed  in 
a  battle  at  St.  Denis,  fighting  against  the  Huguenots, 
with  Conde  and  his  own  nephew  Coligny  at  their  head. 
Old  friends  were  falling  on  every  side,  and  before 
Christina's  tears  for  her  sister-in-law  were  dried,  she  and 
the  aged  Duchess  of  Guise  were  mourning  the  sad  fate 
of  Antoinette's  luckless  granddaughter,  the  Queen  of 
Scots,  who  had  been  compelled  to  abdicate  her  throne, 
and  was  now  a  captive  in  the  hands  of  her  rival,  Queen 
Elizabeth. 

V. 

While  civil  war  was  raging  all  round,  and  Christina's 
best  friends  were  dying  on  the  scaffold  or  the  battle- 
field, the  marriage  of  her  daughter  Renee  brought  a 
ray  of  light  into  her  life.  The  tale  of  Renee's  court- 
ships almost  rivals  that  of  her  mother's.     The  Kings 

^  Gachard,  "  Correspondance  de  Philippe  II.,"  i.  588,  738,  762. 
2  Granvelle,  "  Correspondance,"  iii.  235. 


488         THE  RETURN  TO  LORRAINE     [Bk.  xiii 

of  Sweden  and  Denmark,  William  of  Orange  and 
Henri  de  Joinville,  were  only  a  few  among  the  candi- 
dates who  sought  her  hand.  Granvelle  once  pro- 
posed the  Duke  of  Urbino  as  a  suitable  match,  and 
Philip  was  anxious  to  marry  her  to  his  handsome  and 
popular  half-brother,  Don  John  of  Austria.  But 
the  Duchess  declined  this  offer  repeatedly,  saying 
that  no  child  of  hers  should  ever  wed  a  bastard. 
When  in  the  summer  of  1567,  Don  Luis  de  Mendoza 
again  urged  this  suit  on  the  King's  behalf,  the  Duchess 
informed  him  that  her  daughter's  hand  was  already 
promised  to  Duke  Wilham  of  Bavaria,  the  eldest  son 
of  the  reigning  Duke  Albert  and  his  wife,  the  Arch- 
duchess Anna.  The  contract  was  signed  in  Septem- 
ber, and  the  marriage  took  place  early  in  the  following 
year,^  and  turned  out  very  happily.  Throughout  his 
life  the  Bavarian  Duke  maintained  worthily  the  strong 
Catholic  traditions  of  his  house,  and  proved  a  dutiful 
and  affectionate  son-in-law.  Christina  spent  the 
following  winter  at  the  Castle  of  Friedberg  in  Bavaria, 
where  she  was  once  more  dangerously  ill,  and  Silliers 
as  usual  complained  bitterly  of  Philip's  neglect  and 
unkindness  in  never  making  inquiries  after  her  health. 
But,  in  spite  of  all  rebuffs,  neither  the  Baron  nor  his 
mistress  had  abandoned  their  dreams  of  conquering 
Denmark,  and  in  April,  1569,  Cardinal  Granvelle 
wrote  to  the  King  from  Rome : 

"  Madame  de  Lorraine  is  still  trying  to  recover  her 
father's  kingdom,  and  both  she  and  her  Councillor, 
Silhers,  are  continually  begging  me  for  help  in  this 
matter.  In  vain  I  have  replied  for  the  hundredth 
time  that  I  am  too  far  from  Madrid  and  the  Low 
Countries  to  know  if  the  affair  is  practicable,  and  have 

^  Calmet,  i.  265. 


Sept.,  1572]        DEATH  OF  SILLIERS  489 

pointed  out  that,  in  the  first  place,  the  Dutch  will 
never  break  with  Denmark;  secondly,  that  the 
Emperor  would  object  to  any  attempt  of  this  kind ; 
and,  thirdly,  that  Your  Majesty's  hands  are  full.  In 
fact,  I  have  told  her  that  I  cannot  see  any  solid 
foundations  for  her  hopes.  But  she  returns  to  the 
charge  again  and  again. "^ 

It  was  the  last  flicker  of  an  expiring  flame.  After 
this,  even  Christina  seems  to  have  recognized  the 
futihty  of  her  schemes,  and  the  death  of  Silhers  finally 
decided  her  to  abandon  them  altogether.  This  "  vain, 
insupportable,  and  foolish  man,"  as  the  Cardinal 
called  him,  and  whom  her  son,  the  Duke,  also  detested 
cordially,  lost  his  life  in  Bavaria,  in  September,  1572, 
being  killed  by  a  shot  from  a  crossbow,  which  was 
said  to  be  accidental,  but  which  Granvelle  and  his 
other  enemies  ascribed  to  a  paid  assassin.^  During 
the  last  twenty  years,  it  must  be  owned,  Silliers  had 
been  the  Duchess's  evil  genius;  but,  in  spite  of  all 
his  faults,  he  was  sincerely  attached  to  his  mistress, 
and  his  devotion  to  her  interests  cannot  be  questioned. 

Christina  spent  the  next  six  years  chiefly  at  Nancy 
or  Denceuvre,  in  the  company  of  her  children  and 
grandchildren.  The  Duke  had  a  large  family  of 
three  sons  and  six  daughters,  the  eldest  of  whom, 
Christina,  bore  a  strong  likeness  to  her  grandmother 
both  in  face  and  character.  This  Princess  and  her 
cousin  Louise  de  Vaudemont,  the  daughter  of  Nicholas 
by  his  first  wife,  Margaret  of  Egmont,  were  great 
favourites  with  the  Duchess-mother,  and  spent  much 
time  in  her  society.  Louise  was  a  fair  and  gentle 
maiden,  whose  charms  captivated  Henry,  Duke  of 
Anjou,  when  he  came  to  Lorraine  in  1573,  on  his  way 
to  take  possession  of  the  throne  of  Poland.     He  was 

^  Granvelle,  "  Correspondance,"  iii.  463.  -  Ibid.,  v.  418. 


490        THE  RETURN  TO  LORRAINE     [Bk.  xiii 

accompanied  by  his  mother,  Queen  Catherine,  who 
spent  a  week  at  Nancy,  and  after  her  son's  departure 
remained  some  days  at  Blamont  with  Christina. 
When,  two  years  later,  Henry  succeeded  his  brother, 
Charles  IX.,  the  new  King's  first  thought  was  to  make 
the  Princess  of  Lorraine  his  wife.  Christina  was  too 
ill  to  leave  her  bed,  but  Duchess  Antoinette,  still 
young  in  spite  of  her  eighty  years,  brought  the  bride 
to  Reims,  where  the  wedding  was  celebrated  two 
days  after  Henry  III.'s  coronation.  The  Duke  and 
his  sister  Dorothea  were  present  at  the  ceremony,  as 
well  as  all  the  Guise  Princes.^  Five  days  afterwards, 
on  the  20th  of  February,  1575,  the  Duchess  Claude, 
whose  health  had  long  been  failing,  and  who  had 
lately  given  birth  to  twin  daughters,  died  in  the  ducal 
palace,  at  the  age  of  twenty-eight,  leaving  the  Duke 
an  inconsolable  widower.  He  was  only  thirty-two,  and 
although  he  lived  till  1608,  never  married  again.  Soon 
after  Claude's  death,  her  eldest  daughter,  Christina, 
went  to  live  with  her  grandmother,  Catherine  de' 
Medici,  at  the  French  Court.  This  masterful  lady, 
who  quarrelled  with  her  own  daughter  Margaret,  was 
very  fond  of  Christina,  and  kept  this  young  Princess 
constantly  at  her  side  during  the  next  fourteen  years. 
In  the  following  December,  Elizabeth  of  Austria, 
the  widow  of  Charles  IX.,  and  daughter  of  the  Em- 
peror Maximihan  II.,  visited  Nancy  on  her  way  back 
to  Vienna,  and  was  escorted  on  her  journey  by  Renee 
and  her  husband,  the  Duke  of  Bavaria.  They  were 
all  three  present  at  the  wedding  of  the  Princess 
Dorothea,  who  was  married  in  the  Church  of  St. 
Georges,  on  the  26th  of  December,  to  Duke  Eric  of 
Brunswick  .2  This  wild  and  restless  Prince  had 
^  Pimodan,  254.  -  Calmet,  i.  265;  Pfister,  ii.  256. 


Dec,  1575]     MARRIAGE  OF  DOROTHEA  491 

always  been  on  friendly  terms  with  Christina  and  her 
family,  and  was  one  of  King  Philip's  favourite  cap- 
tains and  a  Knight  of  the  Golden  Fleece.     He  had 
lately  lost  his  first  wife,  and  succeeded  his  father  in  the 
principalities  of  Gottingen  and   Calenberg,  although 
his  roving  tastes  made  him  prefer  foreign  service  to 
residence  on  his  own  estates.     Now,  at  the  age  of 
forty-seven,   he   became  the   husband   of  Christina's 
younger   daughter.     In   spite   of  her   lameness,   this 
Princess    inherited    much    of    her    aunt    Dorothea's 
charm  and  gaiety,  and  was  fondly  beloved  b3^  her 
brother    and    all    his    children.      She    took    especial 
interest  in  the  improvements  which  the  Duke  was 
never  tired  of  making  at  Nancy,  and  helped  him  in 
laying  out   the   beautiful   terraced  gardens,  adorned 
with  fountains  and  orangeries,  in  the  precincts  of  the 
ducal  palace.     And  the  bell  in  the  new  clock- tower, 
which  the  Duke  built  in  1577,  was  named  Dorothea, 
after  the  Duchess  of  Brunswick.^     Charles  himself, 
like  his  father,  was  a  Prince  of  cultured  tastes,  who 
studied  the  Latin  and  Italian  poets  and  took  delight  in 
Ronsard's  verses.     The  foundation  of  the  University 
at  Pont-a-Mousson  bore  witness  to  his  love  of  learning, 
while  he  employed  scholars  to  collect  precious  books 
and  manuscripts,  and  sent  his  gardeners  to  inspect 
the  royal  palaces  at  Fontainebleau  and  St.  Germain, 
and  to  bring  back  rare  plants  and  exotics  .^ 

In  these  last  years  of  Christina's  life  at  Nancy,  new 
hopes  and  interests  were  suddenly  brought  into  her 
life  by  Don  John  of  Austria's  arrival  in  the  Low 
Countries.     When  terrorism  and  massacre  had  failed 

^  Pfister,  ii.  246;  H.  Lepage,  "  La  Ville  de  Nancy,"  63,  "  Palais 
Ducal,"  3. 

2  Pfister,  ii.  496. 


492         THE  RETURN  TO  LORRAINE    [Bk.  xiil 

to  crush  the  revolted  provinces,  the  hero  of  Lepanto  was 
appointed  Governor,  in  the  hope  that  he  might  succeed 
in  restoring  order,  by  appeahng  to  his  illustrious  father's 
memory  and  ruling  the  Netherlands  according  to  his 
example.  In  October,  1576,  Don  John  travelled 
through  France  in  the  disguise  of  a  Moorish  servant, 
and,  after  spending  one  night  in  Paris,  came  to  Joinville 
to  consult  the  Duke  of  Guise  on  a  romantic  scheme 
which  he  had  formed  to  release  and  marry  the  captive 
Queen  of  Scots.  Then  he  hurried  on  to  Luxembourg 
and  proclaimed  his  intention  of  withdrawing  the 
Spanish  troops  and  granting  a  general  amnesty.  The 
coming  of  this  chivalrous  Prince,  with  his  message 
of  peace,  filled  the  people  of  the  Netherlands  with 
new  hope.  Don  John  was  received  with  open  arms 
by  the  Duke  of  Aerschot  and  his  half-brother,  Anne 
of  Lorraine's  son,  Charles  de  Croy,  Marquis  of  Havre. 
His  first  act  was  to  restore  the  lands  and  fortune  of 
the  late  Count  Egmont  to  his  widow,  the  Countess 
Palatine  Sabina,  and  her  innocent  children.  This 
rejoiced  the  heart  of  Madame  d'Aremberg,  who  had 
been  spending  the  winter  at  Nancy  with  the  Duchess, 
and  Christina's  nephew,  Charles  de  Croy,  told  Don 
John  frankly  that  the  Low  Countries  would  gladly 
have  him,  not  only  for  their  Governor,  but  for  their 
King.  Christina  herself  was  deeply  stirred,  and  sent 
a  member  of  her  household  to  Luxembourg  with 
a  letter  welcoming  the  Prince  in  the  warmest  terms, 
and  thanking  him  for  the  cheering  news*  which  he 
had  sent  her. 


"  I  can  only  praise  God,"  she  wrote,  "  for  your 
appointment  to  the  government  of  the  Low  Coun- 
tries, and  trust  that  the  same  success  that,  thanks 


Nov..  1576]      DON  JOHN  OF  AUSTRIA  493 

to  your  great  valour  and  prudence,  has  everywhere 
attended  you  will  continue  to  crown  your  efforts. 
"  Your  very  loving  and  more  than 
very  affectionate  cousin, 

"  Chretienne. 
"Blarnont,  November  12,  1576."^ 

In  her  anxiety  to  see  Don  John,  the  Duchess  set 
out  for  Pont-a-Mousson ;  but  when  she  reached  Nancy, 
on  the  12th  of  December,  she  heard  that  the  Prince 
had  already  left  Luxembourg  for  the  Netherlands, 
and  sent  him  the  following  letter  by  a  confidential 
servant,  who  was  to  tell  him  many  things  which  she 
could  not  commit  to  paper: 

"  My  Cousin, 

"  The  singular  wish  that  I  have  to  see  Your 
Highness,  and  confer  with  you  on  many  points  of  the 
highest  importance,  induced  me  to  leave  Blamont 
and  come  to  Pont-a-Mousson,  in  order  to  be  near  you 
and  to  have  an  opportunity  of  seeing  you  and  con- 
versing together,  as  you  will  learn  more  fully  from 
this  gentleman  whom  I  am  sending  to  wish  you  all 
prosperity  and  success  in  your  noble  designs  and 
enterprises,  as  well  as  to  tell  you  many  things  which 
I  beg  you  to  hear  and  believe. "^ 

Don  John  replied  in  the  same  friendly  spirit,  telling 
her  his  plans  and  thanking  her  most  warmly  for  her 
advice. 

"  As  for  me,"  he  wrote,  "  I  am  exceedingly  obliged 
to  Your  Highness  for  your  offers,  and  shall  always 
be  most  grateful  for  your  advice  and  help,  knowing, 
Madame,  your  great  experience  and  wisdom  in  affairs. 
God  knows  how^  anxious  I  was  to  come  and  see  Your 
Highness  on  my  journey  here,  and  kiss  your  hands, 
but  it  was  impossible  owing  to  the  urgency  of  affairs 

^  Gachard,  "  Correspondance  dc  Philippe  II.,"  v.  29. 
-  Ibid.,  V.  92. 


494         THE  RETURN  TO  LORRAINE     [Bk.  xill 

requiring  my  presence  here.  I  am  very  glad  indeed," 
he  adds  in  a  postscript,  "  to  hear  that  you  are  in  good 
health. "1 

The  Prince  was  evidently  impressed  by  the  sound- 
ness of  the  Duchess's  judgment  and  by  her  great 
popularity  in  the  Netherlands,  for  when,  a  few  weeks 
later,  he  began  to  reahze  the  hopeless  nature  of  his 
task,  and  begged  for  his  recall,  he  repeatedly  told 
Philip  that,  in  his  opinion,  the  Duchess  of  Lorraine 
would  be  the  best  person  to  take  his  place. 

"  The  Duchess  of  Lorraine/'  he  wrote  on  February 
1 6,  1577,  "  has  all  the  qualities  necessary  for  the 
government  of  these  provinces,  which  she  would 
administer  far  better  than  I  can,  because  they  are 
beginning  to  hate  me,  and  I  know  that  I  hate  them." 

Again,  a  little  later: 

"  I  find  in  Madame  de  Lorraine  a  real  desire  to 
serve  Your  Majesty.  She  has  come  to  Pont-a- 
Mousson  to  see  if  she  can  be  of  help  to  me,  and  I  am 
sure  would  gladly  execute  any  orders  that  she  may 
receive." 

Christina  heard  with  delight  of  Don  John's  joyous 
entry  into  Brussels  on  May  Day,  and  received  with 
deep  thankfulness  his  letter  informxing  her  of  the 
departure  of  the  hated  Spanish  troops.  But  these 
high  hopes  were  doomed  to  disappointment.  The 
war  soon  broke  out  again,  and  after  Don  John's 
victory  of  Gembloux  in  January,  1578,  Madame  de 
Lorraine  was  one  of  the  first  persons  to  whom  he 
announced  the  news  by  letter .^  Both  of  the  Duchess's 
sons-in-law  joined  in  supporting  Don  John,  and  in 
May,  1578,  the  Duke  of  Brunswick  brought  a  force 
of  3,000  Germans  to  join  him  at  Namur.     Dorothea 

^  Granvelle,  "  Correspondance,"  vi.  521.         -  Ibid.,  vii.  572. 


Oct.,  1578]         DEATH  OF  DON  JOHN  495 

accompanied  her  husband,  and  was  about  to  pay  the 
Prince  a  visit,  when  she  received  a  message  from 
her  brother  Charles,  informing  her  of  their  mother's 
serious  illness,  and  left  hastily  for  Nancy .^ 

Five  months  afterwards  a  premature  death  closed 
the  brilliant  adventurer's  career,  and  Christina  was 
left  to  grieve  over  the  tragic  end  of  this  Prince,  of 
whom  so  much  had  been  expected. 

^  Granvelle,  vii.  638. 


BOOK  XIV 

THE  LADY  OF  TORTONA 
1578— 1590 


I. 


The  marriage  of  her  last  remaining  daughter,  and 
the  removal  of  her  granddaughter  to  the  French 
Court,  loosened  the  ties  that  bound  the  Duchess- 
mother  to  Lorraine.  The  failure  of  the  high  hopes 
which  Don  John's  coming  had  aroused  were  a  grievous 
disappointment,  and,  after  her  dangerous  attack  of 
illness  in  the  spring  of  1578,  Christina  decided  to 
follow  her  doctor's  advice  and  seek  a  warmer  climate. 
Her  thoughts  naturally  turned  to  her  dower  city  of 
Tortona,  whose  inhabitants  still  paid  her  allegiance, 
in  spite  of  Philip's  invasion  of  her  privileges.  Since 
the  Spanish  garrison  still  occupied  the  castle,  the 
magistrates  begged  her  to  inhabit  the  Communal 
palace,  and  Christina,  touched  by  their  expressions 
of  loyalty  and  affection,  resolved  to  accept  the 
offer. 

Before  settling  at  Tortona,  however,  she  decided 
to  make  a  pilgrimage  to  Loreto,  the  shrine  for  which 
the  Lorraine  Princes  had  always  cherished  especial 
veneration.  Early  in  August,  1578,  she  left  Nancy 
and  travelled  across  the  Alps,  and  through  Savoy, 

496 


Aug.,  1578]  CHRISTINA  RETURNS  TO  ITALY    497 

by  the  route  which  she  had  taken  as  a  bride,  nearly 
half  a  century  before.  Her  old  friend,  the  Duchess 
Margaret,  whose  marriage  had  been  one  of  the 
happiest  results  of  the  Treaty  of  Cateau-Cambresis, 
had  already  been  dead  four  years,  and  her  lord  of 
the  Iron-head  was  a  confirmed  invalid ;  but  he  sent 
his  son,  Charles  Emanuel,  to  meet  the  Duchess  and 
escort  her  to  the  citadel  of  Turin. 

From  Savoy,  Christina  proceeded  to  Milan,  where 
she  arrived  on  the  20th  of  August,  and  was  hospitably 
entertained  in  the  Castello  by  the  Spanish  Viceroy, 
the  Marquis  d'Ayamonte.^  Once  more  she  drove  in 
her  chariot  through  the  streets  where  her  coming  had 
been  hailed  by  rejoicing  multitudes,  once  more  she 
prayed  by  her  husband's  tomb  in  the  Duomo  and  saw 
Leonardo's  Cenacolo  in  Le  Grazie.  Her  old  friends. 
Count  Massimihano,  the  Trivulzi,  and  Dejanira,  were 
dead  and  gone,  and  at  every  step  the  ghosts  of  bj^gone 
days  rose  up  to  haunt  her  memory.  Then  she 
travelled  on  by  slow  stages  to  Loreto,  on  the  Adriatic 
shore,  where  she  paid  her  vows  at  Our  Lady's  shrine, 
and  offered  a  massive  gold  heart  set  with  pearls  and 
precious  gems,  to  the  admiration  of  future  pilgrims. ^ 
But  the  long  journey  had  overtaxed  her  strength, 
and  when,  on  her  return  to  Lombardy,  she  reached 
Ripalta,  she  was  too  ill  to  go  any  farther.  Here 
she  remained  throughout  the  winter  to  recover  from 
her  fatigues  and  give  the  citizens  of  Tortona  time 
to  prepare  for  her  reception. 

At  length,  on  the  17th  of  June,  1579,  the  Duchess 
made  her  state  entry  into  the  city.  The  magistrates 
met  her  at  the  gates  with  a  stately  baldacchino  fringed 

^  Granvelle,  "  Correspondance,"  vii.  149. 
2  A.  Villamont,  "  Voyages,"  70  (1589). 


498  THE  LADY  OF  TORTONA        [Bk.  xiv 

with  gold  and  silver,  and  escorted  their  Sovereign  Lady 
to  the  house  of  Bartolommeo  Busseto,  where  she 
alighted  to  partake  of  the  banquet  which  had  been 
prepared.  Afterwards  the  loyal  citizens  accompanied 
her  to  the  Palazzo  Pubblico,  halfway  up  the  hill  above 
the  town,  which  had  been  splendidly  fitted  up  for  her 
occupation.  The  beauty  of  the  view  delighted  the 
Duchess  as  much  as  the  enthusiastic  warmth  of  her 
reception,  and  the  health-giving  breezes  of  the  Lom- 
bard city  proved  even  more  beneficial  than  her 
physicians  had  expected.  ''  She  came  to  our  city  of 
Tortona  a  dying  woman,  and  lived  there  in  health  and 
comfort  for  more  than  ten  years."^  So  wrote  Niccol6 
Montemerlo,  the  historian  whose  chronicles  of  Tor- 
tona were  published  in  1618,  when  Christina  had  not 
yet  been  dead  thirt}^  years.  His  contemporaries 
joined  with  him  in  praising  the  Duchess's  wise  and 
beneficial  rule,  the  strictness  with  which  she  ad- 
ministered justice,  her  liberality  and  benevolence. 

"  The  Duchess  Christina  of  Milan,"  wrote  Campo  of 
Cremona  in  1585,  "  celebrated  for  her  beauty  and 
gracious  manners,  for  her  affability  and  generosity, 
has  lately  come  to  spend  her  widowhood  in  the  city 
of  Tortona,  and  lives  there  in  great  splendour,  beloved 
byall."2 

Christina's  administrative  powers  found  ample 
scope  in  the  government  of  the  city,  and  under  her 
rule  Tortona  enjoyed  a  brief  spell  of  peace  and  pros- 
perity. She  reformed  abuses,  obtained  the  restitution 
of  lost  privileges,  and  healed  a  long-standing  feud 
with    the    city    of    Ravenna.   At    her    prayer.    Pope 

^  Niccolo  Montemerlo,  "  Nuove  Historic  di  Tortona  "  (161 8), 

247-253- 

2  A.  Campo,  "  Storia  di  Cremona,"  107;  C.  Ghilino,  "  Annali  di 
Alessandria,"  166;  Hilarion  de  Coste,  "  Les  Eloges,"  etc.,  i.  406. 


June,  1579]      THE  LADY  OF  TORTONA  499 

Gregory  XIII.  repealed  a  decree  exacting  a  heavy  fine 
from  every  citizen  of  Tortona  who  entered  Ravennese 
territory,  and  friendly  communications  were  restored 
between  the  two  cities.  Before  her  coming,  the  Spanish 
Viceroy  had  incurred  great  unpopularity  by  building 
a  new  citadel  on  the  heights  occupied  by  the  ancient 
Duomo  and  episcopal  palace,  and  converting  these 
into  barracks  and  powder-magazines.  In  1560  the 
foundations  of  a  new  Cathedral  were  laid  by  Philip's 
orders  in  the  lower  city,  but  this  could  not  atone  in 
the  e^^es  of  the  citizens  for  the  desecration  of  the 
venerated  shrine  founded  by  St.  Innocent  in  the  fourth 
century,  and  adorned  with  priceless  mosaics  and 
marbles.  When,  in  1609,  the  lofty  campanile  was 
struck  by  lightning,  and  400  barrels  of  gunpowder 
stored  in  the  nave  exploded  with  terrific  force,  the 
accident  was  regarded  as  a  Divine  judgment,  and  the 
panic-stricken  Spaniards  joined  in  the  solemn  proces- 
sion that  bore  the  relics  of  the  martyrs  from  their  old 
resting-place  to  the  new  sanctuary.^ 

But  if  Christina  could  not  atone  for  this  indignity, 
or  deliver  Tortona  from  the  presence  of  the  hated 
Spaniards,  she  protected  her  subjects  from  their 
outrages,  and  rigidly  enforced  the  observance  of  the 
law.  Many  were  the  petitions  and  remonstrances 
on  behalf  of  her  own  rights  and  those  of  the  citizens 
which  she  addressed  to  her  dear  and  illustrious  cousin, 
Don  Carlos  of  Aragon,  Duke  of  Terranuova,  who 
reigned  over  the  Milanese  as  Viceroy  from  1583  to 
1592.  The  Duchess  was  in  frequent  correspondence 
with  her  children  beyond  the  Alps,  and  many  requests 
for  passes  for  horses  which  she  is  sending  to 
Lorraine  and   Bavaria,  as  well  as  for  privileges  for 

1  Montemerlo,  260;  N.  Viola,  "  II  Santuario  di  Tortona,"  5. 


500  THE  LADY  OF  TORTONA       [Bk.  xiv 

her  Equerries,  Signer  Alfonso  and  Gaspare  Visconti, 
are  to  be  found  in  the  archives  of  Milan  .^ 

Many  were  the  illustrious  guests,  remarks  Monte- 
merlo,  who  came  to  visit  the  Duchess  at  Tortona.  In 
October,  1581,  the  Empress-Dowager  Maria,  widow 
of  Maximilian  II.,  passed  through  Lombardy  on  her 
return  to  Spain,  and  was  received  at  Alessandria  by 
Madame  de  Lorraine.  Together  they  drove  through 
streets  hung  with  tapestries  and  adorned  with  trium- 
phal arches,  until,  after  three  days'  festivities,  they 
went  on  to  Tortona,  and  thence  to  Genoa.  The 
families  of  the  old  Milanese  nobles  who  had  remained 
loyal  to  the  House  of  Sforza  welcomed  Christina's 
return  to  Lombardy  with  joy.  The  nephew  and  heir 
of  Count  Massimiliano  Stampa  placed  his  superb 
pleasure-house  at  Montecastello,  in  the  fief  of  Soncino, 
at  her  disposal,  and  named  his  eldest  son  Christian 
in  her  honour.  The  Guaschi  of  Alessandria,  the  Counts 
of  Oria,  the  Trivulzi,  the  Somaglia  and  Visconti,  vied 
with  each  other  in  entertaining  her  sumptuously .^ 
The  saintly  Archbishop  of  Milan,  Carlo  Borromeo, 
visited  her  more  than  once,  and  the  excellent  Bishop 
of  Tortona,  Cesare  Gambara,  sought  her  help  and 
advice  in  all  that  concerned  the  welfare  of  his  people. 
From  the  day  when,  hardly  more  than  a  child 
herself,  she  begged  Cardinal  Caracciolo's  protection 
for  the  destitute  ladies  at  Pavia,  Christina  always 
cared  for  the  poor  and  needy,  and  in  her  old  age  she 
was  busy  with  active  works  of  mercy.  One  of  her 
last  good  actions  was  to  send  to  Paris  for  Madame 
Castellani,  a  daughter  of  her  old  friend  the  Princess 

^  Feudi  Camerali,  Tortona,  Archivio  di  Stato,  Milano. 

2  Autograft  di  Principi  :  Sforza,  Archivio  di  Stato,  Milano; 
G.  Porta,  "  Alessandria  Descritta,"  161;  Merli  e  Belgrano,  "  Pal. 
d'  Oria,"  55. 


Jan.,  1585]  THE  LAST  PHASE  501 

of  Macedonia,  who  was  living  in  reduced  circumstances 
at  the  French  Court,  and  bring  her  to  Tortona  to 
spend  the  rest  of  her  life  in  peace  and  comfort.  So 
she  earned  the  love  and  gratitude  of  all  around  her, 
and  thousands  blessed  the  good  Duchess's  name  long 
after  she  was  dead. 

II. 

This  last  phase  of  Christina's  life  was  on  the  whole 
peaceful  and  happy.  Brantome  pitied  this  great 
lady,  a  daughter  of  Kings  and  niece  of  Emperors, 
and  the  rightful  Queen  of  three  kingdoms,  who, 
after  reigning  over  Milan  and  Lorraine,  was  reduced 
to  hold  her  Court  in  an  insignificant  Lombard  town, 
and  was  known  in  her  last  years  as  "  Madame  de 
Tortone."^  But  after  her  troubled  life  Christina  was 
grateful  for  the  peace  and  repose  which  she  found  at 
Tortona,  and  would  have  been  perfectly  content  if  it 
had  not  been  for  the  continual  annoyances  to  which 
she  was  exposed  by  Philip  and  his  Ministers.  From 
the  moment  that  she  settled  in  her  dower  city,  the 
King  began  to  dispute  her  right  to  its  sovereignty, 
and  insisted  that,  since  Tortona  had  been  settled 
upon  her  as  an  equivalent  for  the  dower  given  her 
"  out  of  pure  liberahty  "  by  the  late  Emperor,  she 
was  bound  to  surrender  her  claims  on  payment  of 
the  sum  in  full.  Christina,  on  her  part,  maintained 
with  good  reason  that  her  claim  to  the  city  had  never 
before  been  questioned,  and  that  it  was  settled  on  her 
at  her  marriage,  and  belonged  to  her  and  her  heirs  of 
the  House  of  Lorraine  in  perpetuity.  The  assertion 
of  this  claim  roused  Cardinal  Granvelle  to  the  highest 
indignation.     "  So  dangerous  a  thing,"  he  wrote  to 

^  Brantome,  xii.  120. 

33 


S02  THE  LADY  OF  TORTONA       [Bk.  xiv 

Philip,  "  cannot  possibly  be  allowed."  But,  as  he 
confessed,  what  made  the  situation  awkward  was  that 
Madame  de  Lorraine's  claims  were  strongly  supported, 
not  only  by  her  son,  Duke  Charles,  but  by  the  Emperor 
Rudolf,  the  Duke  of  Bavaria,  the  Archdukes  Ferdinand 
and  Charles,  and  all  the  Princes  of  the  Empire.^  A 
long  wrangle  ensued,  which  ended  in  a  declaration  on 
the  King's  part  that  he  would  consent  to  Tortona 
being  retained  by  the  Duchess  for  her  life,  and  after- 
wards held  by  her  son-in-law  and  daughter,  the  Duke 
and  Duchess  of  Brunswick. 

Dorothea  and  her  husband  were,  in  fact,  the  only 
members  of  Christina's  family  for  whom  Philip  showed 
any  regard.  In  1578  Duke  Eric  was  summoned  to 
Spain  to  join  in  the  contemplated  invasion  of  Portu- 
gal, and  served  in  the  campaign  led  by  Alva  two  years 
later.  Dorothea  accompanied  her  husband,  and  spent 
most  of  her  time  at  Court.  The  King  evidently  liked 
her,  and  when,  after  the  successful  termination  of  the 
war,  the  Duke  and  Duchess  came  to  take  leave  of 
him  at  Madrid,  Granvelle  was  desired  to  draw  up  a 
secret  convention  by  which  Tortona  and  the  revenues 
were  assigned  to  Eric  in  lieu  of  the  yearly  pension 
allowed  him.  But  Dorothea  was  not  to  be  out- 
witted by  the  Cardinal.  She  insisted,  on  the  arrears 
due  to  her  husband  being  paid  in  full,  and  Philip 
himself  told  Granvelle  to  see  that  two  or  three  thou- 
sand crowns  of  the  Duke's  salary  were  given  to  the 
Duchess,  since  she  was  short  of  money,  and  this  seemed 
to  him  only  reasonable.  He  also  gave  Dorothea  two 
fine  horses,  which  she  wished  to  send  to  her  brother- 
in-law,  the  Duke  of  Bavaria,  and  granted  her  a  patent 
for  working  certain  gold-mines,  which  the  Cardinal 
*  Granvelle,  "  Corresponclance,"  x.  65. 


Dec.  1584]         DUKE  ERIC'S  DEATH  503 

promised  to  forward  either  to  her  mother  at  Tortona, 
or  else  to  the  care  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  in  Germany.^ 
This  last  direction  sounds  strange,  considering  that 
the  famous  ban  against  the  Prince,  setting  a  price  of 
30,000  crowns  on  his  head,  had  already  been  issued 
at  Granvelle's  suggestion  .^ 

The  Duke  and  Duchess  now  returned  to  Gottingen, 
after  visiting  Christina  at  Tortona,  and  remained  in 
their  own  dominions  for  the  next  few  years,  among 
their  long-neglected  subjects.  But  Eric  soon  became 
restless,  and  in  April,  1582,  Dorothea  wrote  to  beg 
Granvelle's  help  in  obtaining  the  Viceroy alty  of  Milan 
or  Naples  for  her  husband.  The  Cardinal  promised 
to  do  his  best,  and  two  years  later  actually  recom- 
mended the  Duke  for  the  Viceroyalty  of  Sicily.  But 
a  few  weeks  afterwards,  on  the  15th  of  December, 
1 584,  Eric  of  Brunswick  died  at  Pavia,  and  was  buried 
in  the  crypt  of  Bramante's  church  of  vS.  Maria 
Canepanova,  where  his  tomb  is  still  to  be  seen.^ 
The  Duke's  death  released  Philip  from  his  promise 
regarding  the  succession  of  Tortona.  But  he  had 
already  taken  the  law  into  his  own  hands. 

In  June,  1584,  when  Christina  and  her  ladies  were 
enjoying  the  delights  of  the  Marchese  Stampa's 
beautiful  villa  at  Montecastello,  the  Vicero}^  suddenly 
appeared  on  the  scene,  and  presented  her  with  two 
letters  from  His  Catholic  Majesty.  These  were  to 
inform  her  that,  after  long  and  mature  deliberation, 
the  King  and  his  Council  had  come  to  the  conclusion 
that  her  rights  to  the  sovereignty  of  Tortona  were 
extinct,  and  reverted  to  him  as  Duke  of  Milan.  But 
since  Madame  de  Lorraine  was  closely  bound  to  him 

^  Granvelle,  vii.  225,  xii.  581.  2  Groen,  vii.  165. 

^  Granvelle,  ix.  141,  xi.  338. 


504  THE  LADY  OF  TORTONA       [Bk.  xiv 

by  ties  of  blood,  and  still  more  by  the  singular  affec- 
tion which  he  had  always  borne  her,  His  Majesty 
was  pleased  to  allow  her  to  retain  the  enjoyment  of 
Tortona  and  its  revenues  for  the  remainder  of  her 
life,  which  he  hoped  would  be  long  and  prosperous. 
In  vain  Christina  protested  that  her  dowry  had  never 
been  paid,  and  that  this  city  was  granted  to  her  in  its 
stead  by  the  terms  of  her  marriage  contract.  The 
Viceroy  replied  in  the  most  courteous  language  that 
Madame  was  no  doubt  right,  but  that  this  was  not 
his  affair,  and  he  could  only  recommend  that  on  this 
point  her  claims  should  be  referred  to  the  Treasury.^ 
He  then  proceeded  to  take  possession  of  Tortona  in 
the  King's  name,  and  hoisted  the  Spanish  standard 
on  the  citadel  and  the  Duchess's  palace.  Christina 
could  only  bow  to  superior  force,  but  she  forwarded 
a  protest  to  the  Catholic  King  and  his  Council,  both 
of  whom  refused  to  receive  it,  on  the  flimsy  pretext 
that  the  writer  assumed  the  title  of  Queen  of  Den- 
mark, which  they  could  not  recognize.  Certainly, 
as  Brantome  remarked,  and  as  Polweiler  and  Silhers 
often  complained,  Philip  showed  his  great  affection 
for  his  cousin  in  a  strange  manner  .^ 

Before  the  Duchess  left  Montecastello,  she  received 
the  news  of  the  Prince  of  Orange's  assassination  at 
Delft  on  the  loth  of  July,  1 584.  The  hero  and  patriot 
had  fallen  a  victim  to  the  plots  of  PhiHp  and  Gran- 
velle,  and  had  paid  the  price  with  his  life.  Three 
years  afterwards  Christina  shared  in  the  thrill  of  horror 
that  ran  through  Europe  when  Mary,  Queen  of  Scots, 
died  on  the  scaffold.  In  that  hour  she  could  only  be 
thankful  that  the  good  old  Duchess  Antoinette  was 

1  Feudi  Camerali,  Tortona,  Archivio  di  Stato,  Milano. 
^  Granvelle,  x.  551;  Brantome,  xii.  114. 


Sept..  1586]        DEATH  OF  GRANVELLE  505 

spared  this  terrible  blow,  and  had  died  four  years 
before,  at  the  advanced  age  of  eighty-nine.  To  the 
last  Antoinette  kept  up  friendly  relations  with  her 
niece,  and  in  a  letter  written  with  her  own  hand  in 
November,  1575,  the  venerable  lady  expressed  her 
sincere  regret  that  owing  to  her  great  age  she  was 
unable  to  welcome  Christina  in  person  on  her  return 
to  Nancy,  but  that  in  the  spring  she  quite  hoped  to 
come  and  see  her  once  more  before  she  died.^ 

In  1586  Christina's  old  rival,  Margaret  of  Parma, 
and  this  Princess's  stanch  supporter.  Cardinal  Gran- 
velle,  both  died.  Friends  and  foes  were  falling  all 
around,  and  young  and  old  alike  were  passing  out  of 
sight.  But  the  Duchess  still  enjoyed  fair  health  and 
was  so  happy  at  Tortona  that  she  often  said  she  never 
wished  to  leave  home.  As  a  rule,  however,  she  spent 
the  summer  months  at  the  Rocca  di  Sparaviera,  in 
the  mountains  of  Monferrato,  "  more,"  writes  the 
chronicler,  '*  to  please  others  than  herself. "^  Each 
year  she  obtained  permission  from  the  Viceroy  to 
send  250  sacks  of  wheat,  free  of  duty,  for  the  use  of 
her  household  to  the  Rocca,  and  her  maggiordomo 
went  beforehand  to  prepare  the  rooms  for  her  arrival.^ 
The  presence  of  the  Duchess  Dorothea,  who  joined 
her  mother  at  Tortona  after  the  Duke  of  Bruns- 
wick's death,  was  a  great  solace  in  these  last 
years,  and  consoled  Christina  for  many  losses  and 
sorrows . 

Meanwhile  the  war  of  the  League  had  broken  out  in 
France,  and  the  three  Henries  were  contending  for 
the  mastery.  Since  Henry  III.  was  childless,  Cather- 
ine now  tried  to  put  forward  the  claims  of  a  fourth 

^  Pimodan,  322.  ^  Montemerlo,  250. 

2  Feudi  Camerali,  Tortona,  Archivio  di  Stato,  Milano. 


5o6  THE  LADY  OF  TORTONA       [Bk.  xiv 

Henry,  the  eldest  son  of  her  daughter  Claude  and  the 
Duke  of  Lorraine,  and  a  party  in  France  maintained 
his  claims  to  be  at  least  as  vaKd  as  those  which 
Phihp  IL  advanced  in  virtue  of  his  wife  Elizabeth. 
Christina's  heart  was  moved  at  the  thought  of  her 
grandson  succeeding  to  the  throne  of  France,  and  in 
1587  she  sent  a  Lorraine  gentleman,  De  Villers,  to 
Rome  to  beg  the  Pope  for  his  support  in  this  holy 
cause.  The  Pope,  however,  merely  replied  that  he 
advised  the  Duke  to  live  at  peace  with  his  neighbours. 
The  Duchess,  nothing  daunted,  sent  De  Villers  to 
Nancy  with  letters  bidding  her  son  be  of  good  cheer 
and  persevere  in  his  great  enterprise.  Unfortunately, 
the  messenger  fell  into  the  hands  of  Huguenot  soldiers, 
who  took  him  into  the  King  of  Navarre's  camp.  All 
that  could  be  found  on  him  was  an  almost  illegible 
letter  from  Her  Highness  the  Duke's  mother,  con- 
taining these  words : 

"  I  am  very  glad  to  hear  of  the  present  state  of  your 
affairs,  and  hope  that  you  will  go  on  and  prosper,  for 
never  was  there  so  fine  a  chance  of  placing  the  crown 
upon  your  head  and  the  sceptre  in  your  hand."^ 

The  Bearnais  smiled  as  he  read  this  characteristic 
effusion,  and  bade  his  soldiers  let  the  man  go  free. 
Charles,  on  his  part,  expressed  considerable  annoy- 
ance at  his  mother's  intervention,  which  only  aroused 
the  suspicions  of  King  Henry  IIL,  and  made  him 
look  coldly  on  his  brother-in-law.  The  Duchess's 
last  illusion,  however,  was  soon  dispelled,  and  after  the 
murder  of  the  Guise  brothers  at  Blois,  and  the  assassi- 
nation of  the  last  Valois,  Henry  of  Navarre  was  recog- 
nized as  King  by  the  greater  part  of  France. 

Christina  did  not  live  to  see  the  end  of  the  civil  war, 
^  S.  Goulart,  "  Memoires  de  la  Ligue,"  ii.  213 


Feb.,  1589]    AN  INTERESTING  MARRIAGE        507 

and  the  union  of  Henri  Quatre's  sister  with  her  own 
grandson.     But  the  last  year  of  her  hfe  was  cheered 
by  the  marriage  of  her  granddaughter  Christina  with 
the    Grand -Duke    Ferdinand    of   Tuscany.     Several 
alliances  had  been  proposed  for  this   Princess    since 
she  had  gone  to  live  at  the  French  Court  with  her 
grandmother.     Catherine  w^as  very  anxious  to  marry 
her  to  Charles  Emanuel,  who  in   1580  succeeded  his 
father  as  Duke  of  Savo}^ ;  but  Spanish  influences  pre- 
vailed,   and    the    young    Prince    took    the    Infanta 
Catherine  for  his  wife .^     In   1583  the  Queen-mother 
planned  another  marriage  for  her  granddaughter,  with 
her  youngest  son,  the  Duke  of  Alengon,  who  had  left 
the  Netherlands  and  lost  all  hope  of  winning  Queen 
Elizabeth's  hand;  but,  fortunately  for  Christina,  the 
death  of  this  worthless  Prince  in  the  following  June 
put  an  end  to  the  scheme .^     When,  in  October,  1586, 
the  King  of  Navarre  divorced  his  wife  Margot,  Cather- 
ine proposed  that  her  son-in-law  should  marry  her 
granddaughter;  but  this  plan  fell  through,  as  Henry 
refused    to    abjure   the    Huguenot   religion.     On  the 
death  of  the  Grand-Duke  Francis  in  1587,  his  brother 
Ferdinand  exchanged  a  Cardinal's  hat  for  the  ducal 
crown,  and  made  proposals  of  marriage  to  the  Prin- 
cess  of   Lorraine.     Catherine   was   overjoyed   at  the 
thought  of  her  beloved  Christina  reigning  in  Florence, 
the  home  of  her  ancestors,  and  promised  her  grand- 
daughter  a   dowry  of   600,000  crowns,  with   all  her 
rights  on  the  Medici  estates  in  Florence,  including  the 
palace  of  the  Via  Larga.     Orazio  Rucellai  was  sent  to 
France  to  draw  up  the  contract,  which  Bassompierre 
signed  on  the  Duke  of  Lorraine's  part,  on  the  20th  of 

^  Ed.  Armstrong,  "  Cambridge  Modern  History,"  iii.  413. 
2  Granvelle,  "  Correspondance,"  x.  411. 


5o8  THE  LADY  OF  TORTONA       [Bk.  XIV 

October,  1588.^  But  the  state  of  the  countr}?'  was  so 
unsettled  that  the  Queen  would  not  allow  her  grand- 
daughter to  travel,  and  the  fleet  which  sailed  to  fetch 
the  bride  was  detained  for  months  in  the  port  of 
Marseilles.  The  murder  of  the  Duke  of  Guise  at  Blois 
in  December  threw  the  whole  Court  into  confusion, 
and  a  fortnight  later  Catherine  herself  died,  on  the 
5th  of  January,  1589.  It  was  not  till  the  25th  of 
February  that  the  marriage  was  finally  celebrated  at 
Blois.  In  March  the  bride  set  out  on  her  journey, 
attended  by  a  brilliant  company  of  French  and 
Florentine  courtiers.  Dorothea  of  Brunswick  came 
to  meet  her  niece  at  Lyons,  and  accompanied  her  to 
Marseilles,  where  Don  Pietro  de'  Medici  awaited  her 
with  his  Tuscan  galleys,  and  on  the  23rd  of  April 
Christina  at  length  landed  at  Leghorn.  Ferdinand 
met  his  bride  at  the  villa  of  Poggio  a  Caiano,  and  con- 
ducted her  in  triumph  to  Florence.^  When  the  pro- 
longed festivities  were  over.  Monsieur  de  Lenoncourt, 
whom  Charles  of  Lorraine  had  sent  to  escort  his 
daughter  to  Florence,  went  on,  by  his  master's  orders, 
to  Tortona,  "  to  kiss  the  hands  of  the  Duke's  mother, 
the  Queen  of  Denmark,  and  receive  her  commands."^ 
Unlike  her  mother  and  grandmother,  the  Grand- 
Duchess  Christina  enjoyed  a  long  and  prosperous 
married  life,  and  after  her  husband's  death  was 
Regent  during  the  minority  of  both  her  son  and 
grandson.  There  is  an  interesting  triptych  in  the 
Prado  at  Madrid,  with  portraits  of  the  bride,  her 
mother  and  grandmother,  painted  by  some  Bur- 
gundian   artist   at   the   time   of   the   wedding.     The 

^  A.  J.  Butler,  "  Cambridge  Modern  History,"  iii,  42. 
^  A.  V.  Reumont,  "  Geschichte  Toscana's,"  i.  327-329. 
^  H.  Lepage,  "  Lettres  de  Charles  III.,"  93. 


O    5    i^ 


^ 


Aug.,  1590]         DEATH  OF  CHRISTINA  509 

young  Grand-Duchess,  a  tall,  handsome  girl  of  four- 
and-twenty,  wears  a  high  lace  ruff,  with  ropes  of  pearls 
round  her  neck  and  a  jewelled  girdle  at  her  waist. 
She  carries  a  fan  in  her  hand,  and  the  Medici  palle 
are  emblazoned  on  her  shield  with  the  lilies  of  France 
and  the  eagles  of  Lorraine.  Her  mother,  the  short- 
lived Duchess  Claude,  bears  a  marked  resemblance  to 
Catherine  de'  Medici,  but  is  smaller  and  slighter  in 
build,  and  altogether  of  a  gentler  and  feebler  type. 
She  too  holds  a  fan,  and  wears  a  gown  of  rich  brocade 
with  bodice  and  sleeves  thickly  sown  with  pearls. 
Christina,  on  the  contrary,  is  clad  in  mourning  robes, 
and  her  white  frilled  cap  and  veil  and  plain  cambric 
ruff  are  without  a  single  jewel.  But  the  fine  features 
and  noble  presence  reveal  her  high  lineage.  Instead 
of  a  fan,  she  holds  a  parchment  deed  in  her  hand,  and 
on  her  shield  the  arms  of  Austria  and  Denmark  are 
quartered  with  those  of  Milan  and  Lorraine,  while 
above  we  read  the  proud  list  of  her  titles — Queen  of 
Denmark,  Sweden,  and  Norway,  Duchess  of  Milan, 
Lorraine,  Bar,  and  Calabria,  and  Lady  of  Tortona. 

This  was  the  last  portrait  of  Christina  that  was 
ever  painted.  In  the  following  summer  she  went  as 
usual  to  the  Rocca  of  Sparaviera  with  her  daughter 
Dorothea,  to  spend  the  hot  days  of  August  in  the 
hills.  But  she  had  not  been  there  long  before  she 
fell  dangerously  ill.  In  her  anxiety  to  return  home, 
she  took  boat  and  travelled  by  water  as  far  as  Aless- 
andria. There  she  became  too  ill  to  go  any  farther, 
and  died  on  the  loth  of  August,  1590,  in  the  house  of 
her  friend  Maddalena  Guasco.^ 

The  Duchess's  corpse  was  borne  by  night  to  Tortona, 
where  a  funeral  service  was  held  in  the  new  Duomo, 
^  Montemerlo,  250. 


5IO  THE  LADY  OF  TORTONA       [Bk.  xiv 

after  which  the  body  was  embalmed  and  taken  by  her 
daughter  Dorothea  to  Nancy.  The  news  was  sent  to 
King  Phihp  in  Spain,  and  he  and  his  greedy  Ministers 
lost  no  time  in  laying  hands  on  her  city  and  revenues. 
"  We  are  informed,"  wrote  the  Viceroy  to  the 
President  of  the  Senate,  two  days  after  Christina's 
death,  *'  that  Her  Most  Serene  Highness  Madame  de 
Lorraine  has  passed  to  a  better  life,  and  accordingly 
we  claim  the  pension  of  4,000  crowns  assigned  to  Her 
late  Highness,  on  the  quarter  of  the  Castello,  and 
enclose  a  list  of  the  revenues  of  Tortona,  which  now 
revert  to  the  Duchy  of  Milan. "^ 


in. 

The  good  citizens  of  Tortona  were  sorely  distressed 
when  they  learnt  that  the  remains  of  their  beloved 
liege  Lady  were  not  to  rest  among  them.  But  Chris- 
tina's heart  was  in  Lorraine,  and  her  children  laid 
her  body  in  the  crypt  of  the  Cordeliers'  church,  in  the 
grave  of  the  husband  whom  she  had  loved  so  faithfully 
and  so  long.  Twenty-one  years  later  her  ashes  were 
removed  with  those  of  Duke  Francis  and  his  parents^ 
Antoine  and  Renee,  to  the  sumptuous  chapel  begun 
by  her  son  Charles  in  1607,  and  completed  by  his  suc- 
cessors. The  Rotonde,  as  it  was  called  in  Lorraine, 
was  built  on  the  model  of  the  Cappella  dei  Principi, 
which  the  Duke's  son-in-law,  Ferdinand  de'  Medici, 
had  lately  reared  in  Florence,  and  was  dedicated  to 
Our  Lady  of  Loreto.  It  was  the  work  of  a  Tuscan 
architect,  Gianbattista  Stabili,  and  of  Jean  Ligier 
Richier,  the  son  of  the  famous  Lorraine  sculptor,  and 
was  lined  throughout  with  rich  marbles  and  adorned 
^  Feudi  Camerali,  Tortona,  Archivio  di  Stato,  Milano. 


May,  i6o8]       DEATH  OF  CHARLES  HI.  511 

with  a  mass  of  carving.^  The  cupola  was  added  in 
1632  by  Simon  Drouin,  and  the  internal  decora- 
tions were  only  completed  in  1743,  by  order  of  the 
husband  of  Maria  Theresa,  afterwards  the  Emperor 
Francis  I.  By  this  Prince's  pious  care  Latin  inscrip- 
tions were  placed  over  each  sarcophagus,  and  the 
following  words  were  carved  on  the  tomb  of  Christina 
and  her  husband : 

Francisco  I  .  Lotharingiae  .  Duci  .  Bari  .  Calabriae  .  virtuti 
bellicae  .  natus  .  quas  .  ei  .  mors  .  immatura  .  praeripuit  .  laurus 
reddidit  .  nativa  .  benignitas  .  senilis  .  prudentia  .  semper  .  sibi 
similis  .  sapientia  .  mortuus  .  anno  .  mdxlv. 

Christianas  .  a  .  Dania  .  Ducis  .  memorati  .  thoro  .  sociatae 
pupilli  .  Caroli  .  Ducis  .  rebus  .  regendis  .  strenua  .  existimatione 
supra  .  famam  .  maxima  .  fata  .  subiit  .  anno  .  mdxc.^ 

Christina's  son,  Charles  IIL,  died,  after  a  long  and 
prosperous  reign,  on  the  14th  of  May,  1608,  and  was 
tenderly  nursed  during  his  last  illness  by  his  youngest 
daughter,  Catherine,  and  his  sister  Dorothea.  After 
her  mother's  death,  the  Duchess  of  Brunswick  never 
left  Lorraine  again,  and  became  the  wife  of  a  Bur- 
gundian  noble,  Marc  de  Rye,  Marquis  of  Varembon.^ 
She  only  survived  her  brother  four  years,  and  was 
buried  in  the  Jesuit  church  of  St.  Stanilas  at  Nancy. 
Her  remains  and  the  heart  of  Duke  Charles,  which  had 
been  interred  in  the  same  chapel,  were  removed  to  the 
ducal  mausoleum  in  1772,  when  some  fresh  improve- 
ments were  made  in  the  Rotonde,  by  order  of  Marie 
Antoinette,  the  daughter  of  the  last  Duke  of  Lor- 
raine and  of  the  Empress  Maria  Theresa.^  At  the 
Revolution,  in  1793,  these  tombs  were  destroyed  and 
their  contents  rifled  by  the  mob,  and  the  ashes  of  the 

1  Calmet,  iii.  153.  2  pfister,  i.  640-647;  Calmet,  ii.  87. 

3  Granvelle,  "  Papiers  d'etat,"  vii.  619.  *  Pfister,  i.  652. 


512  THE  LADY  OF  TORTONA       [Bk.  xiv 

dead  Princes  were  flung  into  a  common  grave.  In 
1818  they  were  replaced  in  their  original  tombs,  the 
sarcophagi  were  restored,  and  the  old  inscriptions 
once  more  carved  in  the  marble. 

Charles  III.'s  second  daughter,  Elizabeth,  married 
her  first  cousin,  Maximilian,  who  succeeded  his  father 
in  1598,  as  Duke  of  Bavaria,  and  played  a  memorable 
part  in  the  Thirty  Years'  War.  Her  next  sister, 
Antoinette,  became  Duchess  of  Cleves,  while  Cather- 
ine, the  youngest  and  most  interesting  of  the  whole 
family,  took  the  veil  after  her  father's  death.  This 
beautiful  and  accomplished  Princess  refused  all  the 
suitors  who  sought  her  hand,  among  them  the  scholar- 
Emperor,  Rudolf  II.,  who  found  in  her  a  kindred 
spirit.  A  mystic  by  nature,  Catherine  assumed  the 
grey  Capucin  habit  while  she  lived  at  her  father's 
Court,  and,  after  he  died,  founded  a  Capucin  convent 
in  Nancy.  The  Pope  appointed  her  Abbess  of 
Remiremont,  a  Benedictine  community  of  high-born 
ladies,  which  she  endeavoured  to  reform.  She  was 
much  attached  to  her  aunt  Dorothea,  and  after  her 
death  spent  most  of  her  time  at  the  Court  of  France 
with  her  niece  Margaret,  the  wife  of  Gaston,  Duke  of 
Orleans.  Catherine  took  an  active  part  in  French 
politics  in  the  stormy  days  of  Louis  XIII.,  and  died 
in  Paris  in  1648,  at  the  age  of  seventy-five.^ 

The  seventeenth  century  witnessed  the  gradual  dis- 
memberment of  the  duchy  of  Lorraine,  and  in  Rich- 
lieu 's  days  Nancy  was  again  occupied  by  French 
invaders.  At  length,  in  1736,  the  last  Duke, 
Francis  III.,  was  compelled  to  surrender  Lorraine 
in  exchange  for  the  grand-duchy  of  Tuscany,  on  his 
marriage  with  Maria  Theresa,  the  only  child  of  the 
^  Calmet,  ii.  153;  Pfister,  ii.  734. 


1736]      THE  LAST  DUKE  OF  LORRAINE  513 

Emperor  Charles  VL  From  that  time  Lorraine 
ceased  to  exist  as  an  independent  State,  and  became 
a  province  of  France,  while  the  ex-King  Stanislas 
of  Poland  fixed  his  residence  at  Nancy  and  trans- 
formed the  ancient  capital  into  a  modern  city.  By 
this  marriage  the  House  of  Lorraine  became  merged 
in  the  imperial  line  of  Habsburg,  and  the  blood  of 
King  Rene  still  flows  in  the  veins  of  the  Austrian 
Emperor  and  of  the  royal  families  of  Savoy  and  Spain. 
Christina  would  have  rejoiced  to  know  that  this 
union — a  love-match  like  her  own — was  followed 
shortly  by  the  elevation  of  Maria  Theresa's  husband 
to  the  imperial  throne,  and  that  by  this  means  the 
House  of  Habsburg  was  raised  to  a  height  of  power 
and  splendour  which  it  had  never  attained  since  the 
days  of  Charles  V.  For  although  she  married  twice 
into  princely  houses,  and  was  much  attached  both  to 
Milan  and  Lorraine,  Christina  was  before  all  else 
a  Habsburg,  and  the  glory  and  welfare  of  the  imperial 
race  remained  throughout  her  life  the  first  object 
of  her  thoughts.  Like  Mary  of  Hungary  and  Eleanor 
of  France,  she  grew  up  in  absolute  obedience  to  the 
Emperor's  will,  and  wherever  she  went  in  after-years 
his  word  was  still  her  law.  In  the  darkest  hours  of 
her  life,  when  she  lost  son  and  State  at  one  blow, 
it  was  her  greatest  sorrow  to  feel  that  she  could  no 
longer  be  of  service  to  the  Emperor  and  his  house. 
After  the  abdication  of  Charles  V.,  this  love  and 
loyalty  were  transferred  to  Philip  XL,  and  her  one 
fear  was  lest  her  son  should  be  drawn  into  the  oppo- 
site camp,  and  become  French  in  his  sympathies. 
And  to  the  end  she  was  always  quick  to  obey  the  call 
of  blood  and  respond  to  any  appeal  from  a  member  of 
the  House  of  Austria. 


514  THE  LADY  OF  TORTONA       [Bk.  xiv 

This  strong  family  affection  gave  an  added  bitter- 
ness to  the  neglect  and  injustice  which  she  suffered 
at  Philip's  hands  during  the  last  thirty  years  of  her 
existence.  One  reason  for  his  persistently  harsh 
usage  was,  there  can  be  no  doubt,  that  Christina 
represented  the  national  feeling  and  aspirations  after 
freedom,  which  Phihp  and  his  ministers,  Alva  and 
Granvelle,  did  all  in  their  power  to  crush.  Both  in 
the  Netherlands,  where  the  popularity  of  the  great 
Emperor's  niece  made  her  dangerous  in  their  eyes, 
and  in  Lombardy,  where  she  filled  an  important 
position  as  Lady  of  Tortona,  she  came  into  collision 
with  the  same  all-reaching  arm.  To  the  last  she 
strove  valiantly  to  resist  the  tyranny  of  Spanish 
officials  and  to  protect  her  subjects  from  the  rapacity 
of  foreign  soldiers,  and  a  century  after  her  death  the 
citizens  of  Tortona  still  cherished  the  memory  of  the 
noble  lady  who,  as  long  as  she  lived,  had  preserved 
them  from  the  yoke  of  Spain. 

Christina's  lot  was  cast  in  troubled  times,  when 
crime  and  bloodshed  were  rife,  and  religious  con- 
victions only  served  to  heighten  the  violence  of  men's 
passions ;  but  her  name  shines  pure  and  unsullied 
on  these  dark  pages  of  history.  She  was  naturally 
hasty  and  impulsive,  she  made  some  mistakes  and 
met  with  many  failures,  but  she  was  always  generous 
and  high-minded,  faithful  and  affectionate  to  her 
friends,  and  full  of  ardent  charity  for  the  poor  and 
downtrodden.  Above  all,  her  unceasing  labours  in 
the  cause  of  peace  justly  earned  the  gratitude  of  her 
contemporaries,  and  deserve  to  be  remembered  by 
posterity. 

At  the  close  of  this  long  and  eventful  life  we  turn 
back  once  more  to  Holbein's  portrait  of  the  youthful 


I590]  CHRISTINA'S  RARE  CHARM  515 

Duchess.  As  we  look  at  the  grave  eyes  and  innocent 
face,  we  ask  ourselves  what  was  the  secret  of  this 
woman's  power,  of  the  strange  fascination  which  she 
possessed  for  men  and  leaders  of  men.  What  made 
heroes  like  Rene  of  Orange,  and  daredevils  like 
Albert  of  Brandenburg,  count  the  world  well  lost 
for  love  of  her  ?  Why  were  brave  captains  and 
brilliant  courtiers — Stampa,  Vendome,  De  Courrieres, 
Polweiler,  Adolf  of  Holstein — all  of  them  her  willing 
slaves  from  the  moment  that  they  saw  her  face  and 
heard  the  sound  of  her  voice  ?  What  drew  thoughtful 
men  Hke  W^illiam  of  Orange  and  Emanuel  Philibert 
into  the  circle  of  her  intimate  friends,  and  brought 
even  the  cold-hearted  Philip  under  her  spell  ?  It 
was  hardly  her  beauty,  for  she  had  many  rivals,  or 
her  superior  intellect  and  exalted  birth.  Rather  was 
it  the  rare  and  indefinable  quality  that  we  call  charm, 
the  sweet  womanliness  of  nature,  the  gentle  sym- 
pathy and  quick  response  of  heart  and  eye,  ready  at 
any  moment  to  listen  and  to  help,  to  comfort  and  to 
cheer.  This,  if  we  mistake  not,  was  the  secret  of 
Christina's  wonderful  influence,  of  the  attraction 
which  she  possessed  for  men  and  women  alike,  an 
attraction  which  outlived  the  days  of  youth  and 
endured  to  the  last  hour  of  her  life.  Ever  loving,  she 
was  therefore  ever  beloved. 


APPENDIX 
A  SELECTION  OF  UNPUBLISHED  DOCUMENTS 

I. 

Christina,  Duchess  of  Milan,  to  Francesco  II.,  Duke  of  Milan. 

MoNSiGNORE  mio  cordialissimo  marito :  Ho  bene  veduto  volun- 
tieri,  come  sempre  sono  accostumata,  le  sue  care  littere  del 
20,  ma  di  molto  megliora  voglia  haveria  voliito  veder  la  pre- 
sentia  sua,  come  speranza  mi  fu  data  di  breve  esser,  et  per 
dire  la  vera  verita  ormai  quelli  Signori  cominciano  haver  pui 
che  torto.  Pur  mi  voglio  contentar  di  quello  che  la  ragione 
consiglia  che  si  faci,  et  quella  dimora  che  V.  S.  judicara  esser 
bene  per  tutti,  lo  havero  anche  io  per  accepto,  ringratiandola 
de  le  sue  cortese  excusationi  per  la  tardezza  del  ritorno,  ma 
non  savendogli  gratia  di  quello  che  la  mi  scrive,  ch'io  no 
prende  pena  di  scriverli  di  mia  mano,  perche  questo  e  solo 
ben  speso  tempo,  et  a  me  agredable  quanto  cu  V.  S.  parla, 
almeno  per  scriptura  di  propria  mano,  non  potendo  la  per  hora 
partialmente  goder.  In  bona  gratia  sua  senza  fine  riccoman"^i 
cum  ricordo  del  presto  e  sano  ritorno,  cosi  N.  S.  Dio  degni  di 
conservarlo  longamente.     Mlo.  li  7.  Zugno.  1535. 

Vostra  tres  humble  consorte, 

Cristierna. 

A  Monsignore  cordiall'^o  mio  consorte 
le  Duca  de  Millano. 

[ Autografi  di  Principi,  Sforza,  Archivio  di  Stato,  Milano.  ] 


II. 

Christina,  Duchess-Dowager  of  Milan,  to  Cardinal  Caracciolo, 
Governor  of  Milan. 

Quello  affettione  chio  conosco  V.  R'"^  S"^  portarmi,  et  il 
buon  conto  che  la  tene  di  me  fa  ch*  io  non  possi  cessar  de 
desiderar' ogn' hora  la  salute  et  comodo  lei:  Ver  ho  la  prego 

516 


APPENDIX  517 

esser  contento  darmi  nova  come  la  si  e  portata  in  questa  sua 
andata  et  di  preste  si  trova.  Che  di  resto  maggior  consola- 
tione  no'  potrei  havere  che  saper  di  sua  bona  valetudine. 
Appresso:  benche  sappia  non  essere  bisogno,  nondimeno  no' 
cessero  di'  ricordar  k  V.  R"^^  Sig"*  el  caso  mio.  Per  il  quale 
pregola  a  far  presso  la  Caes""^^  M'^  mio  supremo  Si'Q  quello  che 
de  la  singulari  bont^  sua  suiiiamento  mi  prometto;  Et  perche 
tra  tutte  1'  altre  cose  molto  desidero  il  ben  et  honor  della  S^^ 
Dorothea.  Perho  la  sara  contenta  per  il  particolar  sua 
operar  con  Sia  M^^  tanto  efficamente  quanto  glie  sia  poss^^, 
accio  che  col  bon  meggio  lei  me  venghi  essere  esauditi;  assi- 
curando  V.  R'"^  S""^  chio  stimavo  il  comodo  dessa  S^^^  Dorothea 
mio  proprio.  Parmi  anchora  non  solamente  ragionevole  ma 
ex  debito,  che  essendo  compito  il  corso  del  integro  anno  che'l 
111'"°  et  Exmo  di  felicissima  memoria,  S'^e  Duca,  giamio  Consorte 
passeva  di  questa  vita,  si  ne  debbi  anch'  io  tener  memoria  et 
fargli  far  il  debito  anniversario.  Perho  prego  V.  R"»a  Sigi^^ 
esser  contenta  supplicar  Sua  M^^  in  mio  nome,  che  commetti 
et  ordino  accio  che  detto  anniversario  sia  fatto  nel  modo  che 
debitamente  si  conviene  e  son  certiss"^  che  Sua  M'-"^  nomo 
negar  di  fare  cosi  exequire.  Non  me  occorrendo  per  hora  altro, 
a  V.  Rj"^  S''^  molte  me  ricom"^  et  offero.  Pregando  N.  S.  Dio 
che  gh  doni  presto  et  bon  ritorno.  Di  Mio.  el  xiiii.  de'  Ottobi-e, 
MDXXXVI. 

Vostra  buona  figliola, 

Chrestienne. 

Al  Rmo  et  Illf"  Sro  Car'e  Caracciolo, 
Locotente  generale  di  Sua  M'^  nel 
Stato  de  Mio.  come  Patre  osser^^". 
In  Corte  di  Sua  M*^  a  Genoa. 

[Autografi  di  Principi,  Sforza,  Archivio  di  Stato,  Milano.] 


III. 

Christina,  Duchess-Dowager  of  Milan,  to  Cardinal  Caracciolo, 
Governor  of  Milan. 

Rf^o  et  mio  quanto  Patre  honorando:  Ho  presentito  per 
certo  che  in  la  hosteria  de  la  Fontana  se  gli  ritrova  una  bellissi- 
ma  chinea  learda,  manco  bona  che  di  apparenza  bella,  et 
perche  me  ritrova  haverne  bisogno  de  una  per  la  Persona  mia, 
ho  voluto  cu  ogni  confidenza  indrizzar'  questa  et  el  presente 
mio  lachayo  a  V.  S.  R'"^  pregandola  che  se  consensi  di  conten- 

34 


Si8  APPENDIX 

tarme  che  1'  habia ;  et  cometti  el  pagamento  fuori  di  la  spesa 
ordinario  del  rollo  stabilito,  perche  se  potea  mettere  nel 
numero  de  li  debiti  ch'  andarano  pagati  per  altro  conto,  et 
questo  recevero  per  singular  piacer  da  V.  S.  R^^^,  in  bona 
gratia  de  la  quelli  me  reco^^.  Dal  Castello  de  Pavia,  al  3°  di 
Genaro,  nel  1537.     De  V.  S.  R""^  comme  bonne  fille, 

Crestienne. 

Al  R'"o  Car'e  Caracciolo,  Governator 
de  Mlo.  quanto  p'^  honor^°.  Cito, 
cito. 

[Autografi  di  Principi,  Sforza,  Archivio  di  Stato,  Milano.] 


IV. 

Antoinette  de  Bourbon,  Duchesse  de  Guise,  to  Mary,  Queen  of 

Scotland. 

...  La  sante  de  votre  petit  fils  est  aussi  bonne  que  lui  fut 
onques.  II  mange  fort  bien,  et  Ton  le  mene  souvent  a  les 
ebats  que  me  semble  lui  fait  grant  bien.  II  me  semble  vous 
trouverez  cru  et  devenu  gras.  Quant  au  reste  de  n're  menage, 
v're  soeur  est  tou jours  malade  de  sa  fievre  et  a  ete  cette  semaine 
passee  bien  mal  d'un  flux  de  ventre  qui  I'a  fort  affoiblie.  II 
y  a  bien  huit  jours  qu'elle  ne  bouge  point  du  lit.  Depuis 
hier  le  flux  com^se  a  passer,  de  la  fievre  je  ne  vols  pas  grant 
amendement.  .  .  .  V''^  frere  Claude  a  ete  aussy  malade 
jusqu'^  la  mort.  ...  V^^  soeur  Anthoinette  est  aussy  malade 
d'une  fievre  et  d'un  rhume.  ...  Je  vous  avise  quo  Madame 
V^  tante  est  mandee  pour  aller  a  la  cour  a  la  venue  de  la 
Reyne  de  Hongrie,  qui  doit  bientost  estre  a  Compiegne,  ou  le 
Roy  et  toute  la  Court  doit  estre  en  peu  de  jours.  Je  m'en 
suis  excusee  pour  I'amour  de  mes  malades.  II  n'y  a  que  deux 
jours  que  le  gentilhomme  du  Roy  d'Angleterre  qui  fut  au 
Havre  et  le  paintre,  a  ete  ici.  Le  gentilhomme  vint  vers  moi, 
faisant  semblant  venir  de  trouver  I'Empereur,  et  que  ayant  su 
Louise  malade,  il  n'avait  voullu  passer  sans  la  voir,  afin  d'en 
savoir  dire  de  nouvelles  au  Roy  son  maistre,  me  priant  qu'il 
la  pent  voir,  ce  qu'il  fit,  et  c'estait  le  jour  de  sa  fievre.  II  lui 
tint  pareil  propos  qu'a  moi,  puis  me  dit  qu'estant  si  pres 
de  Lorrayne,  il  avait  envye  d'aller  jusques  a  Nancy,  voir  le 
pays.  Je  ne  me  donte  incontyment  il  y  allait  voir  la  demoy- 
selle  peur  la  tirer  comme  les  aultres  et  pour  cela  j'ai  envoye 
a  leur  logis,  voir  qui  y  etait,  et  j'ai  trouve  le  dit  paintre  y 


APPENDIX  519 

etait,  et  de  la  ils  ont  este  a  Nancy  et  y  ont  reste  un  jour,  et  ont 
ete  fort  festes,  et  le  Maistre  d'hotel  venait  a  tous  les  repas 
manger  avec  eux,  avec  force  presents,  et  ils  etaient  tres  bien 
traites.  Voil^  ce  que  j'ay  entendu,  done  au  pis  aller,  si  vous 
n'avez  pour  voisine  v^^  soeur,  ce  pourrait  estre  v^^  cousine. 
II  se  tient  quelque  propos  que  I'Empereur  offre  recompense 
pour  le  duche  de  Gueldres,  et  que  ce  faisant,  se  pourrait  faire 
quelque  mariage  de  la  fille  de  Hongrie  et  de  Mons"^  le  Marquys. 
Mons"^  vre  pere  entend  bien,  ce  faisant,  avoir  sa  part  en  la  dite 
recompense.  Je  voudrais  qu'il  en  fust  bien  recompense. 
Voila  tout  ce  que  j'ay  de  nouveau  .  .  .  je  me  doute  que  vous 
ne  ferez  de  si  bonne  diligence  que  moi,  car  je  sais  bien  que 
vous  tenez  de  Mons^  v'tre  pere,  et  qu'estes  paresseuse  a  ecrire, 
si  Fair  d'Ecosse  ne  vous  a  change.  Je  n'ai  encore  eu  que 
vos  premyeres.  II  me  tarde  bien  savoir  comme  depuis  vous 
vous  serez  porte,  cela  me  sera  grant  joye  quand  je  pourrait 
ouir  de  vos  nouveUes,  Ce  sera  toujours  quant  N*""^  Seigneur 
le  veuille,  et  je  prie,  Madame,  qu'il  vous  donne  longue  et  bonne 
vie.  Ce  premier  de  Septembre,  de  v'tre  humble  et  bonne 
mere, 

Anthoinette  de  Bourbon. 

A  la  Reyne  d'Ecosse. 

[Balcarres  MSS.,  ii.  20.     Advocates'  Library,  Edinburgh.] 


V. 

Antoinette  de  Bourbon,  Duchesse  de  Guise,  to  Mary,  Queen  of 

Scotland. 

Madame:  J'ay  tarde- plus  longuement  que  je  ne  pensais  ^ 
vous  escrire,  mais  les  noces  de  Mademoiselle  de  Lorraine  nous 
ont  tant  ameusees  que  jusque  a  cette  heure  on  a  pent  avoir 
le  loisir.  Nous  departismes  hier  de  la  compaignye  qui  a  este 
bien  grosse.  Les  noces  furent  Mardy  passe.  Mons'^  le  Prince 
y  est  venu  bien  accompaigne  et  je  vous  assure  c'est  un  bien 
honeste  Prince  et  de  bonne  grace.  II  se  contente  fort  de  sa 
mye,  et  aussi  elle  de  lui.  lis  s'entendent  aller  chez  eux  dans 
XV.  jours.  La  feste  a  este  a  Bar,  il  n'y  a  eu  gueres  d'estrangers, 
fors  la  Marquise  de  Baulde  et  Madame  de  Bagin,  et  des  Com- 
tesses  et  dames  voisines.  Vous  en  saurez  quelque  jour  plus 
au  long.  Nous  sommes  en  chemin  pour  aller  ^  Guise,  pensant 
en  estre  de  retour  pour  la  Toussaint.  Nous  laissons  n'tre  petit 
fils  k  Roche.     II  court  tant  de  maladie  que  nous  n'avons  ose 


520  APPENDIX 

le  mettre  en  chemin,  mais  je  vous  assure  il  se  porte  bien.  .  .  . 
Je  vous  avals  escrit  par  Saint-Genould,  du  mariage  de  v're 
frere,  mais  j'entens  qu'il  ne  part  pas  si  tost  comme  il  m'avait 
dit,  pourquoi  je  veulx  vous  dire  ce  qui  en  est  et  co"^«  le  Roy 
veult  faire  le  mariage  de  luy  et  de  la  nyece  du  Pape,  fille  du 

Due  de je  ne  puis  retrouver  son  nom,  mais  elle  est  belle 

et  honeste  et  a  bonne  grace,  et  est  d'ancienne  maison,  de 
Tage  de  xv.  ans.  L'on  luy  donne  trois  cent  mille  francs  en 
mariage,  ellen'a  queung  frere,  s'il  meurt  elle  serait  heritiere  de 
quarante  mille  livres  et  d'un  Duche  et  aultre  terres.  Je  pense 
entre  ceci  et  la  Toussaint  il  en  sera  fait  ou  failli.  Je  prends 
grand  plaisir  entendre  par  vos  lettres  le  bon  portement  du  Roy, 
de  vous  et  du  petit  prince.  .  .  .  Nous  sommes  prets  k 
monter  A  cheval,  pourquoi  ferais  iin.  .  .  .  Ce  penultieme 
d'Aoust. 

V""^  humble  et  bo"^  mere, 

Anthoinette  de  Borbon. 

A  la  Reyne  d'licosse. 

[Balcarres  MSS.,  ii.  15.     Advocates'  Library,  Edinburgh.] 


VI. 

Antoinette  de  Bourbon,  Duchesse  de  Guise,  to  Mary,  Queen  of 

Scotland, 

Madame:  L'on  m'a  tant  assure  qu'on  envoye  les  lettres 
surement  par  le  moyen  des  Marchands  d' An  vers,  que  je  les 
ai  mis  k  T entree  pour  en  apprendre  le  chemin.  Vostre  sceur 
en  doit  estre  la  messagere.  Je  vous  ai  escrit  la  conclusion  de 
son  mariage  et  envoye  les  articles  et  depuis  ses  noces  par 
vostre  brodeur.  Je  viens  de  la  mener  en  menage,  en  une 
belle  et  honneste  maison  et  aultant  bien  meublee  qu'il  est 
possible,  nomme  Beaumoult.  Son  beau-pere  la  receuillit  tant 
honorablement  et  avec  tant  de  gens  de  bien  et  grosse  com- 
paignye  que  Ton  ne  salt  plus  souhaiter;  la  Reyne  de  Hongrerie 
entre  les  aultres  s'y  trouvait  et  la  Duchesse  de  Myllan,  aussi 
Monsr  et  Madame  la  Princesse  d'Orange,  qui  Ton  tient  grosse, 
toute  fois  la  chose  n'est  pas  fort  sure,  et  pour  ma  part  j'en 
doute.  II  me  semble  v're  dite  soeur  est  bien  logee.  L'on  luy 
a  fait  de  beau  presens,  et  elle  a  de  belles  basques.  Son  Mary 
est  jeune,  mais  il  a  bon  vouloir  d' estre  du  nombre  des  gens  de 
bien.  II  ne  paraissait  point  qu'il  fut  Caresme,  car  les  armes  et 
les  tambours  ne  cessaient  point;  il  s'y  est  fait  de  beaux  joustes 


APPENDIX  521 

1^  bas.  A  la  fin  il  a  fallu  departir,  qui  n'a  pas  este  sans 
larmes.  Je  regagne  ce  lieu  de  Guyse,  ou  je  ne  reste  qu'une 
nuit,  et  demain  k  la  Fere,  ou  Mons""  le  Cardinal  mon  frere  et 
mon  pere  et  ma  soeur  de  S'  Pol  seront  mercredy,  et  vendredy 
recommencerai  me  mettre  en  chemin  pour  gagner  Joinvylle 
le  plus  tost  que  je  pourrais.  Je  pense  trouver  encore  Mons'' 
v""®  pere,  et  nos  enfans,  savoir  les  petits  et  les  pretres.  .  .  . 
Ce  xiiii  Mars,  k  Guise.  .  .  . 

Anthoinette  de  Bourbon. 

A  la  Reyne  d'ficosse, 

[Balcarres  MSS.,  ii.  5,    Advocates'  Library,  Edinburgh.] 


VII. 

Louise  de  Lorraine,  Princesse  de  Chimay,  to  Mary,  Queen  oj 

Scotland. 

Madame :  Depuys  que  Dieu  a  tant  faict  pour  moi  que  de  me 
donner  un  bon  Mary,  je  n'ai  point  eu  loisir  de  vous  en  faire  la 
part.  Vous  pouvez  estre  assuree  que  je  me  tiens  en  ce  monde 
heureuse  d'estre  en  la  maison  ou  je  suis,  car  avec  la  grandeur 
qu'il  y  a  en  tout,  j'ai  un  seigneur  et  beau-pere  que  je  vous  puis 
nommer  bon,  car  il  me  faict  un  bien  bon  traitement,  accom- 
pagn6  de  tant  de  beaux  presents,  qu'il  me  faudroy  employer 
trois  feuilles  de  papier  avant  que  je  vous  pourrais  en  rendre 
bon  conte  et  qui  sera,  s'il  vous  plait,  occasion  de  prendre 
contentement  du  bien  de  votre  soeur,  qui  a  commandement  de 
vous  offrir  les  tres  humble  services  des  maistres  et  seigneurs 
de  cette  maison,  vous  suppliant  a  tout  endroit  les  employer. 
Nous  avons  une  tres  sage  et  vertueuse  Reyne,  et  je  ne  puis 
vous  dire  I'honneur  qu'elle  me  faict,  car  estant  venue  expres 
^  cette  maison — la  sienne  et  notre — elle  m'a  voulu  prendre 
pour  sa  tres  humble  fille  et  servante,  et  veulst  que  pour 
I'avenyr  je  dois  estre  tou jours  en  sa  compagnye,  ou  pour  le 
peu  que  j'y  ai  este  m'a  fayct  fort  grant  chere.  Madame  la 
Duchesse  de  Mylan  m'a  dit  le  semblable,  qui  est  la  meilleure, 
et  nous  esperons  bientost  la  voir  en  Lorajme,  car  le  maryage 
de  Mons''  le  Marquys  et  d'elle,  est  en  tres  bon  train.  Depuis 
que  Madame  ma  mere  est  retournee,  elle  m'a  envoyee  une 
lettre  pour  essayer  si  le  chemin  de  9a  luy  sera  plus  aise  que 
1 'autre,  et  si'il  vous  plait  de  m'apprendre  de  vos  nouvelles,  je 
serai  merveilleusement  aise.  Mais  il  faudra,  Madame  que  a 
la  lettre  que  vous  m'enverrez,  vous  mettiez  sur  le  paquet, 
"  All  Due  d'Aerschot,"  .et  par  les  marchands  qui  viennent 


522  APPENDIX 

d'Ecosse,  il  vous  sera  aise,  car  en  les  laissant  a  Anvers  ou  a 
Bruges,  on  autre  endroit  du  Pays,  ne  failleront  point,  en 
s'adressant  a  Mons^  mon  beau-pere,  de  tomber  entre  mes 
mains,  car  il  est  grandement  craint  et  aime  par  de^a,  qui  sera 
I'endroit  ou  je  supplye  Dieu  qu'il  vous  donne  tres  bonne  vie 
et  longue.     De  Beaumont,  ce  xxv.  jour  de  Mars. 

V're  tres  humble  et  tres  obeissante  soeur, 

Louise  de  Lorrayne. 

[Balcarres  MSS.,  ii.  153.     Advocates'  Library,  Edinburgh.] 


VIII. 

Antoinette  de  Bourbon,  Duchesse  de  Guise,  to  Mary,  Queen  of 

Scotland. 

Madame:  Je  suis  tres  aise  que  ce  porteur  soit  venu  par  ici, 
pour  s'en  retourner  vers  vous,  car  je  vous  voullais  escrire  et 
envoyer  un  paquet.  ...  Je  desire  bien  fort  savoir  comme 
vous  vous  serez  porte  en  v're  couche  et  aussi  comme  le  Roy  et 
v're  petit  prince  se  portent.  Je  prie  a  N.  S.  ^  tous  donner 
bonne  sante  et  longue  vie.  Quant  a  notre  coste,  tout  se  porte 
bien,  Dieu  mercy  !  Mon''  v're  pere  est  revenu  depuis  huit 
jours  pour  quelques  bastyments  et  fortifications  que  le  Roy 
lui  a  ordonne  faire  en  cette  frontiere.  J 'ay  este  tres  aise  il 
ait  cette  charge,  afin  de  I'avoir  plus  tost  de  retour.  Quant 
a  v're  petit  fils,  il  se  porte  bien  et  devient  grand ;  il  commence 
tres  bien  apprendre,  et  sait  quasi  son  Pater  noster,  il  est  joli  et 
bon  enfant.  J'ai  este  cause  qu'il  n'est  venu  en  ce  lien,  dans 
la  pour  des  Rougeolles,  qui  regnent  si  fort,  et  je  crains  il  les 
prends  par  les  champs,  ou  il  ne  pent  estre  si  bien  traiste  qu'a 
Joinvylle,  et  aussi  que  ne  devons  demeurer  dans  ce  lieu  que 
huit  jours.  .  .  .  Nous  attendons  M.  le  Cardinal  de  Lorraine 
le  iii  d'Aout.  II  vient  pour  nous  tous  ensemble  trouver  au 
Pont-a-Mousson  le  huitieme  du  dit  mois,  on  se  doit  faire  le 
premyer  recueil  de  n'tre  nouvelle  Dame,  pour  la  mener  aNancy. 
V're  frere  aussi  vient  avec  M.  le  Cardinal,  Ton  doit  faire  grande 
chere  a  cette  bien  venue,  et  force  tournois.  Les  noces  furent 
il  y  a  Dimanche  huit  jours.  S'il  s'y  fait  rien  digne  de  vous 
faire  part  vous  en  serez  avertie.  J'ai  bonne  envye  de  voir  si 
Mons^  le  Marquis  sera  bon  Mary  !  L'on  se  jouit  fort  au  pays 
recevoir  une  si  honneste  Princesse  .  .  .  ce  xx.  Juillet  de  .  .  .  ec. 

Anthoinette  de  Bourbon. 

A  la  Reyne  d'licosse. 

[Balcarres  MSS.,  ii.  4.     Advocates'  Library,  Edinburgh.] 


APPENDIX  i2^ 


IX. 

Christina,  Duchess-Dowager  of  Lorraine,  to  Mary,  Queen  of 

Hungary. 

i8  Avril,  1552. 

Madame:  J 'ay  escrit  une  letter  a  votre  Majeste  pour  avoir 
moyen  d'avertir  celle-ci  et  la  Reine  vostre  soeur  de  la  me- 
chancete  que  le  Roy  de  France  m'a  faict,  que  sur  ombre  de 
bonne  foy  me  emmene  mon  filz  avecque  grande  rudesse,  comme 
Vostre  Majeste  entendra  par  ce  present  porteur  plus  au  long. 
Suppliant  Vostre  Majeste  ne  prendra  de  mauvaise  part  sy 
je  ne  faict  ceste  lettre  plus  longue,  car  la  grande  facherie  que 
j'ay,  m'en  garde.  vSy  este,  Madame,  que  je  supplie  k  Vostre 
Majeste  avoir  pitie  de  moy,  et  m'assister  de  quelque  conseil,  et 
je  n'oublyerai  a  jamais  luy  faire  tres  humble  service  et  vous 
obeir  toute  ma  vie,  comme  celle  quy  desire  demeurer  a  jamais, 
Vostre  tres  humble  et  tres  obeissante 
niece  et  servante, 

Chrestienxe. 

[Lettres  des  Seigneurs,  loi,  f.  332.     Archives  du  Royaume,  Bruxelles.] 


X. 

Anne,  Duchess-Dowager  of  Aerschot,  to  Mary,  Queen  of 
Hungary. 

18  Avril,  1552. 

Madame:  Je  ne  saurais  vous  escrire  la  grande  desolation  en 
laquelle  est  presentement  Madame  ma  soeur,  constitue  par  la 
grande  rudesse  et  cruaute  que  le  jour  du  grand  Vendredy  luy 
a  este  faicte  par  le  Roy  de  France,  qui  est  qu'il  este  venu  icy 
sous  ombre  de  bonne  foy  et  vrai  amitie,  comme  dernierement 
il  nous  avoit  fait  entendre.  A  son  arrivee,  il  a  este  regu 
avecque  tons  les  honneurs  possible,  et  le  meilleur  traistement, 
et  le  dit  jour  du  grand  Vendredy  il  fit  entendre  a  Madame 
comme  pour  satisfaire  au  capitulations  de  la  Ligue,  il  falloit 
qu'il  s'assurait  de  Monseigneur  le  due  de  Lorraine,  et  de  ses 
places,  et  que  pour  ce  faire  il  falloit  qu'il  fust  transports  a 
Bar,  pour  a  quoy  obvier,  Ma  dicte  dame,  Monseigneur  de 
Vaudemont  et  moy,  et  tons  ceux  de  son  conseil,  luy  fust  faicte 
une  remonstrance  la  plus  humble  qu'il  estoit   possible.     A 


524  APPENDIX 

quoy  il  e  repondit  aultre  chose  sinon  qu'il  hateroit  sa  resolu- 
tion par  escrit,  ce  qu'il  a  faict,  comme  votre  Majeste  pourra 
voire  par  les  articles  que  je  vous  envoye.  Ce  voyant,  elle  et 
moy  Tallames  trouver  en  la  Grande  Galerie  ou  ma  dite  dame 
parla  encore  a  luy,  jusqu'^  se  mettre  k  genoux,  luy  requerant 
pour  I'amour  de  Dieu  ne  transporter  son  filz,  et  ne  le  luy  oter. 
A  quoi  ne  fit  response,  et  pour  conclusion,  Madame,  le  lende- 
main  Samedy,  veille  de  Paques,  il  I'ont  emmene,  accompagne 
de  force  gens  de  guerre,  sous  la  charge  du  S*"  de  Bourdillon, 
mais  le  Marechal  de  Saint  Andre  n'a  bouge  qu'il  ne  I'ait 
mis  hors  de  la  ville,  et  c'etoit  pitie  voire  Madame  sa  mere, 
Monseigneur  de  Vaudement  et  toute  la  noblesse  et  le  pauvre 
peuple  faire  leur  lamentation.  Et  voyant  Madame  ma  soeur 
en  telle  pitie,  etant  en  telle  douleur,  Madame,  que  votre 
Majeste  peult  estimer  pour  ly  avoir  faict  une  telle  outrage  que 
de  luy  oter  son  filz,  et  la  voyant  porter  tel  desplaisir,  moy  que 
m'estait  deHbere  m'en  partir,  ne  la  puis  delaisser.  Le  Roy  luy 
laisse  Mesdames  ses  fiUes  et  I'administration  des  biens,  comme 
elle  avait  auparavant,  reserve  les  places  fortes,  qui  demeurent 
a  la  charge  de  Monseigneur  de  Vaudemont,  a  condition  que 
Votre  Majeste  pourra  voire,  toutefois  n'y  demeurra  que 
Lor  rains.  Et  par  ce  que  Madame  j'ai  tou  jours  en  vie  de  faire 
service  a  Votre  Majeste  tel  que  j'ai  toute  ma  vie  desire,  il  luy 
plaira  me  commander  ce  que  je  fasse,  et  vous  serez  obey 
comme  la  plus  affection ee  servante  que  Votre  Majeste  aura 
jamais.  Suppliant  Notre  Seigneur  donner  k  celle  tres  bonne 
et  longue  vie,  me  recommandant  tou  jours  tres  humblement, 
en  sa  bonne  grace.     De  Nancy,  ce  lendemain  de  Paques. 

Anne  de  Lorraine. 

Madame:  Depuis  avoir  escrit  a  Votre  Majeste,  le  Roy  de 
France  a  escrit  une  lettre  a  Madame  ma  soeur  comme  il  a  eu 
avertissement  que  les  Bourgnignons  faisaient  une  entreprise 
pour  aller  a  Bar,  afin  d'y  surprendre  Monsieur  de  Lorraine,  et 
que  pour  obvier  a  cela,  il  a  ordonne  au  S""  de  Bourdillon  le 
mener  k  Joinville,  ou  la  Royne  de  France  est  encor  la. 

[Lettres  des  Seigneurs,  loi,  f.  330.     Archives  du  Royaume,  Bruxelles.] 


APPENDIX  525 


XL 

Christina,  Duchess-Dowager  of  Lorraine,  to  the  Emperor 
Charles  V. 

A  I'Etnpereur.  Monseigneur :  A  la  priere  de  Monseigneur  de 
Vaudemont  mon  frere  et  de  la  Duchesse  d'Aerscot  ma  soeur, 
j'ay  pris  la  hardiesse  de  demeurer,  encore  que  Vostre  Majeste 
m'avait  escript  et  commande  que  je  me  retirasse  vers  les 
Roynes,  ce  que  j'espere  que  Vostre  Majeste  n'aures  pas  pris 
de  mauvaise  part.  Car  la  grande  instance  et  priere  que 
mon  dit  frere  et  soeur  m'ont  faict,  ont  este  la  cause,  non  pas 
pour  aller  contre  son  commandement,  le  voulant  obeir  toute 
ma  vie,  et  je  vous  supplie,  de  tou jours  le  croire,  et  avoir  mon 
filz  et  son  pais  pour  recommande,  et  je  supplieray  le  Great eur, 
Monseigneur,  de  donner  a  Vostre  Majeste  bonne  sante  et  tres 
longue  vie.     De  Denoeuvre,  ce  26®  May,  1552. 

Vostre  tres  humble  et  tres  obeissante 
niece  et  servante, 

Chrestienne. 

[Lettres  des  Seigneurs,  102,  f.  127.     Archives  du  Royaume,  Bruxelles.] 


XII. 

Christina,  Duchess-Dowager  of  Lorraine,  to  the  Emperor 
Charles  V. 

A  VEmpereur.  Monseigneur:  J'ay  re9u  la  lettre  qu'il  a  plu 
a  Vostre  Majeste  m'escrire  par  le  Seigneur  de  Carondelet,  et 
par  luy  ay  entendu  la  bonne  souvenance  qu'il  a  plu  a  Vostre 
Majeste  avoir  de  moy  et  mes  filles,  de  la  bonne  visitation,  dont 
tres  humblement  la  remercie,  et  aussi  de  la  charge  que  Vostre 
Majeste  luy  a  donne  pour  me  dire  ce  qu'il  me  faudra  ensuivre. 
Votre  Majeste  m'oblige  tant  de  I'honneur  qu'elle  me  faict, 
que  toute  ma  vie  je  seray  preste  k  obeir  a  ses  commandements, 
comme  ceUe  entendra  s'il  luy  plait  plus  au  long  par  le  dit 
Seigneur  de  Carondelet,  et  aussi  d'autres  choses  que  luy  ay 
donne  charge  de  dire  a  Vostre  Majeste,  pour  ne  pas  la  facher 
de  longue  lettre.     Et  toute  ma  vie  je  suppliray  le  Createur  de 


526  APPENDIX 

donner  a  Vostre  Majeste  tres  bonne  sante,  et  longue  vie  et  de 
demeurer  toujours  a  la  bonne  grace  d'icelle.  De  Hoch- 
Konigsberg,  ce  4^  Septembre,  1552. 

Vostre  tres  humble  niece  et  servante, 

Chrestienne. 

[Lettres  des  Seigneurs,  103,  f.  518.     Archives  du  Royaume,  Bruxelles.] 


XIII, 

Dejanira  Commena  Contessa  Trivulzio  to  Messer  Innocenzio 

Gadio. 

Magnifico  Signore,  Innocenzio:  Ho  ricevuto  un  altra  vostra, 
inteso  la  morte  del  Magnifico  Signor  Belloni,  che  certo  mi  ha 
dato  molto  fastidio.  lo  sono  certa  che  la  Signora  mia  madre 
me  havera  havuto  grandissimo  dispiacere,  come  risentira  la 
morte  e  privation  e  di  tale  amico.  Pero  non  si  puo  resist  ere 
al  Divino  volere.  Mi  maravigUa  molto  non  habbiati  avuto 
la  littera  mia  qual  mandai  alii  di  passati,  in  mane  di  Barile, 
pero  di  novo  vi  dico  che  ho  ricevuto  la  corona  ed  altre  cose 
per  Andronica,  et  le  littere  della  Signore  Madre,  et  cosi  vi 
rimando  la  risposta.  Sareti  con  ten  ti  basare  le  mane  in  mio 
nome  a  Sua  Excellentia,  dicendoli  che  mi  duole  fino  all'  anima, 
dalle  travaglie  che  patisse  Sua  Excellentia  in  quelle  bande,  et 
che  siamo  sempre  apparentiati  come  servitori  che  li  giurano 
esponere  la  vita  et  quanto  tenemo  in  suo  serviggio.  Non  mi 
occorrente  altro  a  Vostra  Signoria  mi  raccomando.  De 
Codogno  all.  29.  Sett,  1552.  Di  Vostra  Sig.  Dejanira, 
Contessa  Trivultia. 

A  Messer  Inn.  Gadio,  amico  carissimo. 

[MS.  No.  18,  Biblioteca  di  Zelada,  Pavia.] 


XIV. 

Christina,  Duchess-Dowager   of  Lorraine,  to  Mary,  Queen  oj 

England. 

April,  1555. 

Madame:  Je  supplie  W^^"^  Maj'^  me  pardonner  si  je  prends 
tant  d'audace  que  d'escrire  k  icelle,  mais  tant  d'honneur  et  de 
faveur  que  je  recois  de  V*""^  Maj^^  en  est  cause.     Car  je  ne  puis 


APPENDIX  527 

laisser  d'avertir  que  le  Capitaine  de  mon  vaisseau  qui  me  mene 
a  si  bien  faict  son  devoyr,  sans  nul  hasart,  comme  V^^^  Maj^^ 
lui  a  faict  command e,  que  je  ne  puis  laisser  d'en  avertir  V*""^ 
Majte  et  la  supplier  de  Tavoyr  en  souvenance.  Et  puis 
j'assure  V^^e  Maj'^^  q^e  je  n'en  ai  re9U  que  d'entier  bon  service, 
et  connaissant  cela,  n'ay  su  laisser  de  le  recommander  a  V^^e 
Maj^e  et  pensant  que  le  Capitaine  Bont  vous  fera  entendre  ce 
qui  s'est  passe  a  mon  passage,  je  n'en  ferai  plus  propos,  si  non 
de  vous  assurer  combien  je  regrette  de  ne  plus  estre  dans  la 
presence  de  V''^  Maj^^  gt  que  je  ne  puis  estre  aupres  d'icelle, 
pour  luy  pouvoir  faire  quelque  service,  pour  la  satisfaction 
que  je  me  ferais  a  tant  de  mercis  que  j'ay  regu,  dont  je  demeure 
sans  espoir  d'y  satisfaire.  Et  cependant  je  supplie  tres  hum- 
blement  a  ¥"■«  Majte  me  tenir  en  sa  bonne  grace,  a  la  quelle 
humblement  me  recommande,  et  baisant  ses  mains,  priant 
Dieu,  Madame,  vous  donner  bonne  sante,  tres  longue  vie  et 
ung  beau  filz,  comme  le  desire. 

¥"■«  tres  humble  et  tres  obeissante 
cousine  et  servante, 

Chrestienne. 

A  la  Reyne. 
[MS.  State  Papers,  Foreign,  Mary,  vol.  vi.,  351.     Public  Record  Office,] 


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GENEALOGICAL  TABLES 


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INDEX 


Adige,  the,  132 

Aerschot,  Anne,  Duchess  of,  death 
of  her  husband,  329;  birth  of  a 
son,  333;  her  letters  to  Mary, 
Queen  of  Hungary,  368,  523;  at 
Joinville,  464;  at  Lorraine,  484; 
retires  to  Diest,  485  ;  her  death, 
487 

Aerschot,  Duke  of,  79,  142;  re- 
ceives the  Ambassadors,  184; 
his  defeat  at  Sittard,  280;  third 
marriage,  323;  death,  329 

Aerschot,  PhiUp  of,  484 

Agincourt,  Battle  of,  257 

Agrippa,  Cornelius,  50,  58 

Aigues-Mortes,  172 

Aix-la-Chapelle,  27,  43,  135 

Aix,  siege  of,  118 

Alberi,  E.,  "  Le  Relazioni  degli 
Ambasciatori,"  528 

Albret,  Jeanne  d',  235.  See  Na- 
varre, Princess  of 

Alenfon,  Duke  of,  507 

Alen9on,  Margaret,  Duchess  of. 
Queen  of  Navarre,  10 

Alessandria,  509 

Algiers,  expedition  to,  267 

Alsace,  353.  374 

Alsace,  Gerard  d',  256 

Alsener  Sound,  65 

Altmeyer,  J.,  "  Isabelle  d'Au- 
triche,"  13  note,  15  note,  33  note, 
40  note,  43  note,  et  seq.,  528; 
"  Relations  Commerciales  du 
Danemark  et  les  Pays-Bas,"  34 
note,  ij  note,  38  note,  et  seq.,  528 

Alva,  Duchess  of,  in  London,  391 

Alva,  Duke  of,  Commander-in- 
Chief,  383  ;  in  London,  391 ;  war 
with  Pope  Paul  IV.,  409;  ap- 
pointed Captain-General  of  the 
Netherlands.  486 

Alzei,  402 

Amager,  island  of,  19 

Amboise,  463 


Amigone,  Mario,  96 

Andre,  St.,  Marshal,  taken  prisoner 
at  St.  Quentin,  417;  at  the  Con- 
ference of  Cercamp,  428 

Angouleme,  Duke  of,  114 

Anjou,  Henry,  Duke  of,  489;  suc- 
ceeds to  the  throne,  490 

Anjou,  Margaret  of,  257 

Annebaut,  Admiral  1',  291 

Anne  of  Cleves,  her  appearance, 
225;  her  marriage  pronounced 
null  and  void,  236 

Annonville,  268 

Antwerp.  27,  39,  201;  riots  at, 
485 

Apennines,  the,  116 

Aragon,  Don  Carlos  of,  Duke  of 
Terranuova,  Viceroy  of  Milan, 

499 

Aragon,  Ferdinand  of,  10 

Aremberg,  Count  d',  331,  479; 
killed  in  battle,  487 

Aremberg,  Jacques  d',  at  Frank- 
furt, 470 

Aremberg,  Margaret,  Countess  of, 
382,  479,  480;  at  Nancy,  485 

Arena,  117 

Aretino,  Pietro,  96;  his  portraits 
of  the  Duke  and  Duchess  of 
Milan,  96;  his  tribute  to  the 
Duke,  no;  "  Lettere,"  529 

Armstrong,  Ed.,  "  Cambridge 
Modern  History,"  507  note, 
529 

Arras,  Antoine  Perrenot,  Bishop 
of,  at  Augsburg,  319;  his  por- 
trait, 322;  Imperial  Chancellor, 
342 ;  at  the  Conference  of  Cer- 
camp, 428;  of  Cateau-Cambre- 
sis,  436;  on  the  rivalry  between 
Christina,  Duchess  of  Lorraine, 
and  the  Duchess  of  Parma,  459 

Arras,  Bishop  of,  proclaims 
Charles  V.  Archduke  of  Austria 
and  Prince  of  Castille,  3 


541 


542 


INDEX 


Arundel,  Fitzalan,  Earl  of,  158 
note 

Arundel,    Thomas   Howard,    Earl 

of,  158  note 
Arundel,  Lord,  415;  at  the  Con- 
ference of  Cercamp,  428,  432 

Ascham,  Roger,  321;  "Works," 
319  note,  529 ;  his  journey  up  the 
Rhine,  339;  description  of  royal 
personages,  344,  346 

Ashmole,  E.,  "  The  Order  of  the 
Garter,"  392  note,  529 

Asti,  116 

,  Aubespine,  Sebastien  de  1',  at  the 
Conference  of  Cercamp,  428;  at 
Ghent,  457;  "  Negociations  au 
Regne  de  Fran9ois  II.,"  457 
note,  531 

Audley,  Chancellor,  162 

Augsburg,  60;  Diet  of,  318,  337; 
prorogued,  323,  346;  festivities 
at,  338 

Aumale,  Count,  253;  at  Joinville, 
270;  failure  of  his  negotiations 
of  marriage,  270 ;  wounded,  307 ; 
his  wish  to  marry  Christina, 
Duchess  of  Lorraine,  312;  mar- 
riage with  Anna  d'  Este,  326: 
created  a  Duke  Governor  of 
Savoy,  333;  his  capture,  379 

Austria,  Don  John  of,  488;  ap- 
pointed Governor  of  the  Nether- 
lands, 492 ;  at  Luxembourg,  492 ; 
his  letter  to  Christina,  Duchess 
of  Lorraine,  493 ;  victory  of 
Gembloux,  494;  death,  495 

Austria,  Elizabeth  of,  at  Nancy, 
490 

Austria,  Philip,  Archduke  of,  his 
death,  i ;  funeral,  2 

Avenati,  P.,  "  Entrata  Solemne  di 
Cristina  di  Spagna,"  92  note,  529 

Avignano,  Count,  396 

Avignon,  118 

Axe,  Torben,  24 

Ayamonte,  Marquis  of,  497 

Badoer,     Venetian     Ambassador, 

396,  406 
Bar,  239,  284,  476 
Bar,  Duke  and  Duchess  of,   252. 

See  Lorraine 
Barack,  K.,  "  Zimmerische  Chron- 

ik,"  529 
Barbarossa,  his  flight,  106 
Barcelona,  contract  signed  at,  74, 

104 
Bari,  duchy  of.  453 


Barlow,  John,  Dean  of  Westbury, 
205 

Barres,  Guillaume  des,  48 

Bassompierre,  360,  T,yj;  at  Den 
oeuvre,  373 

Baumgarten,  H.,  "  Geschichte 
Karl  v.,"  23  note,  529 

Bavaria,  Maximilian,  Duke  of,  his 
marriage,  512 

Bavaria,  William,  Duke  of,  his 
marriage  with  Renee  of  Lor- 
raine, 488 

Bavon's  Abbey,  St.,  demolition 
of,  230 

Bayonne,  220 

Beard,  Mr.,  205 

Beaumont,  Castle  of,  242,  246 

Beaumont,  Dame  Anne  de,  6 

Bellay,  M.  du,  "  Memoires,"  250 
note,  530 

Belloni,  Niccolo,  129,  141,  347; 
his  letters  to  Gadio,  348-350; 
sent  to  Brussels,  375;  his  dis- 
appearance, 375 

Beltrami,  L..  "II  Castello  di  INIi- 
lano,"  529 

Bergh,  L.  van,  "  Correspondance 
de  M.  d'Autriche,"  21  note,  529 

Berghen,  Madame  de,  142,  154,  198 

Berghen,  Marquis  of,  185,  252 

Berlin,  39,  40 

Bianca,  Empress,  7,  72 

Binche,  destruction  of  the  Palace 
of,  390 

Bisignano,  Prince  of,  66 

Blamont,  370 

Blois,  462 

Bohemia,  Anna  of,  her  death,  320 

Bohemia,  King  and  Queen  of,  at 
Brussels,  405 

Bois-le-Duc,  212 

Boleyn,  Anne,  144,  150 

Bologna,  73,  74 

Bonner,  Bishop,  182,  213 

Bonvalot,  Fran9ois,  Abbot  of 
Luxeuil,  299;  his  letter  on  the 
Regency  of  Lorraine,  300;  pre- 
sent at  the  funeral  of  Antoine, 
Duke  of  Lorraine,  305 

Bomy,  truce  at,  137  ' 

Borromeo,  Carlo,  Archbishop  of 
Milan,  500 

Bottigella,  Councillor  Pier  Fran- 
cesco, 78 ;  his  instructions  on  the 
reception  of  Christina,  Duchess 
of  Milan,  84 

Bouille,  R.  de,  "  Histoire  des  Dues 
de  Guise,"  222  note,  529 


INDEX 


543 


Bouillon,  Godfrey  of,  256 

Boullay,  Edmond  du,  253 

Boulogne,  siege  of,  292 

Bourbon,  Antoinette,  de,  147.  258. 
See  Guise 

Bourbon,  Renee  de,  her  marriage, 
II,  258 

Boussu,  Grand  Equerry,  in  Lon- 
don, 391 

Bradford,  W.,  "  Itinerary  of 
Charles  V.,"  244  note,  529 

Bragadin,  Lorenzo,  Venetian  En- 
voy, 113 

Brandenburg,  Albert,  Marquis  of, 
285,  318;  his  career,  320;  ap- 
pearance, 321;  admiration  for 
Christina,  Duchess  of  Lorraine, 
321 ;  declines  to  take  part  in  the 
tournament  at  Brussels,  332; 
his  departure,  332;  secret  in- 
trigues -with  France,  354,  357; 
his  plundering,  377;  offers  a 
refuge  to  Christina,  '^77;  cap- 
tures Aumale,  379;  meeting 
with  Charles  V.,  379;  his  court- 
ship of  Christina,  383 ;  routed  at 
the  Battle  of  Sievershausen, 
384:  death,  385 

Brandenburg,  Elizabeth  of,  em- 
braces the  Lutheran  faith,  41 ; 
her  flight  with  her  brother,  56 

Brandenburg,  Joachim,  Marquis 
of,  39,  41 ;  at  the  marriage  of 
King  Christian  IL,  13 

Brantome,  P.  de,  his  sketch  of 
Christina  of  Denmark,  vii  ; 
"  CEuvres  Completes,"  529 

Breda,  Castle  of,  174 

Brederode,  Count,  183,  252 

Bregilles,  M.  de,  55 

Brenner  Pass,  133,  372 

Brian,  Ambassador,  281 

Brittany,  Anne  of ,  3  ;  her  death,  1 1 

Brousse,  Jean  de  la,  314,  372 

Browne,  Sir  Anthony,  182 

Bruges,  30,  236 

Brunswick,  Dorothea,  Duchess  of, 
at  the  Court  of  Spain,  502; 
return  to  Gottingen,  503;  death 
of  her  husband,  503;  joins  her 
mother  at  Tortona,  505;  her 
second    marriage,    511;    death, 

511 
Brunswick,  Eric,  Duke  of,  480; 
his  marriage  with  Dorothea  of 
Lorraine,  490;  summoned  to 
Spain,  502 ;  return  to  Gottingen, 
503;  his  death,  503 


Brunswick,  Henry,  Duke  of,  39,  40 

Brusquet,  the  jester,  404 

Brussels,  8,  104,  135,  141,  183, 
381,  400;  festivities  at,  293,  329, 
405;  tournament  at,  405 

Bucholtz,  F.  von,  "  Geschichte  d. 
Kaiser  Ferdinand  I.,"  264  note, 

529 

"  Bulletins  de  la  Commission 
Royale  d'Histoire,"  2  note 

Biiren,  Anna,  Countess,  her  death, 
425 

Biiren,  Count,  142,  252;  enter- 
tained by  Wriothesley,  198 

Burgon,  J.  W.,  "  Life  of  Sir 
Thomas    Gresham,"    396    note, 

529 

Burgos,  I,  220 

Burgundy,  Adolf  of.  Admiral  of 
the  Dutch  fleet,  36 

Burgundy,  Mary  of,  9 

Burigozzo,  G.  M.,  "  Cronaca  Mi- 
lanese," 82  note,  529 

Busch,  Count  Jacob  von,  351 

Busseto,  Bartolommeo,  498 

Butler,  A.  J.,  "  Cambridge  Modern 
History,"  508  note 

Calabria,  112 

Calais,  37,  204,  214;  capture  of,  by 
the  French,  420 ;  question  of  the 
restoration  to  England,  429, 
432,  438,  443 

Calmet,  A.,  "  Histoire  de  Lor- 
raine," 246  note,  256  note,  529 

Cambray,  177,  224;  Peace  of,  56, 

403 

Cambray,  Archbishop  of,  performs 
the  nuptial  rites  of  King 
Christian  II. ,  13 

Cambre,  La,  Convent  of,  449, 
468 

Campeggio,  Cardinal,  57 

Campo,  A..  "  Storia  di  Cremona," 
75  note,  96,  529 

Caracciolo,  Cardinal,  Papal  Nun- 
cio, 31;  appointed  Viceroy  of 
Milan,  118;  letters  from  Chris- 
tina, Duchess  of  Milan,  516,  517 

Cardon,  M.  Leon,  vii 

Car j aval.  Cardinal,  at  Malines,  6 

Carne,  Dr.  Edward,  182,  199 

Carondelet,  Archbishop,  230 

Carondelet,  Ferry  de,  T)77 

Cartagena,  267 

Castellani,  Madame,  500 

Castillon,  Ambassador,  147,  160, 
164;  recalled  to  France,  198 


544 


INDEX 


Cateau-Cambresis,  Conference  for 
peace  at,  436-447;  Commis- 
sioners, 436;  treaty  ratified,  vi, 
448 

Catherine,  Queen  of  France,  her 
state  entry  into  Paris,  334;  ill- 
ness, 362 ;  flight  from  Reims,  373 

Cenis,  Mont,  ascent  of,  86 

Cercamp,  Conference  for  peace  at, 
426-430;  Commissioners,  428; 
second  session,  431;  adjourned, 
432 

Chaloner,  Ambassador,  457,  458 

Chalons,  291 ;  camp  at,  359 

Chalons,  Philibert  of,  142 

Chamberlain,  A.  B.,  168  note 

Chambery,  84,  85 

Champagne,  attack  on,  373 

Champier,  Antoine,  296 

Chantilly,  181 

Chapuys,  Ambassador,  151,  152, 
159;  entertained  by  Thomas 
Cromwell,  173  ;  on  Henry  VIII. 's 
negotiations  of  marriage,  196; 
at  Calais,  204;  on  the  illness  of 
Henry  VIII.,  315 

Charlemont,  citadel  of,  398 

Charles  V.,  Emperor,  vi;  pro- 
claimed Archduke  of  Austria 
and  Prince  of  Castille,  3 ;  at 
Malines,  4;  attack  of  small- 
pox, 5;  his  education,  6;  con- 
firmation, 6;  taste  for  sport,  8; 
at  the  wedding  of  his  sister 
Isabella,  13;  attack  of  fever, 
14;  festivities  on  his  coming  of 
age,  14;  assumes  the  title  of 
King  of  Spain,  20;  his  first 
Chapter  of  the  Golden  Fleece, 
20 ;  elected  King  of  the  Romans, 
25;  coronation,  27;  meeting 
with  King  Christian  II.  of  Den- 
mark, 28,  57;  his  marriage,  48; 
death  of  his  sister  Isabella,  48; 
receives  the  imperial  crown,  57 ; 
death  of  his  aunt,  58;  meeting 
with  Prince  John,  59;  appoints 
his  sister  Mary  Regent  of  the 
Netherlands,  61 ;  his  progress  to 
Brussels,  66;  festivities,  67;  at 
Regensburg,  67,  245  ;  his  illness, 
68,  385;  letter  on  the  death  of 
his  nephew,  69;  at  Milan,  74; 
arranges  the  marriage  of  his 
niece  Christina,  74-78;  sails  for 
Africa,  104;  his  victory  at 
Tunis,  106;  march  to  Asti,  116, 
118;    meeting    with    Christina, 


ii7i  377;  invasion  of  Provence, 
118;  siege  of  Aix,  118;  signs  a 
truce,  118;  places  a  Spanish 
garrison  to  defend  Milan,  120; 
his  reconciliation  with  the  King 
of  France,  172 ;  treaty  with  him, 
195;  views  on  Henry  VIII. 's 
proposed  marriage,  197;  Cru- 
sade against  the  Turks,  209; 
death  of  his  wife,  210 ;  reception 
in  France,  221-223;  meeting 
with  King  Francis,  221 ;  at  Paris, 
222;  return  to  Valenciennes,  224; 
paper  of  instructions,  226;  enters 
Ghent,  228 ;  his  sentence  of  con- 
demnation, 229;  on  the  death 
of  Cromwell,  237;  arranges  the 
second  marriage  of  Christina, 
245 ;  his  expedition  to  Algiers, 
267;  campaign  against  King 
Francis,  277;  secret  treaty  with 
King  Henry  VIII.,  280;  success 
at  Diiren,  280;  lays  siege  to 
Landrecy,  280;  declines  pro- 
posals of  peace,  281,  282,  285; 
his  treaty  with  Christian  III., 
283;  visit  to  the  convent,  285; 
at  St.  Dizier,  286;  his  wish  for 
peace,  291 ;  signs  a  treaty,  292  ; 
at  Brussels,  293,  324,  381 ;  cam- 
paign against  the  League  of 
Schmalkalde,  317;  victory  of 
Miihlberg,  318;  his  portrait, 
322;  at  Augsburg,  337;  diffi- 
culties in  obtaining  the  recog- 
nition of  his  son  Philip  as  his 
successor,  341-347;  appearance, 
344,  ?,7^',  intrigues  against,  354. 
357;  takes  refuge  at  Innsbruck, 
355;  at  Villach,  372;  enters 
Strasburg,  377;  meeting  with 
Albert,  Marquis  of  Branden- 
burg, 379;  raises  the  siege  of 
Metz,  380 ;  on  the  union  of  Queen 
Mary  with  his  son,  387;  his  in- 
tention to  abdicate,  398;  abdi- 
cation, 400-402;  resigns  the 
kingdoms  of  Spain  and  Sicily, 
403;  departure  for  Ghent,  406; 
embarks  at  Flushing,  406;  his 
retreat  at  St.  Yuste,  417;  death, 
430;  funeral,  433-435;  letters 
from  Christina,  525 
Charles  VI.,  Emperor,  513 
Charles  VIII.  of  France,  3 
Charles  IX.  of  France,  pro- 
claimed King,  464;  his  coro- 
nation, 467 


INDEX 


545 


Charles  the  Bold  of  Burgundy,  9; 
defeated  at  Nancy,  257;  re- 
moval of  his  bones  to  Bruges, 
336 

Chatelherault,  250 

Cheyney,  Sir  Thomas,  Ambas- 
sador, 308 

Chimay,  Charles.  Prince  of,  242 ; 
his  aflection  for  Louise  de  Guise, 
242 ;  marriage,  244 

Chimay,  Louise,  Princess  of,  her 
letter  on  her  happy  marriage, 
247;  death,  278 

Christian  II.,  King  of  Denmark, 
his  proposals  of  marriage,  12; 
coronation,  12;  marriage  by 
proxy,  13;  reception  of  Queen 
Isabella,  1 5  ;  wedding,  1 5  ;  char- 
acteristics, 17,  18;  appearance, 
18,  29;  relations  with  Dyveke, 
18;  treatment  of  his  wife,  19,  20, 
24,  39;  misconduct,  20;  elected 
Knight  of  the  Golden  Fleece, 
25  ;  crowned  in  the  Cathedral  of 
Upsala,  25  ;  sympathy  with  the 
Lutheran  faith,  26,  40,  45 ;  his 
title  of  Nero  of  the  North,  26; 
reforms,  26;  journey  through 
Germany,  27;  portraits,  28,  29, 
41;  meeting  with  Charles  V., 
28;  at  Ghent,  29;  interview 
with  Cardinal  Wolsey,  30;  ap- 
peals for  help,  33,  45;  deposed, 
vi,  33.  39;  his  flight,  34;  at 
Malines,  36;  arrival  in  England, 
37;  meeting  with  Henry  VIII. , 
37 ;  infatuation  for  Sigebritt,  38, 
39;  raises  a  force  in  Germany, 
39;  intimacy  with  Luther,  41; 
at  Lierre,  44;  extravagance,  44; 
death  of  his  wife,  46 ;  intention 
to  invade  Denmark,  49;  plun- 
derings  and  ravages,  49,  56; 
picture  of  his  children,  53;  his 
public  recantation,  57;  return 
to  Malines,  57;  invasion  of 
Holland,  62 ;  sails  to  Norway, 
63;  his  reception,  64;  disbands 
his  forces,  64;  imprisonment, 
65 ;  removed  to  Kallundborg 
Castle,  327;  his  death,  449 

Christian  III.,  King  of  Denmark, 
his  succession  disputed,  103 ; 
secret  treaty  with  France,  275; 
his  treaty  with  Charles  V.,  283 

Christina  of  Denmark,  her  birth, 
32;  life  at  Malines,  50-53;  por- 
traits, V,  54,  96,   155,   157,   158 


note,  509,  514;  present  at  the 
festivities  at  Brussels,  66;  pro- 
posal of  marriage  from  the 
Duke  of  ^lilan,  74;  love  of 
riding,  75,  141 ;  character,  vi, 
75,  97;  appearance,  v,  80,  86, 
98,  149,  466;  wedding,  81,  94; 
letters  to  her  husband,  83,  ico, 
516;  dowry,  ^i;  her  journey  to 
Milan,  83-90;  at  Cussago,  88; 
first  sight  of  her  husband,  89; 
state  entry  into  Milan,  90-93 ; 
popularity,  98,  141,  264,  408, 
415,  450;  lessons  in  Italian,  99; 
death  of  her  husband,  loi,  107; 
offers  of  marriage,  1 1 3-1 1  5,  207, 
383;  meeting  with  her  uncle 
Charles  V.,  117,  177;  petitions 
to  Cardinal  Caracciolo,  119,  120; 
reception  at  Pa  via,  122;  attack 
of  fever,  127,  210;  departure 
from  Pavia,  129;  journey  to 
Brussels,  129-135  ;  meeting  with 
her  sister  Dorothea,  134;  at 
Heidelberg,  134,  t,?^;  her  life  at 
Brussels,  141,  294,  327,  382;  at 
the  Castle  of  Breda,  174;  return 
to  Brussels,  183,  448;  her  inter- 
view with  Wriothesley ,  1 9 1  - 1 94 ; 
negotiations  of  marriage  with 
Henry  VIII.  broken  off.  204; 
her  suitors,  207,  312,  321,  383. 
387;  reception  of  her  sister 
Dorothea,  212;  affection  for 
Prince  Rene  of  Orange,  218, 
232,  238;  at  Valenciennes,  224; 
her  betrothal  to  Francis,  Duke 
of  Lorraine,  244;  marriage,  245, 
251;  journey  to  Pont-a-Mous- 
son,  253;  reception  at  Nancy, 
254;  on  the  love  of  her  husband, 
264;  at  Fontainebleau,  265;  her 
letters  to  Granvelle  on  the  ces- 
sion of  Stenay,  266,  271 ;  recep- 
tion at  Joinville,  268 ;  her  reason 
for  rejecting  Henry  VIII.,  274; 
at  Esclaron,  276,  461 ;  birth  of  a 
son,  279;  at  Spires,  282;  her 
efforts  for  peace,  282 ;  birth  of  a 
daughter,  283  ;  return  to  Nancy, 
294.  322,  482;  death  of  her  hus- 
band, 297;  appointed  Regent  of 
Lorraine,  298,  302;  birth  of  a 
second  daughter,  302 ;  her 
friendship  with  the  Princess  of 
Orange,  303;  letter  to  Abbot 
Bonvalot,  308;  reception  of 
Francis     I.,     312;     refusal     to 


546 


INDEX 


marry,  312;  at  Augsburg,  318, 
337-339;  measures  for  the  de- 
fence of  Nancy,  323;  departure 
from  Brussels,  332;  at  the 
funeral  of  the  Duke  of  Guise, 
335;  her  retinue,  340;  enter- 
tainment of  Frederic  and  Doro- 
thea, 352;  fear  of  the  invasion 
of  Lorraine  by  the  French,  356, 
359;  at  Joinville,  356;  her  inter- 
view with  Henry  II.,  361 ;  recep- 
tion of  him  at  Nancy,  363;  de- 
prived of  the  Regency,  364; 
appeal  to  Henry  II.,  365,  371; 
distress  at  parting  with  her  son, 
366,  370 ;  appeal  to  Queen  Mary, 
367;  retires  to  Blamont,  370; 
her  illness,  371,  476,  477,  485; 
488,  497,  509;  at  Denoeuvre, 
372;  ordered  to  leave,  374; 
takes  refuge  in  Alsace,  374;  at 
Hoh-Konigsberg,  -^jj;  visits  to 
England,  394,  413-416;  present 
at  the  abdication  of  Charles  V., 
401;  at  Ghent,  406,  416,  457; 
meeting  with  her  son,  421-423, 
435,  440;  affection  for  William, 
Prince  of  Orange,  425;  presides 
at  the  Conference  of  Cercamp, 
426-432;  refusal  to  attend  the 
wedding  of  her  son,  436;  pre- 
sides at  the  Conference  of 
Cateau  -  Cambresis,  437  -  447 ; 
death  of  her  father,  449;  her 
sorrow  at  not  being  appointed 
Regent  of  the  Netherlands,  452 ; 
request  for  the  duchy  of  Bari, 
453 ;  refuses  the  Castle  of  Lecce, 
455 ;  relations  with  the  Duchess 
of  Parma,  459;  return  to  Lor- 
raine, 460;  meeting  with  King 
Francis  II.  and  Queen  Mary  of 
Scots,  461 ;  acts  as  Regent  of 
Lorraine,  463;  reception  of 
Mary,  Queen  of  Scots,  465 ;  at 
Reims,  466;  at  Frankfurt,  470; 
agreement  with  the  Bishop  of 
Toul,  472;  rebuilds  the  salt- 
works of  Les  Rosieres,  472; 
birth  of  a  grandson,  473 ;  inter- 
view with  Cardinal  Granvelle, 
474;  her  wish  to  recover  Den- 
mark, 469,  475,  488;  at  the 
christening  of  her  grandson, 
476;  pilgrimage  to  Brussels, 
481 ;  her  medal  and  motto,  483 ; 
marriage  of  her  daughter^Renee, 
488;    her    grandchildren,    489; 


marriage  of  her  daughter  Doro- 
thea, 490 ;  letter  of  welcome  to 
Don  John  of  Austria,  492 ;  pil- 
grimage to  Loreto,  497;  state 
entry  into  Tortona,  497;  char- 
acter of  her  rule,  498;  her 
illustrious  guests,  500;  works 
of  mercy,  500 ;  quairels  with 
Philip  of  Spain,  501,  503,  514; 
joined  by  her  daughter  Doro- 
thea, 505  ;  death,  509;  funeral  at 
Nancy,  510;  inscription  on  her 
tomb,  511;  character,  514; 
charm,  515;  letters  to  Cardinal 
Caracciolo,  516,  517;  to  Mary, 
Queen  of  Hungary,  523;  to 
Charles  V.,  525  ;  to  Mary,  Queen 
of  England,  526 

Churchill,  A.,  "  Travels,"  47  note, 
470  note 

Claude,  Princess,  of  France,  her 
christening,  333;  proposed  mar- 
riage with  Charles,  Duke  of 
Lorraine,  419;  wedding,  435. 
See  Lorraine 

Clement  VII.,  Pope,  42,  57,  yi,  106 

Cles,  Cardinal-Bishop  Bernhard 
von,  at  Verona,  132 

Cleves,  State  of,  135 

Cleves,  Anne  of,  her  appearance, 
209 ;  marriage  with  Henry  VIII. , 
217 

Cleves,  William,  Duke  of,  136; 
chosen  to  succeed  to  the  duke- 
dom of  Guelders,  138;  his 
courtship  of  the  Duchess  of 
Milan,  207,  232;  takes  posses- 
sion of  Guelders,  207;  at  Ghent, 
231,  233;  his  claim  on  the  suc- 
cession of  Guelders,  231,  233; 
return,  234;  his  treaty  with 
France,  244;  his  marriage  with 
Princess  Jeanne  of  Navarre, 
249-2  5 1 ;  surrender  to  Charles  V. , 
280;  his  marriage  annulled,  280 

Clouet,  his  portrait  of  Mary, 
Queen  of  Scots,  465 

Clough,  Richard,  present  at  the 
funeral  of  Charles  V.,  435  j 

Coblenz,  351 

Codogno,  130 

Cognac,  279 

Coligny,  Admiral  :  at  Brussels, 
404;  taken  prisoner  at  St. 
Quentin,  417 

Cologne,  135 

Colonna,  Fabrizio,  380 

Compiegne,  177 


INDEX 


547 


Conde,  leader  of  the   Huguenots, 

471 

Constantyne,  George,  205;  im- 
prisonment, 206 

Contarini,  Francesco,  Venetian 
Ambassador,  233 

Contarini,  Gaspare,  his  impres- 
sions of  King  Christian  II.,  29 

Conway,  Sir  Martin,  "  Literary 
Remains  of  Albert  Diirer,"  27 
note,  530 

Copenhagen,  15,  483;  siege  of,  38; 
capitulation,  39,  105 

Corbetta,  Gualtiero  di,  his  oration 
at  the  funeral  of  the  Duke  of 
Milan,  109 

Corte,  Benedetto  da,  99,  117,  122, 
141 ;  his  account  of  the  journey 
to  Mantua,  131;  his  views  on 
the  proposed  marriage  of  Henry 
VIII.  with  Christina,  Duchess 
of  Milan,  170 

Cortile,  L.,  "  Ragionamenti,"  530 

Coryat,T.,  "Crudities,"  86nofe,  530 

Coste,  Hilarion  de,  "  Les  Eloges," 
498  note 

Cournault,  C,  "  Ligier-Richier," 
289  note,  316  note,  530 

Courrieres,  Jean  de  Montmorency, 
Sieur  de,  78,  184;  in  charge  of 
Christina,  Duchess  of  ]\Iilan, 
121;  his  career,  124;  letter  on 
the  proposed  Cleves  marriage, 
139;  appointed  Bailiff  of  Alost, 
140,  219;  his  letters  to  Charles 
v.,  126-128 

Courteville,  Jean  de,  413 

Cranach,  Lucas,  his  portrait  of 
King  Christian  II.  of  Denmark, 

41 

Cranmer,  Archbishop,  162 

Cremona,  130 

Crepy-en-Laonnois,  peace  signed 
at,  292 

Cromwell,  Thomas,  115;  his  por- 
trait, 155;  entertains  Gian  Bat- 
tista  Ferrari,  170;  entertains 
the  Ambassadors,  173;  on 
Henry  VIII. 's  negotiations  of 
marriage,  196;  entertains  Fred- 
eric, Count  Palatine,  214;  ar- 
rested and  sent  to  the  Tower, 
236;  beheaded,  237 

Croy,  Anne  de,  142 

Croy,  Charles  de.  Marquis  of 
Havre,  492 

Cussago,  villa  of,  88 

Cust,  L.,  159^0^6,  530 


Dahlmann,  F.,    "  Geschichte  von 

Danemark,"  27  note,  530 
DalecarUa,  27 

Darnley,   Henry,   Lord,  his  mar- 
riage   with    Mary,     Queen     of 
Scots,  485 
Decrue,  F.,  "  Anne  de  Montmor- 
ency,"  181  note,  245  note,  250 
!       note,  419  note,  530 
i   Denis,  St.,  Battle  of,  487 
I   Denmark,   outbreak  of  war  with 
j        Sweden,  475 

I   Denmark,  Queen  Christina  of,  v. 
I        See  Christina 
Denoeuvre,  299,  372 ;  Treaty  of ,  302 
Devonshire,    Edward    Courtenay, 

Lord,  402 
Diego,  Don,  his  return  to  Flanders, 

174 
Diest,  482,  485,  487 
Dizier,    St.,  camp    at,   286;    sur- 
render of,  289 
Dodgson,  Campbell,  viii 
Dordrecht,  212 
Dormer,  Jane,  425 
Dorothea,  Princess,  of   Denmark, 

27,  35;  her  portrait,  54;  offers 
of  marriage,  71,  10 1,  102;  her 
appearance,  10 1 ;  character,  10 1, 
105;  marriage  with  Frederic, 
Count  Palatine,  105 ;  her  love  of 
adventure,  106;  meeting  with 
her  sister  Christina  at  Heidel- 
berg, 134;  at  Toledo,  211;  visit 
to  her  aunt  Eleanor,  211;  at 
the  Hague,  212;  her  appeal  on 
behalf  of  her  father,  231;  at 
the  funeral  of  the  Duke  of 
Lorraine,  310;  her  visit  to 
Nancy,  351-353;  death  of  her 
husband,  402;  at  Jiilich,  416; 
Neuburg,  417,  468;  death,  469; 
inscription  on  her  monument, 
469 

Doulans,  M.  de,  374 

Dover,  413 

Dreux,  Battle  of,  471 

Drondtheim,  Archbishop  of,  14, 
19,  64 

Drouin,  Simon,  511 

Duren,  surrender  of,  280 

Diirer,  Albert,  extract  from  his 
Journal,  27;  his  portraits  of 
King  Christian  II.  of  Denmark, 

28,  29 

Edward  VI.,  King,  his  birth,  145 ; 
his  death,  386 


548 


INDEX 


Effingham,  Lord  Howard  of,  at  the 
Conference  of  Cateau-Cambresis, 
437;  on  the  marriage  of  Queen 
Elizabeth,  440 
Egmont,  Anne  of,  400 
Egmont,  Count  Lamoral  d',    his 
wedding,  283  ;  christening  of  his 
daughter,    393 ;    his    victory   at 
GraveUnes,   424;  at   Frankfurt, 
470;    result   of   his    mission    to 
PhiUp  of  Spain,  481  ;  arrested, 
486;  execution,  487 
Egmont,  Floris  d',  at  Brussels,  201 
Egmont,    Margaret   of,   her   mar- 
riage,    324;    death,     390.       See 
Vaudemont 
Egmont,     Mary     Christina,     her 
christening,  393 

Egmont,  Philippa  of,  257 

Elbe,  the,  39 

Elboeuf,  Marquis  of,  at  Mon 
Soulas,  440 

Eleanor,  Archduchess,  of  Austria, 
4;  attack  of  smallpox,  5  ;  educa- 
tion, 6;  offers  of  marriage,  12; 
her  affection  for  Frederic,  Count 
Palatine,  2 1 ;  Queen  of  Portugal, 
24;  of  France,  137;  at  Com- 
piegne,  177;  meeting  with  her 
sister  Mary,  178  ;  her  appear- 
ance, 178,  339;  reception  of  her 
brother  Charles  V,,  221;  at 
Brussels,  293,  325  ;  her  death,  430 

Elizabeth,  Princess,  of  France, 
her  christening,  308;  proposals 
of  marriage,  392,  412,  446; 
marriage  with  Philip  of  Spain, 
456 

Elizabeth,  Queen  of  England,  her 
accession,  432 ;  invitation  to 
Cliristina,  457 

Ely,  Bishop  of,  at  the  Conference 
of  Cercamp,  428,  432 ;  of  Cateau- 
Cambresis,  436 

Emanuel,  King  of  Portugal,  9; 
death  of  his  second  wife,  22 ; 
third  marriage,  24;  death,  102 

England,  war  declared  with 
France,  417 

fipernay,  291 

Erasmus  of  Rotterdam,  28 

Eric,  King  of  Sweden,  his  nego- 
tiations with  Christina,  Duchess 
of  Lorraine,  478;  proposal  of 
marriage  with  Renee  of  Lor- 
raine, 482 ;  his  unstable  char- 
acter, 483 ;  deposed,  483 

Esclaron,  275,  476 


Esslingen,  339 

Este,  Anna  d',  her  marriage  with 

Count  Aumale,  326;  appearance, 

326 
Este,  Duchess  Beatrice  d',  7;  her 

death,     72;     country-house    of 

Cussago,  89 
Este,  Francesco  d',  289 
Etampes,  Madame  d',  179,245,293 
Exeter,  Lord,   imprisoned  in  the 

Tower,  186;  his  execution,  186 

Farnese,  Cardinal,  225,  228,  235 
Farnese,  Cecilia,  115 

Farnese,  Ottavio,  354,  410 

Farnese,  Vittoria,  225;  her  mar 
riage,  270 

Fa  ye,  Hugues  de  la,  his  decoration 
of  the  Palace  of  Nancy,  272 

Ferdinand,  King,  his  marriage, 
1 1 ;  at  Nuremberg,  40 ;  his  treat- 
ment of  his  sister  Isabella,  40; 
King  of  the  Romans,  at  Ghent, 
230;  departure  from,  235;  at 
Augsburg,  318,  337;  death  of 
his  wife,  319;  love  of  music,  320; 
his  portrait,  322;  refusal  to 
accept  Philip  of  Spain  as 
coadjutor,  341-345;  his  char- 
acter, 344;  death,  478 

F^re,  La,  183 

Feria,  Count,  425,  431 

Ferrara,  Alfonso  d'  Este,  Duke  of, 
95 ;  at  the  wedding  of  the  Duke 
of  Milan,  95 ;  his  death,  95 ; 
will,  95 

Ferrari,  Gian  Battista,  153;  his 
impressions  of  England,  170;  of 
Henry  VIIL,  171 

Fiennes,  Madame  de,  79 

Florence,  508 

Florence,  Alexander,  Duke  of,  115 

Flushing,  406 

Foix,  Germaine  de,  28 

Fontaine,  M.  de,  374 

Fontainebleau,  221,  265,  279 

Forstemann,  C.,  "  Neues  Urkun- 
denbuch,"  41  note,  530 

France,  war  declared  with  Eng- 
land, 417 ;  outbreak  of  civil  war, 
471.  487 

Francis  L,  King  of  France,  on 
Henry  VIH.'s  proposed  mar- 
riage, 147;  his  reconciliation 
with  Charles  V.,  172;  meeting 
with  Queen  Mary  of  Hungary, 
177;  treaty  with  Charles  V., 
195;     reception     of     Frederic, 


INDEX 


549 


Count  Palatine,  and  Dorothea, 
211 ;  reception  of  Charles  V., 
221-223;  on  the  death  of  Crom- 
well, 237;  treatment  of  the 
Duke  of  Lorraine,  265  ;  demands 
the  cession  of  Stenay,  266;  his 
secret  treaty  with  Christian  III., 
275;  at  Esclaron,  275;  cam- 
paign against  Charles  V.,  277; 
disbands  his  forces,  2.-jy\  terms 
of  peace,  292;  death  of  his  son, 
304;  at  Joinville,  311,  313;  at 
Bar,  3 1 1 ;  his  death,  3 1 5 

Francis  II.,  King  of  France,  his 
protest  against  the  treaty,  292 ; 
marriage  with  Mary,  Queen  of 
Scots,  420;  accession,  457;  coro- 
nation, 460;  at  Lorraine,  461; 
at  Blois,  462 ;  death,  464 

Frankfurt,  470 

Frederic  II.,  Elector  Palatine,  his 
affection  for  Eleanor  of  Austria, 
21;  banished  from  Court,  23; 
his  negotiations  of  marriage, 
102-104;  marriage,  105;  at  To- 
ledo, 211 ;  his  visit  to  the  King 
of  France,  211;  illness,  211;  at 
the  Hague,  212;  visit  to  Eng- 
land, 213-217;  reception  at 
Windsor,  215;  return  to  Brus- 
sels, 217;  his  designs  against 
Denmark,  230;  efforts  to  raise 
a  loan,  241 ;  his  claim  to  Den- 
mark, 274;  succeeds  to  the 
Palatinate,  282;  joins  the 
League  of  Schmalkalde,  317 ;  his 
loyalty  to  Charles  V. ,  317;  love 
of  travel,  351;  journey  to 
Nancy,  351-353;  his  influence 
in  Germany,  378;  welcome  to 
Christina,  379;  his  death,  402; 
burial,  403 

Frederic,  King  of  Denmark,  recog- 
nition of  his  title,  42 ;  death,  72 

Frederic  III.,  King  of  Denmark, 
his  unpopularity,  468 ;  nego- 
tiations of  marriage  with  Renee 
of  Lorraine,  475 

Frederic  of  Zimmern,  Elector 
Palatine,  469 

French,  the,  threaten  to  invade 
Milan,  116 

Friedberg,  Castle  of,  488 

Friedewald,  treaty  at,  354 

Friedmann,  P..  "  Les  Depeches  de 
Michieh,"  398  note,  530 

Frizzi,  A.,  "  Memorie  per  la  Storia 
di  Ferrara,"  530 


Gachard,  L.,  "  Relation  des 
Troubles  de  Gand,"  220  note, 
228  note,  53c;  "  Retraite  et 
Mort  de  Charles  V.,"  62  note, 
331  note,  530;  "Voyages  de 
Charles  V.,"  283  yiote,  319  note, 
530;  "Voyages  des  Souverains 
des  Pays-Bas,"  i,  117  note,  246 
note,  530 

Gadio,  Innocenzo,  347  ;  letter  from 
Contessa  Trivulzio,  526 

Gaillard,  M.,  Director  of  the 
Brussels  Archives,  vii 

Gallerati,  Count  Tommaso,  75 

Gambara,  Cesare,  Bishop  01  Tor- 
tona,  500 

Gardner,  E.,  "A  King  of  Court 
Poets,"  95  note,  530 

Garonne,  the,  250 

Gaye,  G.,  "  Carteggio  Inedito  di 
Artisti  dei  Secoli  XV.,"  530 

Gemappes,  Castle  of,  43 

Gembloux,  victory  of,  494 

Genoa,  119 

Ghent,  29,  78,  406,  416,  457 ;  revolt 
at,  219;  royal  procession  into, 
228;  sentence  of  condemnation, 
229;  riots  at,  485 

Gheynst,  Margaret  van,  410 

Gbilino,  Camillo,  Ambassador  to 
Milan,  74,  85,  106;  "  Annali  di 
Alessandria,"  107  note,  498  note, 
530;  his  illness  and  death,  107 

Gioe,  Court  -  ^Marshal  Magnus, 
Danish  Ambassador,  1 2  ;  repre- 
sentative of  King  Christian  II. 
at  his  marriage,  13 

Giussani.  Signor  Achille,  vii 

Glay,  E.  Le,  "  Correspondance 
I'Empereur  Maximilitn  I.  et  de 
Marguerite  d'Autriche,"  5  note, 

531 
Gomez,  Ruy,  338;  in  London,  391 ; 

at  the  Conference  of  Cercamp, 

428 
Gonzaga,  Chiara,  258 
Gonzaga,  Cardinal  Ercole,  91 
Gonzaga,    Ferrante,   66;   recovers 

Lrxembourg,  284;  at  St.  Dizier, 

286;  in  London,  391 
Gorzes,  Abbey  of,  356 
Gottingen,  503 
Goulart ,    S.,     "  Memoires    de    la 

Ligue,"  506  note,  530 
Granado,  Sir  Jacques  de,  416 
Granvelle,     Imperial     Chancellor, 

114;     letters     from     Christina, 

Duchess    of    Lorraine,    on    the 

36 


550 


INDEX 


cession  of  Stenay,  266,  271 ;  his 
portrait,  322;  death,  342 

Granvelle,  Anloine  Perrenot, 
created  Cardinal,  470  ;  com- 
pelled to  retire,  473;  his  re- 
ception at  Nancy,  474;  on  the 
efforts  of  Christina,  Duchess  of 
Lorraine,  to  recover  Denmark, 
488;  his  death,  505;  "  Papiers 
d'Etat,"  114  note,  128  note,  220 
note,  277  note,  530 

Gravelines,  victory  at,  424 

Gravelines,  Captain  of,  198 

Gravesend,  413 

Great  Mary,  35 

Greenwich,  37,  412 

Gregory  XIII,,  Pope,  499 

Gresham,  Sir  Thomas,  395  ;  present 
at  the  abdication  of  Charles  V., 
401 

Grey,  Lady  Katherine,  158  fiote 

Grocnendal,  Abbey  of,  287 

Griimbach,  Willem  von,  475 

Guasco,  Maddalena,  509 

Guazzo,  Giorgio,  75;  "  Historie 
d' Italia,"  92  note,  530 

Guelders,  Charles  of  Egmont, 
Duke  of:  his  proposal  of  mar- 
riage, 10;  conflict  with  the 
Regent  of  the  Netherlands,  36; 
his  illness,  138;  choice  of  a 
successor,  138 

Guelders,  Philippa  ol.  See 
Philippa,  Duchess  of  Lorraine 

Guicciardini,  L.,  "  Paesi-Bassi," 
141  note,  530 

Guise,  Anna  d'  Este,  Duchess  of, 
birth  of  a  son,  334 

Guise,  Antoinette  de  Bourbon, 
Duchess  of,  147,  258;  her  letters 
to  her  daughter,  167,  168  note, 
518,  519,  520,  522;  on  the  mar- 
riage of  the  Prince  of  Orange, 
240 ;  her  daughter  Louise's  mar- 
riage, 243 ;  account  of  the  fes- 
tivities at  Guise,  246;  at  Pont- 
a-Mousson,  253;  her  sons  and 
daughters,  259;  reception  of 
Christina,  Duchess  of  Lorraine, 
268;  return  to  Joinville,  295; 
death  of  her  husband,  335;  of 
her  grandson,  356;  at  the  wed- 
ding of  Henry  HI.  of  France, 
490;  her  death,  505 

Guise,  Antoinette  de,  goes  to  the 
convent  at  Reims,  270 

Guise,  Claude,  Duke  of,  146,  179, 
258;  at   Pont-a-Mousson,    253; 


return  to  Joinville,  295;  at  the 
funeral  of  the  Duke  of  Lor- 
raine, 309;  his  illness,  334; 
death,  335;  funeral,  335;  monu- 
ment, 336 

Guise,  Francis,  Duke  of,  christen- 
ing of  his  daughter,  356;  his 
capture  of  Calais,  420;  at  the 
coronation  of  Charles  IX.,  467; 
murdered,  471,  508 

Guise,  Louise  de,  her  appearance, 
164;  portrait,  165;  attack  of 
fever,  167 ;  proposal  of  marriage, 
242 ;  wedding,  244.    See  Chimay 

Guise,  Mary,  Queen  of  Scotland. 
See  Mary 

Guise,  Renee  de,  her  appearance, 
165;  at  the  Convent  of  Reims, 
167;  Abbess  of  the  Convent  of 
St.  Pierre,  314 

Guzman,  Don  Gabriel  de,  291 

Gyldenstern,  Knut,  64 

Hackett,    John,    Ambassador    at 

Brussels,  85 
Hagberg- Wright,  Dr.,  viii 
Haile,     M.,     "Life    of    Reginald 

Pole,"  389  note,  530 
Hainault,  invasion  of  the  French, 

389 
Hall,  Hubert,  vii 
Hallays,  A.,   "  Nancy,"  258  note, 

260  note,  316  note 
Halle,  317 

Hamburg,  Congress  at,  42 
Hampton  Court,  159,  216,  391 
Hannart,  his  opinion  of  the  King 

and  Queen  of  Denmark,  40 
Hans,  King  of  Denmark,  18 
Haiisser,     L.,     "  Geschichte     der 

Rheinischen  Pfalz,"  531 
Haussonville,  Baron  d',  Governor 

of  Nancy,  360,  363 
Hawkins,  on  the  marriage  of  the 

Duke  of  Milan,  75 
Heidelberg,   105,   134,  378;  castle 

at,  351,  353 
Heinrich,  Otto,  Elector  Palatine, 

405;  his  death,  469 
Held,  Dr.  Matthias,  133 
Helsiugfors,  15 
Henne,   A.,   "  Histoire  du  Regne 

de  Charles  V.,"  11  note,  531 
Henri  le  Balafre,  his  birth,  334 
Henry  II.,   King  of  France,   178, 

2,^7,,  490;    his  state  entry  into 

Paris,    334;  declares  war,   354; 

his  advance  on  Reims,  359;  at 


INDEX 


551 


Joinville,  360;  reception  of 
Christina,  Duchess  of  Lorraine, 
361;  enters  Nancy,  362;  arbi- 
trary conditions,  364;  deprives 
Christina  of  her  son,  364-370; 
at  Strasburg,  371;  retreat,  373; 
orders  Christina  to  leave  Lor- 
raine, 374;  invasion  of  Hainault, 
389;  destruction  of  the  Palace 
of  Binche,  390;  his  threat  to 
occupy  Nancy,  408;  wish  for 
peace,  426,  429;  wounded,  456; 
death,  457 
Henry  III.,  King  of  France,  his 
marriage  with  Louise  of  Vaude- 
mont,  490 
Henry  VII.,  King  of  England,  4 
Henry  VIII. ,  King  of  England, 
his  reception  of  King  Christian 
II.  of  Denmark,  37;  his  wives, 
144,  206;  proposals  of  marriage, 
146;  negotiations  of  marriage 
with  Christina,  Duchess  of 
Milan,  150-164,  168,  173;  por- 
trait, 155;  illness,  164,  315; 
wish  to  see  the  French  Prin- 
cesses, 165 ;  excommunicated  by 
Pope  Paul  III.,  195;  negotia- 
tions of  marriage  broken  off,  v, 
204;  his  reception  of  Frederic, 
Count  Palatine,  215;  marriage 
with  Anne  of  Cleves,  217;  his 
opinion  of  her,  236;  annuls  his 
marriage,  236;  vexation  at  the 
marriage  of  Christina,  251 ;  trial 
and  execution  of  his  fifth  wife, 
273 ;  his  secret  treaty  with 
Charles  V.,  280;  invasion  of 
Picardy,  284;  takes  possession 
of  Boulogne,  292 ;  attack  of 
fever,  315 ;  death,  315 
Herbesteiner,  Sigismund,  20 
Hesdin,  fort  of,  razed,  385 
Hesse,  Christina  of,  her  marriage, 

479 

Hesse,  Landgrave  Phihp  of,  479; 
taken  prisoner,  318;  on  the 
journey  of  Christina,  Duchess  of 
Lorraine,  to  Brussels,  481 

Heverle,  252 

Hill,  G.  F.,  viii 

Hoby,  Sir  Philip,  155,  156;  his 
interview  with  Christina, 
Duchess  of  Milan,  157,  168 
note :  his  mission  to  Joinville, 
166, 
168  note  ;  Ambassador,  385 

Hoby,  Thomas,  at  Augsburg,  323; 


"Memoirs,"  323  note,  531;  his 
translation  of  "Cortegiano,"  385 

Hoh-Konigsberg,  fortress  of,  318, 
,Z77 

Holbein,  Hans,  his  portrait  of 
Christina,  Duchess  of  Milan,  v, 
157,  158  note,  514;  other  por- 
traits, 155 

Holland,  invasion  of,  62 

Holstein,  Adolf,  Duke  of,  at 
Brussels,  325,  327;  breaks  off 
his  engagement  with  Fraulein 
Kunigunde,  328;  courtship  of 
Christina,  Duchess  of  Lorraine, 
328,  387,  402;  takes  leave  of 
Charles  V.,  402;  his  marriage 
with  Christina  of  Hesse,  479 

Holstein,  Frederic,  Duke  of,  his 
hostile  attitude  to  King  Chris- 
tian II.  of  Denmark,  2,3  ;  elected 
King  of  Denmark,  33,  39 

Hoogstraaten,  Commissioner,  184 

Horn,  Count,  arrested,  486 

Howard,  Lord  Wilham,  146,  255; 
recalled  and  sent  to  the  Tower, 
273;  created  a  peer,  437.  See 
Effingham 

Howard,  Queen  Catherine,  her 
trial  and  execution,  273 

Hubert,  his  Chronicle  of  Charles 
v.,  103 

Hugo,  L.,  "Traite  sur  I'Origine 
de  la  Maison  de  Lorraine,"  238 
note,  531 

Huguenot  conspiracy,  discovery 
of  a,  463 

Hungary,  Ladislaus,  King  of,  11 

Hungary,  Mary,  Queen  of,  11. 
See  Mary 

Hutton,  John,  Ambassador,  137; 
his  opinion  of  Christina,  Duch- 
ess of  Milan,  149,  153,  161;  his 
method  of  ingratiating  himself 
with  IMary,  Queen  of  Hungary, 
161 ;  illness  and  death,  171 

Hvidore,  1 5 

Innsbruck,  7,  57,  60,  134,  355 

Isabella,  Empress,  birth  of  a  son, 
210;  death,  210 

Isabella  of  Aragon,  94 

Isabella  of  Austria,  4;  her  birth, 
4;  attack  of  smallpox,  5;  edu- 
cation, 6;  offers  of  marriage, 
10;  dowry,  12;  marriage  cere- 
mony, 13;  journey  to  Copen- 
hagen, 15;  letter  to  her  aunt, 
is;  state  entry,   15;  her  wed- 


552 


INDEX 


ding  with  King  Christian  II.  of 
Denmark,  15;  coronation,  16; 
illness,  16,  45;  her  miserable 
life,  22;  birth  of  a  son,  24; 
birth  and  death  of  twin  sons, 
25;  birth  of  her  daughters,  27, 
32;  flight  from  Denmark,  35; 
return  to  Malines,  36,  39;  arrival 
in  England,  n;  noble  qualities, 
38;  loyalty  to  her  husband,  40; 
embraces  the  Lutheran  faith, 
40;  at  Lierre,  44;  her  straits 
for  money,  44;  death,  vi,  46; 
burial,  47;  monument,  47; 
destruction  of  her  tomb,  485 

Isabella  of  Portugal,  her  mar- 
riage, 48 

Isere,  gorge  of  the,  86 

James  V.,  King  of  Scotland,  30, 
59;  his  fickle  character,  71,  10 1 ; 
marriages,  147,  148,  165;  death, 
278 

Jean  de  Maurienne,  S.,  86 

John,  Prince,  of  Denmark,  24,  35; 
under  the  care  of  the  Regent, 
50;  his  education,  50;  life  at 
Malines,  50-53;  portrait,  54; 
charactei,  54;  meeting  with  his 
uncle,  59;  journey  to  Brussels, 
66;  at  Regensburg,  67;  illness 
and  death,  68 

Joinville,  166,  244,  268,  311,  360; 
destruction  of,  averted,  290 

Joinville,  Henri,  Prince  of,  421 

Juana,  Queen,  61 ;  death  of  her 
husband,  2;  her  children,  4; 
death,  398 

Jiilich,  416 

Julius  II,,  Pope,  7 

Juste,  T.,  "  Les  Pays-Bas  sous 
Charles  V.,"  62  note,  66  note, 
531;  "Marie  de  Hongrie,"  294 
note,  390  note,  531 

Jutland,   15;  rising  in,   31;  inva 
sion  of,  103 

Kallundborg  Castle,  327,  449 
Katherine,    Queen    of     England, 

37;  her  death,  145 
Katherine,    Queen    of    Portugal, 

birth  of  a  son,  66 
Kaulek.       J.,       "  Correspondance 

Politique  de  M.  de  Castillon," 

147  note,  531 
Kildare,  Lady.  413 
Kostlin,  J.,  "  Leben  Luthers,"  41 

note,  531 


Kunigunde,     von      Brandenburg, 

Fraulein,  328 
Ladislaus,  King  of  Hungary,  1 1 
Lalaing,  Count,  184,  241,  411;  at 

Augsburg,  338 
Landau,   -^yj 
Landrecy,  siege  of,  280 
Lanz,   K.,   "  Correspondenz  Karls 

v.."  4-;  note,  531 
Lavisse,  E.,  "  Histoire  de  France," 

531 

Laxou,  254 

Lecce,  Castle  of,  455 

Leghorn,  508 

Leigh,   iohn,  459 

Lennox,  Lady,  413 

Lenoncourt,  M.  de,  508 

Leo  X.,  Pope,  72. 

Leonardo,  his  picture  the  "  Cena- 
colo,"  272 

Lepage,  H.,  "  Le  Palais  Ducal  de 
Nancy,"  260  note,  261  note,  273 
note,  295  note,  323  note,  472 
note,  491  note,  531;  "  Lettres  de 
Charles  IIL,"  508  note,  531 

Leva,  G.  de,  "  Storia  Documen- 
tata    di    Carlo    V.,"    113    note, 

531 

Leyden,  Lucas  van,  28 

Leyva,  Antonio  de,  89,  90,  94, 
109;  appointed  Governor-Gen- 
eral of  Milan,  112;  his  death, 
118 

Liege,  Bishop  of ,  154 

Lierre,  44 

Ligier-Richier,  fils,  Jean,  510 

Ligier-Richier,  Jean,  his  effigy  of 
Rene,  Prince  of  Orange,  288;  of 
Queen  Philippa,  316 

Ligny,  277 

Lille,  79;  military  operations  at, 

137 
Linz,  12 

Lisle,  Lady,  214,  217 
Lisle,  Lord,  Deputy  Governor  of 

Calais,  204,  214 
Litta,  P.,  "  Famiglie  Celebri,"  531 
Llan  Hawaden,  205,  206 
Loches,  221 
Lodge,    E.,    "  Illustrations,"    328 

note,  384  note,  531 
Lomboni,  Don  Antonio,  96 
Longueval,  De,  304 
Longueville,    Duke  of,    253,    268, 

307 ;  at  Esclaron,  275  ;  his  death, 

356 
Longueville,    Mary,    Duchess    of, 

146;    offers    of   marriage,    147; 


INDEX 


553 


marriage  with  James  V.,  King 
of  Scotland,  148,  165 

Longwy,  Castle  of,  279 

Loreto,  pilgrimage  to  the  shrine 
of,  497 

Lorraine:  surrender  of,  512;  a 
province  of  France,  513 

Lorraine,  Anne  de,  her  appear- 
ance, 167;  marriage  with  Prince 
Rene  of  Orange,  239.  See 
Orange  and  Aerschot 

Lorraine,  Antoine,  Duke  of,  179; 
his  marriage,  11,  258;  character 
of  his  administration,  261 ; 
death  of  his  wife,  262 ;  at 
Fontainebleau,  265 ;  yields  the 
fortress  of  Stenay,  266;  his 
mediation  for  peace  between 
Charles  V.  and  King  Francis, 
281,  284;  illness  and  death,  284; 
funeral,  305 

Lorraine,  Antoinette  de.  Duchess 
of  Cleves,  512 

Lorraine,  Cardinal  of,  239,  423; 
at  the  Conference  for  peace  at 
Cercamp,  426 

Lorraine,  Catherine  of,  takes  the 
veil,  512;  founds  a  Capucin 
convent,  512;  appointed  Abbess 
of  Remiremont,  512 

Lorraine,  Charles  III.,  Duke  of, 
his  birth,  279;  appearance,  352, 
364;  reception  of  Henry  IL, 
363 ;  parting  with  his  mother, 
366,  370;  at  Joinville,  370;  his 
proposed  marriage  with  Prin- 
cess Claude,  419;  portrait,  420; 
meeting  with  his  mother,  421- 
423,  435,  440;  his  feats  of 
horsemanship,  422;  return  to 
Compiegne,  423;  lavish  gener- 
osity, 435;  his  wedding,  435; 
meeting  with  Phihp  of  Spain, 
441;  at  Brussels,  449;  at  Am- 
boise,  463 ;  at  the  coronation  of 
Charles  IX.,  467;  state  entry 
into  Nancy,  471;  enlarges  the 
ducal  palace,  472 ;  his  sons  and 
daughters,  489;  death  of  his 
wife,  490  ;  love  of  learning,  491 ; 
marriage  of  his  daughter  Chris- 
tina, 508;  death,  511 

Lorraine,  Christina,  Duchess  of 
See  Christina 

Lorraine,  Christine  de,  489;  at 
the  French  Court,  490,  507: 
her  marriage  with  the  Grand- 
Duke    Ferdinand    of    Tuscany, 


507,  508;  festivities  at  Florence, 
508;  her  portrait,  509 

Lorraine,  Claude,  Duchess  of,  at 
Mon  Soulas,  442;  birth  of  a 
son,  473;  attack  of  smallpox, 
473 ;  her  sons  and  daughters, 
489;  death,  490;  portrait,  509 

Lorraine,  Dorothea  of,  her  birth, 
302;  appearance,  352;  marriage 
with  Duke  Eric  of  Brunswick, 
490;  death  of  her  husband,  503  ; 
her  second  marriage,  511;  death, 
511.      See  Brunswick 

Lorraine,  Elizabeth  of,  her  mar- 
riage,  512 

Lorraine,  Francis  I.,  Duke  of, 
vi,  179;  his  betrothal  to  Chris- 
tina, Duchess  of  Milan,  244; 
marriage,  245,  251;  assumes 
the  title  of  Duke  of  Bar,  249; 
receives  the  Order  of  St.  Michel, 
265,  271 ;  his  grief  at  the  cession 
of  Stenay,  266,  271 ;  illness,  284, 
291,  294,  296;  succeeds  to  the 
dukedom,  284;  his  efforts  for 
peace,  291 ;  love  of  music,  294; 
his  entry  into  Nancy,  296  ; 
death,  297;  funeral,  309 

Lorraine,  Francis  III.,  Duke  of, 
his  marriage  wdth  ]Maria 
Theresa,  512;  surrenders  Lor- 
raine, 512 

Lorraine,  Henry,  Duke  of,  his 
birth,  473;  christening,  476 

Lorraine,  John  of,  257 

Lorraine,  Louise  de,  Princesse  de 
Chimay,  her  letter  to  Mary, 
Queen  of  Scots,  '521.  See 
Chimay 

Lorraine,  Philippa,  Duchess  of, 
254,  257,  259;  her  sons,  258 

Lorraine,  Raoul  of,  256 

Lorraine,  Rene  II.,  Duke  of,  257; 
his  sons,  258 

Lorraine,  Renee  de  Bourbon, 
Duchess  of,  179;  her  character, 
259;  influence  on  art,  260; 
death,  262  ;  her  children,  263 

Lorraine,  Renee  de,  her  birth, 
283;  appearance,  352;  offer  of 
marriage  from  Eric,  King  of 
Sweden,  482;  her  suitors,  487; 
marriage  with  Duke  William 
of  Bavaria,  488 

Lorraine,  Yolande,  Duchess  of, 
257 

Louis,  King  of  Hungary,  his  death 
at  the  Battle  of  Mohacz,  59 


554 


INDEX 


Louis  XII.  of  France,  4  ;  his 
marriage,  1 1 

Louis  XIII.  of  France,  512 

Louvain,  61,  78,  135 

Luna,  Captain  Alvarez  de,  122 

Lunden,  Archbishop  of,  103 

Luneville,  353 

Luther,  Martin,  his  friendship 
with  King  Christian  II.  of  Den- 
mark, 41 ;  tribute  to  the  memory' 
of  Queen  Isabella,  47 ;  his  ap- 
peal to  King  Frederic  of  Den- 
mark, 70 

Luxembourg,  245,  252,  284,  ^n ; 
siege  of,  374 

Mabuse,  Jehan,  designs  the  monu- 
ment of  Queen  Isabella  of  Den- 
mark, 47;  his  picture  of  the 
King  of  Denmark's  children,  53 

Macedonia,  Constantine  Corn- 
menus,  Prince  of,  99 

Macedonia,  Francesca  Paleologa, 
Princess  of,  279;  her  attach- 
ment to  the  Duchess  of  Milan, 
99;  at  Codogno,  130;  at  Reims, 
467 

Machyn,  H.,  "  Diary  of  a  Citizen 
of  London,"  531 

Mackenzie,  Sir  Kenneth,  viii 

Maestricht,  135;  rising  at,  220 

Magdeburg,  siege  of,  341 

Magenta,  C,  "I  Visconti  e  gli 
Sforza  nel  Castello  di  Pavia," 
93  note,  531 

Maiocchi,  Monsignor  Rodolfo, 
Rector  of  the  Borromeo  College 
at  Pavia,  vii 

Maire.  Jehan  Le,  "  Les  Funeraux 
de  Feu  Don  Philippe,"  2  note: 
his  elegy  of  "  L'Amant  Vert." 
52 

Malines,  2,  4,  36,  39,  57,  61 

Mansfeldt,  Count,  477 

Mantua,  131 

Mantua,  Federico,  Duke  of,  74 

Marck,  397 

Marck.  Margaret  la,  331 

Marcoing,  421 

Margaret  of  Austria,  Regent  of 
the  Netherlands,  2,  4;  death  of 
her  two  husbands,  3;  under- 
takes the  care  of  her  nephew 
and  nieces,  4;  meeting  with 
King  Christian  II.  of  Denmark, 
28;  reception  of  the  King  and 
Queen  of  Denmark,  36;  conflict 
with  Charles   of   Guelders,    36; 


concludes  a  treaty  with  King 
Frederic  of  Denmark,  42;  ob- 
tains possession  of  Isabella's 
children,  49;  her  tapestries  and 
family  portraits,  51;  pets,  52; 
amusements,  53;  illness,  57; 
letter  to  her  nephew,  58;  death, 
58 

Margaret,  Princess,  of  France,  her 
appearance,  178;  negotiations 
for  her  marriage,  313;  proposed 
union  with  the  Duke  of  Savoy. 
429,  443;  marriage,  456 

Maria,  Empress  -  Dowager,  her 
visit  to  Tortona,  500 

Maria,  Infanta,  of  Portugal,  151 

Maria  Theresa,  Empress,  511 

Marienburg,  389 

Marignano,  Battle  of,  258 

Marignano,  Marquess  of,  at  St. 
Dizier,  286 

Marillac,  French  Ambassador, 
213,  346 

Marne  River,  259,  268,  286 

Marnot,  Nicholas  de,  104;  at 
Milan,  104 

Mary,  Archduchess  of  Austria, 
her  birth,  4;  attack  of  small- 
pox, 5;  Queen  of  Hungary,  9, 
11;  death  of  her  husband,  59; 
offers  of  marriage,  59;  her 
fondness  for  riding,  60;  her 
powers  of  mind,  60;  sympathy 
with  the  reformers,  60;  accepts 
the  Regency  of  the  Low  Coun- 
tries, 61 ;  enters  Louvain,  61 ; 
at  Malines,  61 ;  her  reforms,  62; 
care  of  her  nieces,  70;  protest 
against  the  proposed  marriage 
of  her  niece  Christina,  76; 
efforts  to  delay  the  marriage, 
79;  her  welcome  to  her  niece 
Christina,  135  ;  superintends  the 
military  operations  at  Lille, 
1 37 ;  anxiety  for  peace,  1 37 ;  her 
opinion  of  Henry  VIII.,  144; 
at  the  Castle  of  Breda,  174; 
her  meeting  with  King  Francis 
at  Compiegne,  177;  with  her 
sister  Eleanor,  178;  return  to 
Brussels,  183,  346;  difficulties 
of  her  position  with  the  English 
Ambassadors,  186-191;  inter- 
views with  Wriothesley,  189, 
190;  entertained  by  him,  199; 
her  measures  to  suppress  the 
insurrection,  219;  reception  of 
Charles  V.,  224;  protest  against 


INDEX 


555 


the  cession  of  Stenay,  267; 
grief  at  the  death  of  the  Prince 
of  Orange,  287;  at  Augsburg, 
318,  340.  342,  344;  protest 
against  Henry  II. 's  treatment 
of  Christina,  370;  her  banquet 
on  the  accession  of  Queen  Mary, 
386;  on  the  destruction  of  her 
palace  of  Binche,  390;  resigns 
the  Regency,  399,  401 ;  present 
at  the  abdication  of  Charles  V., 
400;  retires  to  Turnhout,  405; 
her  death,  431;  funeral,  433; 
letter  from  Christina,  523; 
from  Anne,  Duchess  of  Aer- 
schot,  523 

Mary  of  Castille,  Queen  of  Por- 
tugal, her  death,  22 

Mary,  Princess,  of  England,  6; 
her  marriage,  1 1 

Mary,  Queen  of  England,  her 
proposed  marriage  with  the 
Infant  Don  Louis  of  Portugal, 
162;  her  accession,  386;  pro- 
posed union  with  Philip  of 
Spain,  387;  her  wedding,  388; 
supposed  birth  of  a  son,  395; 
ill-temper  at  the  absence  of 
her  husband,  409;  illness,  431; 
death,  432;  letter  from  Chris- 
tina, Duchess  of  Lorraine,  526 

^^lary,  Dowager-Queen  of  Scot- 
land, letters  from  her  mother, 
167,  168  note.  518,  519,  520, 
522;  death  of  her  children, 
269;  birth  of  a  daughter,  278; 
death  of  her  husband,  278;  of 
her  father,  335  ;  of  her  son,  356; 
letter  from  the  Princess  de 
Chimay,  521 

Mary,  Queen  of  Scots,  her  arrival 
in  France,  333;  marriage  with 
Francis  II.  of  France,  420;  at 
Lorraine,  461;  at  Blois,  462; 
death  of  her  husband,  464;  at 
Joinville,  464;  at  Nancy,  465; 
her  appearance,  465 ;  portrait, 
465 ;  offers  of  marriage,  465 ; 
attack  of  fever,  466;  her  mar- 
riage with  Darnley,  485;  com- 
pelled to  abdicate,  487;  death 
on  the  scaffold,  504 

Masone,    Sir    John,    Ambassador, 

393 
Mauris,    St.,     Ambassador.     296, 

300 
Maximilian    I.,    Emperor,    3;    his 

grandchildren,    5 ;    at    Brussels, 


8;  war  against  Venice,  9;  his 
letter  on  the  misconduct  of 
King  Christian  II.,  20;  his 
death,  24 

Maximilian,  King  of  Bohemia,  at 
Augsburg,  318,  320.  338;  his 
character,  344;  rivalry  with 
Philip  of  Spain,  345  ;  at  Brussels, 
40  5 ;  crowned  King  of  the 
Romans,  470 

Mayenne,  Louise,  Marchioness  of, 
310 

Mazzenta,  Guido,  97 

Medemblik,  63 

^fedici,  Alessandro  de'.  Duke  of 
Florence,  murdered,  410 

Medici,  Catherine  de',  74.  178, 
464;  her  reception  of  Christina, 
Duchess  of  Lorraine,  467; 
jealousy  of  her  influence,  473 ; 
death,  508 

Medici,  Don  Pietro  de',  508 

^Melanchthon,  152 

Mendoza,  Don  Diego.  159 

Mendoza,  Don   Luis   de,  486,  488 

Merriman,  R.  B.,  "  Life  and 
Letters  of  Thomas  Cromwell," 

531 

Messina,  112 

Metz,  252,  285,  371 ;  siege  of,  380 

Metz,  Anton  de,  25,  27,  33 

Metz,  M.  de,  298.  See  Vaude- 
mont 

Mewtas,  Sir  Peter,  147 

Michieli,  Ambassador,  396 

Middelburg,  23 

Mignet,  L.,  "  Retraite  de  Charles 
v.,"  388  note,  531;  "  Rivalite 
de  Francis  I.  et  Charles  V.," 
23  note,  531 

Mikkelsen,  Hans,  Burgomaster  of 
Malmoe,  41,  46 

Milan,  497;  taken  by  the  French, 
72  ;  threatened  French  invasion, 
116;  defence  of,  by  a  Spanish 
garrison,  120 

Milan,  Christina,  Duchess  of. 
See  Christina 

Milan,  Francesco  Sforza,  Duke  of, 
his  career,  72 ;  deprived  of  his 
State,  72 ;  return,  ys  '>  sufferings 
caused  by  a  wound,  73 ;  proposal 
of  marriage  with  Christina  of 
Denmark,  74;  wedding  by 
proxy,  81;  surprise  visit  to  his 
bride,  89;  reception  of  her,  93; 
marriage,  94;  portraits,  96; 
treatment  of  his  wife,   97;  ill- 


556 


INDEX 


ness,  lOO,  107;  death,  vi,  10 1, 
107;  funeral  rites,  108-110;  will, 
hi;  inscription  on  his  tomb, 
511 ;  letter  from  his  wife,  516 

Milan,  Lodovico  Sforza,  Duke  of, 
7;  his  character,  17;  imprison- 
ment, 72 

Milan,  Maximilian  Sforza,  Duke 
of,  at  Malines,  7,  72;  enters 
Milan,  9 

Missaglia,  Alessandro,  90 

Moeller,  E.,  "  Eleonore  d'Au- 
triche,"  22  note,  531 

Mohacz,  Battle  of,  59 

Molembais,  M.  de,  78 

Mon  Soulas,  440 

Monboi,  Hans,  45 

Mons,  176,  294,  441 

Mont,  Christopher,  Envoy  to 
Frankfort,  209 

Montague,  Lord,  imprisoned  in  the 
Tower,  186;  his  execution,  186 

Montbardon,  M.  de,  357,  370 

Montecastello,  villa  at,  503 

Montemerlo,  Niccolo,  498  ; 
"  Nuove  Historic  di  Tortona," 
498  note,  531 

Montmelian,  fortress  of,  86,  115 

Montmorency,  Anne  de.  Con- 
stable of  France,  180;  his  home 
at  Chantilly,  181;  taken 
prisoner  at  St.  Quentin,  417, 
419;  at  the  Conference  of 
Cercamp,  428;  taken  prisoner 
at  the  Battle  of  Dreux,  471; 
killed  at  the  Battle  of  St.  Denis, 
487 

Montmorency,  Floris  de,  331;  at 
Augsburg,  338 

Montmorency,  Jean  de.  See 
Courrieres 

Montpensier,  Duchess  of,  her 
christening,  356 

Montpensier,  Gilbert  de,  179,  258 

Montreuil,  Madame  de,  174 

Monzone,  Imperial  Council  at,  126 

Morillon,  Provost,  485 

Mornay,  Charles  de,  478 

Morosyne,  Sir  Richard,  Ambassa- 
dor, 339,  346;  on  Charles  V.'s 
reserve,  378;  on  the  Marquis  of 
Brandenburg's  courtship  of 
Christina,  Duchess  of  Lorraine, 
384 

Moselle,  the,  351 

Miihlberg,  victory  of,  318 

Muscovy,  Czar  of.  Envoy  from, 
in  England,  413-415 


Namur,  245,  252 

Nancy,  254,  294,  296;  Battle  of, 
257;  measures  for  the  defence 
of.  323  ;  entered  by  the  French, 
362,  512;  festivities  at,  465 

Nassau,  Henry,  Count  of ,  66,  142; 
his  third  wife,  174;  sudden 
death,  175 

Nassau,  Rene  of.  Prince  of  Orange, 
67 

Nassau,  William  of,  287 

Nassau-Dillenbur,  William  of,  238 

Nassau-le-Grand,  285 

Navarre,  Antoine,  King  of,  mor- 
tally wounded,  471 

Navarre,  Henri  d'Albret  of,  10 ; 
his  marriage,  10 

Navarre,  Henry,  King  of,  his 
proposal  of  marriage  with  Chris- 
tina, Duchess  of  Lorraine,  383 

Navarre,  Isabel  of,  102 

Navarre,  Jeanne  d'Albret,  Prin- 
cess of,  proposal  of  marriage 
with  the  Duke  of  Cleves,  235, 
244;  her  resistance  to  the  mar- 
riage, 249;  wedding,  250;  an- 
nulment of  her  marriage,  280; 
marriage  with  the  Duke  of 
Vendome,  326 

Navarre,  Margaret,  Queen  of,  10 

Neckar,  the,  339 

Negriolo,  Girolamo,  90 

Netherlands,  choice  of  a  Regent, 
451;  discontent  of  the  people 
at  the  appointment  of  the 
Duchess  of  Parma,  458,  459 

Netherlands,  Margaret,  Regent  of 
4.     See  Margaret 

Neuburg,  417,  468 

Neumarkt,  103,  105 

Nevill,  Sir  Edward,  his  execution, 
186 

Nice,  119 

Nicole,  Madame,  300,  342 

Nimeguen,  138 

Noailles,  Ambassador,  396 

Nomeny,  358;  castle  at,  351 

Norfolk,  Duchess  of,  273 

Norfolk,  Henry  Howard,  sixth 
Duke  of,  158  note 

Norway,  reception  of  King  Chris- 
tian II,  in,  64 

Nott,  G.,  "Life  of  Wyatt,"  169 
note,  204  note,  531 

Novara,  83,  87 

Nubilonio,  "  Cronaca  di  Vige- 
vano,"  93  note,  531 

Nuremberg,  40 


INDEX 


557 


Ochsenthal,  vale  of  the,  552 

Odensee,  Palace  of,  33 

Oglio,  130 

Oise,  the,  178,  183 

Oldenburg,  Christopher  of,  his 
invasion  of  Jutland,  103 

Olisleger,  Chancellor,  249 

Oppenheimer,  Henry,  vii' 

Orange,  Anne,  Princess  of,  263 ; 
death  of  her  husband,  287,  at 
Nancy,  303;  her  friendship  with 
Christina,  Duchess  of  Lorraine, 
303;  her  character,  303;  at  the 
funeral  of  the  Duke  of  Lor- 
raine, 310;  her  letter  to  the 
Queen  of  Scotland,  311;  mar- 
riage with  the  Duke  of  Aerschot, 
323.      See  Aerschot 

Orange,  Rene,  Prince  of,  at 
Brussels,  142,  201 ;  at  the  Castle 
of  Breda,  174;  his  afiection  f  or 
Christina,  Duchess  of  ]\Iilan, 
218,  232,  238;  popularity,  238; 
marriage  with  Anne  of  Lor- 
raine, 239;  at  St.  Dizier,  286; 
his  death,  286;  wall,  288;  tomb, 
288;  lines  on,  289 

Orange,  William,  Prince  of,  322; 
in  London,  391 ;  present  at  the 
abdication  of  Charles  V.,  400; 
death  of  his  wife,  425;  his 
appearance,  425;  affection  for 
Christina,  Duchess  of  Lorraine. 
425;  at  the  Conference  of  Cer- 
camp,  428;  at  the  funeral  of 
Charles  V.,  434;  at  the  Confer- 
ence of  Cateau-Cambresis,  437; 
his  proposed  marriage  with 
Renee  of  Lorraine,  455;  debts, 
455;  his  treatment  of  Christina, 
458;  marriage  with  Anna  of 
Saxony,  460 ;  at  Frankfurt,  470 ; 
retires  to  Germany,  486;  ban 
against,  503;  assassination,  504 

Orleans,  Charles,  Duke  of,  his 
character,  178;  at  Brussels,  293; 
death,   304 

Orleans,  Gaston,  Duke  of,  512 

Orleans,  Henry,  Duke  of,  74,  113 

Orleans,  Margaret  of,  512 

Orley,  Bernhard  van,  his  portrait 
of  Christina,  Duchess  of  Milan, 
155,  158  note 

Osiander,  the  Lutheran  doctor,  41 

Oslo,  64 

Oxe,  Peder,  exiled  from  Denmark, 
457,  468;  his  return  to  Copen- 
hagen, 483 


Paget,  Ambassador,  at  Fontaine- 

bleau,  267 

Paleologa,  Francisca,  Princess  of 

I       Macedonia,   her  attachment  to 

the  Duchess  of  Milan,  99.     See 

Macedonia 

'■   Paleologa,     Margherita,     71; 

Duchess  of  Mantua,  74 
:   Palermo,  107 
Panigarola,     Gabriele,    appointed 

Governor  of  Tortona,  129 
Panizone,  Guglielmo,  170 
;    Paris,  222 
j    Parma,  War  of,  355 
i   Parma,  Alexander  of,  410 
I   Parma,  Margaret,  Duchess  of,  her 
I       marriages,    410;    son,    410;    at 
I        Brussels,    411;    her    character, 
i        411;  visit  to  England,  413-415; 
I       appointed  Regent  of  the  Nether- 
'       lands,   452,   458;   her  relations 
with     Christina,      Duchess     of 
Lorraine,     459;     unpopularity, 
i        470;    her   treatment    of    Anne, 
I        Duchess  of  Aerschot,  484;  lier 
death,  505 
Parroy,    Sieur    de,    in    charge    of 
j        Stenay,  365,  367 
Passau,  Conference  at,  376 
Pastor,  L.,    "  Geschichte  d.  Pap- 
sti,"     132     note:    "  Reise     des 
Kardinal     Luigi     d'Arragona," 
141  note 
Pate,   Archdeacon  Richard,   Am- 
bassador, 237,  241 
Paul    III.,    Pope,    106,    114;    his 
excommunication      of      Henry 
VIII.,  195 
Paul    IV.,    Pope,    his    war    with 

Alva,  Viceroy  of  Naples,  409 
Pa  via,  122;  Castello  of,  117 
Pellizone,  Lodovico,  123 
Pembroke,  Lord,  415 
Pero,  Massimo  del,  347 
Peronne,  423 

Petit,  J.  F.  Le,   "  Grande  Chron- 
ique  de  Hollande,"  445  note,  531 
Petre,  Dr.,  206 
Petri,  Nicolas,  Canon  of  Lunden, 

43'  45 

Pfister,  C,  "  Histoire  de  Nancy, 
253  note,  260  note 

Philip  I.,  King  of  Castille  and 
Archduke  of  Austria,  his  death, 
I ;  funeral,  2 ;  children,  A 

Philip  II.  of  Spain,  invested  with 
the  Duchy  of  Milan,  244;  his 
marriage  settled  with  the   In- 


558 


INDEX 


fanta  of  Portugal,  280;  death 
of  his  wife,  313;  state  entry 
into  Brussels,  329;  appearance, 
330;  character.  330,  341,  345: 
attentions  to  Christina,  Duchess 
of  Lorraine,  331;  fetes  in  his  i 
honour,  333;  at  Augsburg,  337;  i 
his  tournament,  338;  rivalry  j 
with  Maximilian,  King  of  Bo-  ! 
hemia,  345 ;  return  to  Spain,  j 
347 ;  proposed  union  with  Mary,  I 
Queen  of  England,  387;  por- 
trait, 388;  wedding,  388;  leaves 
London,  399;  at  Brussels,  400, 
417;  present  at  the  abdication 
of  Charles  V.,  400;  investiture, 
401 ;  his  first  Chapter  of  the 
Fleece,  403;  signs  the  treaty  of 
peace,  404;  his  affection  for 
Christina,  408;  delay  in  return- 
ing to  England,  409;  at  Green- 
wich, 412;  capture  of  St.  Quen- 
tin,  417;  death  of  his  wife, 
433;  at  the  funeral  of  Charles 
v.,  434;  his  meeting  with 
Charles,  Duke  of  Lorraine, 
441 ;  proposal  of  marriage  with 
Princess  Elizabeth  of  France, 
446;  appoints  his  sister  Mar- 
garet Regent  of  the  Nether- 
lands, 452;  his  marriage,  456; 
at  Ghent,  457;  his  indifference 
to  the  illness  of  Christina,  477; 
his  treatment  of  her,   vi,    501, 

503.  514 

Philippa,  Queen,  her  home  in  the 
convent,  254,  259,  285;  death, 
315;  funeral,  316;  monument, 
316.     See  Lorraine 

Philippeville,  citadel  of,  398 

Piacenza,  citadel  of,  410 

Picardy,  invasion  of,  284 

Piedmont,  Emanuel  Philibert, 
Duke  of  Savoy,  113;  at  Milan, 
116;  at  Augsburg,  320;  in  com- 
mand of  the  Imperial  Army, 
385;  his  courtship  of  Christina, 
Duchess  of  Lorraine,  387;  suc- 
ceeds to  the  title  of  Duke  of 
Savoy,  391  ;  at  Whitehall,  392 

Piedmont,  Prince  Louis  of,  his 
death,  113 

Pimodan,  G.,  "La  M^re  des 
Guises,"  147  note,  531 

Po,  the,  1 16,  1 17,  130 

Pois,  Nicolas  le,  296 

Poitiers,  Diane  de.  179 

Pol,  S.,  capture  of,  120 


Poland,  Bona  Sforza,  Queen  of, 
her  letter  to  the  Duke  of  Milan 
on  his  marriage.  95 

Poland,  Sigismund,  King  of,  95 

Pole,  Cardinal,  195;  at  Toledo. 
203;  his  aversion  to  Queen 
Mary's  marriage  with  Philip  of 
Spain,  389;  received  at  White- 
hall, 391 

Polweiler,  Baron  de,  BailifE  of 
Hagenau,  476,  480 

Pont-a-Mousson,  253,  285  351, 
380,  474;  University  at,  491 

Pont-a-Mousson,  Francis,  Mar- 
quis of,  his  courtship  of  the 
Duchess  of  Milan,  207 ;  mar- 
riage, 245 ;  receives  the  title  of 
Duke  of  Bar,  246,  249;  his 
birth,  263;  studious  tastes,  263; 
proposed  marriages,  263 ;  his 
choice  of  Christina,  264.  See 
Lorraine 

Poor  Clares,   Order   of  the,    254, 

259 

Porta,  G.,  "  Alessandria  Descrit- 
ta,"  500  note,  531 

Portugal,  invasion  of,  502 

Portugal,  Eleanor,  Queen  of.  See 
Eleanor 

Portugal,  Emanuel,  King  of.  See 
Emanuel 

Portugal,  Infant  Don  Louis  of,  his 
proposed  union  with  Princess 
Maiy  of  England,  162 

Portugal,  Infanta  of,  her  marriage 
with  Philip  of  Spain,  280 

Poynings,  Sir  Edward,  Ambassa- 
dor at  Brussels,  8 

Praet,  Louis  de.  Imperial  Am- 
bassador, 37;  his  admiration 
for  Isabella,  Queen  of  Den- 
mark, 38;  at  Ghent,  79;  his 
oration  at  the  marriage  of  the 
Duke  and  Duchess  of  Milan,  94 

Prinsterer,  Groen  van,  "  Archives 
de  la  Maison  d'Orange  et  de 
Nassau,"  425  note,  530 

Putnam,  R.,  "  William  the  Silent, 
Prince  of  Orange,"  289  note,  532 

Pyl,  Lieven,  chief  magistrate  at 
Ghent,  219 

Quentin,  St.,  victory  of,  417 
Quievrain,  Castle  of,  329 

Rabutin,  Francois  de,  361  ;  at 
Nancy,  364;  "Collections  de 
Memoires,"  361  note,  532 


INDEX 


559 


Rambouillet,  315 

Ratti,  N.,  "La  Famiglia  Sforza," 
313  note,  532 

Ravold,  J,  B.,  "  Histoire  de  Lor- 
raine," 253  note,  532 

Regensburg,  65,  67,  245;  Diet  of, 

305 
Reifienberg,  F.  de,   "  Histoire  de 

I'Ordre  de  la  Toison  d'Or,"  20 

note,  403,  532 
Reims,  360,  460,  466 
Reims,    Charles,    Archbishop    of, 

247  note,  253,'  his  consecration, 

295 
Remiremont,  297 
Renard,  Simon,  407 
Renty,  Battle  of,  390 
Reumont,    A.    von,    "  Geschichte 

Toscana,"  508  note,  532 
Rhine,  the,  351 
Ribier,  G.,  "  Lettres  et  Memoires 

d'etat,"  405  note.  532 
Richardot,     Abbe,     his     oration 

at  the   funeral    of   Charles   V., 

434 
Richmond,  159 
Richmond,  Duke  of,  71 
Ripalta,  497 
Rivoli,  87 

Rocca  di  Sparaviera,  505,  509 
Roddi,  P.,   "  Annali  di  Ferrara," 

95  note 
Rombaut,  S.,  Church  of,  1,2 
Roskild,  Dean  of,  34 
Rosieres,  Les,  salt-works  at,  472 
Rossem,  Martin  van,  27 j 
Rostain,  M.  de,  374 
Rotterdam,  2^12 
Rouen,  Siege  of,  471 
Ruble,    A.    de,    "  Le    Mariage   de 

Jeanne  d'Albret,"  222  note,  249 

note,  326  note,  334  note,  362  note, 

420     note,      532;     "  Traite     de 

Cateau-Cambresis,"     429    note, 

439  note 
Rucellai,  Orazio,  507 
Rudolf  11. ,  Emperor,  512 

Saint-liilaire,  M.  de,  349 
Salis,  Friar  Jehan  de,  50 
Salm,  Count  Jean  de,  298,  357 
Sandrart,     J.,     "  Deutsche     Aka- 

demie,"  274  note 
Sangiuliani,    Count    Antonio    Ca- 

vagna,  vii,  347  note 
Sanuto,  Marino,  73;  "  Diarii,"  63 

note,  67  note,  532 
Saragossa,  104 


Savorgnano,  Mario,  63,  66 
Savoy,      Beatrix      of      Portugal, 
Duchess  of,  87;  takes  refuge  at 
Vercelli,    116;   flight   to   Milan, 
116;  meeting  mth  Charles  V., 
I        117;  at  Nice,  119;  death,  119 
I   Savoy,     Charles    III.,    Duke    of, 
I        85;  forced  to  evacuate  Turin, 
I        116 
Savoy,  Charles  Emanuel,  Duke  of, 
507 
,   Savoy,   Emanuel  Philibert,  Duke 
j        of,  391;  at  Whitehall,   392;  his 
\       negotiations    of   marriage   with 
I        Christina,  Duchess  of  Lorraine, 
396-398;  appointed  Lieutenant- 
j        Governor  of  the  Low  Countries, 
i        399;  present  at  the  abdication 
I        of  Charles  v.,  400;  negotiations 
I       of      marriage      with      Princess 
!        Elizabeth,   412;   his   victory  of 
I        St.     Quentin,     417;     proposed 
i       marriage    with    Marguerite    of 
'        France,     429,     443;    marriage 
1        456 
Savoy,  Margaret,  Duchess  of,  3 
Savoy,     Duke    Philibert    of,    his 

marriage  and  death,  3 
Saxe-Lauenburg,  Duke  of,  at  the 
marriage     ceremony     of     King 
Christian  II.,  13 
Saxony,  40 

Saxony,    Anna    of,    her   marriage 
with  William,  Prince  of  Orange, 
460 
Saxony,    Elector   John   Frederick 
of:    taken    prisoner,     318;    his 
portrait,  322 
Saxony,  Elector  Maurice  of,  285; 
his    siege    of    Magdeburg,    341 ; 
secret    intrigues    with    France, 
354.  357  ;  killed  at  the  battle  of 
Sievershausen,  384 
Scepperus,  Cornelius,  42;  Private 
Secretary  to  the  King  of  Den- 
mark, 19;  his  inscription  on  the 
tomb  ot  Queen  Isabella  of  Den- 
mark, 47 
Schafer,     D.,     "  Geschichte     von 

Danemark,"  38  note,  532 
Scharf,   Sir   George,    54  note,    158 

note 
Schauwenbourg,  Captain,  305 
Scheldt,  River,  230;    frozen  over, 

411 
Schlegel,  J.  H.,  "  Greschichte  der 
Konige    v.  Danemark,"  45   note, 
532 


56o 


INDEX 


Schleswig,  Bishop  of/Danish  Am- 
bassador,  12 

Schlettstadt,  375 

Schmalkalde,  League  of,  cam- 
paign  against,    317;    dissolved, 

318 

Schoren,  Dr.,  Chancellor  of  Bra- 
bant, 184 

Scotland,  Mary,  Queen  of.  See 
INXary 

Selve,  Odet  de,  Ambassador,  314 

Serclaes,  Mademoiselle  Rolande 
de,  50 

Seymour,  Jane,  Queen  of  England, 
144,  151 ;  her  portrait.  155 

Sfondrati,  Count  Francesco,  78 

Sforza,  Count  Bosio,  115 

Sforza,  Francesco,  Duke  of  Milan, 
at  Innsbruck,  7.     See  Milan 

Sforza,  Giovanni  Paolo,  90,  109; 
his  illness  and  death,  1 13 

Sforza,  Lodovico,  Duke  of  Milan. 
See  Milan 

Sforza,  Maximilian,  Duke  of 
Milan,  at  Malines,  7,  72.  See 
Milan 

Shelley,  Sir  Richard,  411 

Sievershausen,  Battle  of,  384 

Sigismund,  King  of  Poland,  321 

Silliers,  Baron  de,  388;  on  the  ill- 
ness of  Christina,  Duchess  of 
Lorraine,  477;  his  death,  489 

Simonet,  125 

Sittard,  defeat  at,  280 

Skelton,  Mary,  149 

Skippon,  Philip,  47 

Slagbok,  Archbishop  of  Lunden, 
26;  put  to  death,  32 

Soignies,  Forest  of,  141,  169,  252 

Sonderburg,  island  fortress  of,  65 

Soranzo,  Ambassador,  411 

Southampton,  Lord  High  Ad- 
miral, 162, 215 

Souvastre,  Madame  de,  85,  91 

Souvastre,  M.  de,  44,  46 

Spain,  Charles  V.  of.  See 
Charles  V. 

Spain,  Infant  Don  Carlos  of,  his 
birth,  313 

Spain,  Philip  II.  of.      See  Philip 

Spinelli,  8,  23 

Spires,  78,  282 

Stabili,  Gianbattista,  510 

Stampa,  Count  Massimiliano,  75; 
at  Ghent,  78;  at  Lille,  79; 
received  by  Queen  Mary  of 
Hungary,  79;  representative  of 
the  Duke  of  Milan  at  his  mar- 


riage, 81 ;  his  house  at  Cussago, 
88;  entertains  the  Duchess  of 
Milan,  88;  at  the  funeral  of  the 
Duke  of  Milan,  109;  retains  his 
post  of  Castellan  of  Milan,  112; 
his  gifts  from  Charles  V.,  120; 
gives  up  the  keys,  122 

Stanislas,  ex-King  of  Poland,  at 
Nancy,  513 

Stenay,  fortress  of,  ceded  to  the 
French,  266;  restitution,  293; 
evacuated  by  the  French,  304 

Stockholm,  siege  of,  31 ;  surrender 
of.  33 

Strasburg,  371,  373,  377 

Stroppiana,  Count,  Ambassador, 
342,  344,  359;  on  Henry  II. 's 
treatment  of  Christina,  Duchess 
of  Lorraine,  371 ;  at  Windsor, 
391 ;  at  the  Conference  of  Cer- 
camp,  428 

Suffolk,  Mary,  Duchess  of ,  37 

Suffolk,  Duke  of,  162,  215 

Surrey,  Lord,  280,  281 

Susa,  towers  of,  87 

Sweden,  outbreak  of  war  with 
Denmark,  475,  478 

Sweden,  Eric,  King  of.     See  Eric 

Swynaerde,  45 

Tarbes,  Bishop  of,  168 
Tassigny,  Sieur  de,  357 
Taverna,  Count,  74,  109 
Tencajoli,  Signor  O.  F.,  vii 
Therouenne,    137;  fort  of,  razed, 

385 
Thionville,  252;  capture  of,  424 
Thomas,     H.     L.,     "  Spiegel    des 

Humors    grosser    Potentaten," 

22  }wte,  532 
Throckmorton,  Ambassador,  461 
Tiepolo,  the  Venetian,  445  ;  on  the 

marriage  of  Philip  of  Spain  with 

Princess  Elizabeth,  446;  on  the 

appointment  of  the  Duchess  of 

Parma  to  the  Regency  of  the 

Netherlands,  452 
Tiloye,  La,  136 
Titian,  his  portraits,  96,   322;  at 

Augsburg,  322 
Toledo,  treaty  at,  195 
Tongres,  340 
Tortona,  iii,   128,  497 
T.oul,  362 
Toul,    Bishop   of,    his    agreement 

with     Christina,      Duchess     of 

Lorraine,  472 
Tournay,  Bishop  of,  81 


INDEX 


561 


Trent,  72,  7?,,   133 

Treves,  435 

Triboulet  the  jester,  223 

Trivulzio,  Contessa  Dejanira,   99, 

130;  on  the  loss  of  Belloni,  376; 

her  letter  to  Messer  Innocenzio 

Gadio,  526 
Trivulzio,  Count  Gaspare,  99;  his 

reception  of  Christina,  Duchess 

of  Milan,  130 
Troyes,  Louis,  Bishop  of,  247  note, 

253 
Tuke,  Sir  Brian,  168  note 
Tunis,  capture  of,  106 
Turin,  evacuation  of,  116 
Tuscany,  Grand-Duke  Ferdinand 

of,  his  marriage  with  Christina 

of  Lorraine,  507,  508 
Tytler,    P.    F.,    "  England    under 

Edward  VL,"  380  note,  532 

Ulmann,      H,,      "  Kaiser      Maxi- 
milian," II  note,  532 
Upsala,  Cathedral  of,  25 
Urbino,  Duke  of,  270 

Vaissiere,  P.  de,  "  Vie  de  Charles 
de  Marillac,"  344  note,  532 

Valenciennes,  176,  224 

Valladolid,  125 

Valois,  Madeleine  de,  her  pro- 
posed marriage  with  James  V. 
of  Scotland,  115;  her  marriage, 
147;  death,  147 

Varembon,  Marc  de  Rye,  Marquis 
of,  his  marriage  with  the 
Duchess  of  Brunswick,  5 1 1 

Vaucelles,  Abbey  of,  truce  signed 
at,  403 

Vaudemont,  Louise,  Countess  of, 
489;  christening  of  her  daugh- 
ter, 351 

Vaudemont,  Nicholas,  Count  de. 
Bishop  of  Metz,  253,  294,  295; 
his  birth,  263 ;  appointed  joint 
Regent  of  Lorraine,  302 ;  at 
the  funeral  of  the  Duke  of 
Lorraine,  309;  his  marriage, 
324;  at  Blois,  350;  loyalty  to 
Christina,  Duchess  of  Lorraine, 
358,  374.  390;  appointed  sole 
Regent,  364;  his  second  mar- 
riage, 390;  retu-es  from  pubUc 
life,  463;  christening  of  his 
daughter,  482 

Vaudemont  and  Joinville,  Ferry, 
Count  of,  257 

Vaughan,    Stephen,    Ambassador, 


175;  his  interview  with  Queen 
Mary  of  Hungary,  176;  at 
Antwerp,  201 

Veeren,  14,  36 

Vely,  M.  de,  199,  233 

Vendome,  Antoine  de  Bourbon, 
Duke  of,  179;  his  comrtship  oi 
the  Duchess  of  Milan,  207 ;  mar- 
riage with  Jeanne  d'Albret,  326 

Vendome,  Mademoiselle  de,  179 

Vercelh,  1 16 

Vercelli,  Bishop  of,  87 

Verona,  132 

Verri,  P.,  "  Storia  di  Milano,"  532 

Vertot,  R.  de,  "  Ambassades  de 
MM.  de  Noailles  en  Angleterre," 
532 

Viborg,  zz 

Vieilleville,  Governor  of  Verdun, 
380;  Memoir es,  532 

Vigevano,  83,  87,  407,  477 

Villach,  372 

Villamont,  A.,  "  Voyages,"  497 
note,  532 

Viola,  N.,  "II  Santuario  di  Tor- 
tona,"  499  note.  532 

Vives,  Louis,  6 

Voigt,  G.,  "  Albert  von  Branden- 
burg," 318  note,  532 

Vueren,  Castle  of,  8 

Waldrevange,  305 

Wallop,  Sir  John,  280 

Walpole,  Horace,  "  Anecdotes  of 
Painting,"  274  note,  532 

Wasa,  Gustavus,  276;  his  revolt 
at  Dalecarlia,  27;  lays  siege  to 
Stockliolm,  31,  33 

Wassy,  massacre  at,  471 

Willems,  Dyveke,  her  relations 
with  King  Christian  II.  of  Den- 
mark, 18;  her  sudden  death,  24 

Willems,  Hermann,  25 

Willems,  Sigebritt,  18;  appointed 
mistress  of  the  Queen  of  Den- 
mark's household,  19;  her  in- 
fluence over  King  Christian  IL, 
24;  arrested  and  burnt,  38 

Windsor,  215,  391 

Wingfield,  Sir  Robert,  Ambassa- 
dor at  Ghent,  30;  on  the  con- 
duct of  King  Christian  II.,  33, 

34 

Wolsey,  Cardinal,  at  Bruges,  30; 

his  retinue,  30 ;  interview  with 

King  Cliristian  IL,  30 
Wornum,   R.,  "Life  of  Holbein," 

159  note,  274  note,  532 


562 


INDEX 


Wotton,  Nicholas,  205;  on  the 
surrender  of  St.  Dizier,  289;  at 
the  Conference  of  Cercamp, 
428;  of  Cateau  Cambresis, 
436 

Wriothesley.  Thomas,  149,  176; 
at  Cambray,  177;  on  the  terms 
of  Henry  VIII. 's  negotiation  of 
marriage,  184;  his  interviews 
with  Queen  Mary  of  Hungary, 
189,  190;  with  Christina, 
Duchess  of  Milan,  191 -194;  his 
entertainments  at  Brussels, 
198-201 ;  detained  at   Brussels, 


202 ;  treatment,  203 ;  return  to 
England,  204 
Wiirtemberg.  Duchy  of,  339 
Wyatt,  Sir  Thomas,  Ambassador, 
145 ;  his  interviews  with 
Charles  V.,  227;  his  efforts  to 
prevent  an  alliance  between 
Christina,  Duchess  of  Milan,  and 
the  Duke  of  Cleves,  232 

Young,  Colonel  G.,  "  The  Medici," 

532 

Zeeland,  14,  43,  327,  406 
Zeneta,  Marchioness  of,  174 


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